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1
Bhatt, Deepak Chandra. „Working Environment and Benefit Differences in Indo-Nepal Labour Migration“. Far Western Review 1, Nr. 2 (31.12.2023): 46–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/fwr.v1i2.62110.
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The open border between Nepal and India has encouraged people to migrate across the border for better livelihood. People from Sudurpaschim Province are disproportionately attracted to India for four important reasons: close distance, low travel cost, access to jobs and network. Likewise, Indian people from particularly from the border towns of Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand and West Bengal States usually come to Nepal searching for employment or better opportunities. The burgeoning migration research in Nepal often ignores migration to India, and there has hardly been any research on Indian migration to Nepal. This paper attempts to make a comparative study of Indo-Nepal migration, focusing on working environment, i.e., work natures, working conditions, and their benefits such as income, and welfare benefits of both migrants’ groups. Bhimdatt Municipality of Kanchanpur District was selected as the study area. A mixed methodology has been adopted for this study. For Quantitative data collection, sample survey was conducted with 650 respondents (370 for Nepali-labour migrants to India and 270 Indian labour-migrants to Nepal). Using ISCO/08, ILO (2012), skills classification framework, this paper shows Nepali migrants works lack technical skills (91% being at basic level, as menial workers) as opposed to the Indian migrants, majority of whom have some technical skills, such as operating machines (54.3% vs. 7.3%). This has reflection on their earning and welfare benefits and condition of work and living. Indian migrants earn an average of NRs. 40635.5 per month, compared to NRs. 19061.6 earned by Nepali migrants. In case of Nepali labour-migrants who work in registered companies, business houses along with mutual agreement for job get allowances, overtime facility, medical insurance however, it is not found in case of Indian labour-migrants working in different technical sectors in Nepal. Policy makers need to work on promoting skills of the migrant workers enabling them to take up better paid jobs at home and migration destinations.
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Bhatt, Deepak Chandra. „Socio-Cultural Dynamics of Cross-Border Labour Migration between Nepal and India“. KMC Journal 6, Nr. 1 (31.01.2024): 331–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/kmcj.v6i1.62366.
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The enduring relationship between Nepal and India is the focus of this study, which delves into the social and cultural dynamics adopted by Nepali and Indian labour migrants in their respective destinations. The study extends to the examination of labour migrants' social backgrounds, encompassing aspects such as religion, caste, ethnicity, education, and family structure. Employing a mixed-methods approach, the study incorporates case studies supported by field observations in the destination countries. The gathered data undergoes analysis through descriptive statistics, allowing for a comparative assessment between the two migrant groups. While the socio-cultural status of both groups exhibits slight differences, disparities in caste and ethnicity indicators are noted between Nepal and India. Notably, a significant proportion of Nepali labour migrants hail from Dalit communities when compared to other caste and ethnic groups. In contrast, Indian labour migrants, predominantly from the Other Backward Class (OBC), exhibit a different trend. The volume of Nepali labour migrants heading to India surpasses that of Indian labour migrants to Nepal. The shorter migration distance for Indian labour migrants enables frequent visits to their place of origin, facilitating the celebration of local traditions and culture. In contrast, Nepali labour migrants encounter fewer opportunities to return to their destination regularly. A noteworthy observation is the comparatively higher educational status of Nepali labour migrants as opposed to their Indian counterparts heading to Nepal. The nuanced differences between the two migrant groups correlate with their religious affiliations and socio-economic backgrounds. Interestingly, both groups exhibit a limited number of enrolled children in destination schools, indicating a shared challenge in accessing education opportunities.
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Dhungel, Dwarika, Jagat Bhusal und Narendra Khanal. „North-Western Boundary of Nepal“. Journal of International Affairs 3, Nr. 1 (24.05.2020): 1–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/joia.v3i1.29077.
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Following the publication of new political maps by India on 2nd and 8th November 2019, the issues related to the source of Mahakali River and Indian occupation of the Nepali territory east of the river, have, once again, come to the surface. And, the Nepali civil society has come out strongly against the newly published political maps of India, prepared a new map of Nepal, showing the whole of the territory east of Mahakali River (about 400 sq. km) as Nepalese land on the basis of Treaty of Sugauli signed in 1816 by East India Company of Great Britain and Raja of Nepal. An analysis of the maps, so far available, shows that changes have been made in the names of the river and places, and there is cartographic aggression and manipulation by India in relation to Mahakali River and its boundary with Nepal’s northwest. It has also been found that Nepal has published a map in the past showing its international boundary without any basis of the treaties and other historical documents. Analysis clearly shows that the river originating from Limpiyadhura is the Mahakali (called Kalee/Kali River) as per Article 5 of the Sugauli treaty and it forms the international boundary between the two countries.
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Aryal, Saroj K. „Post-2015 India-Nepal Relations and China Factor in South Asia“. Politeja 19, Nr. 1(76) (10.05.2022): 285–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.19.2022.76.14.
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The India-Nepal relationship has always been regarded as a distinctive one because of strong cultural, political, and civil ties. The unannounced economic blockade imposed by India in 2015, however, takes the India-Nepal relationship to a cult. The misplayed neighbourhood policy of India after 2015 moved Nepal towards its northern neighbour. Likewise, for India, Nepal is equally very strategic to China as one of the signatories and the core component of the ‘Belt and Road Initiative’. Thus, the Indian-Nepal partnership bitterness and multilevel Chinese participation in Nepal is the same scenario for India’s overall neighbourhood policy misconduct and China’s growth in South Asia. This study examines the major events that occurred in Nepal after 2015, encouraging distancing relationships with India and closeness to China.
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Chand, Hari Prakash. „Dilemmas, Debates, and Development of BRI in the Himalayan Nation: A Nepali Perspective“. Journal of Foreign Affairs 3, Nr. 01 (10.10.2023): 34–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jofa.v3i01.56508.
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Nepal-China-India relations from BRI perspective is complex. Nepal joined the BRI in 2017 whereas India has not joined officially yet. But India is a founding member of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) which generally provides loans to the countries along the BRI route. Though Nepal is a part of BRI, the projects signed under the BRI are still in dilemma due to the diverse views from Nepali and Chinese sides. Against this backdrop, this paper is focused on assessing the BRI relations with Nepal and India. Moreover, the paper has assessed why India has not joined BRI and why Nepal could not implement the BRI projects even after five years of the BRI agreement. In doing so, the paper is basically descriptive under the qualitative method and no theory testing approach is adopted due to the nature of the topic of the paper. The paper concludes that Nepal should revisit its approaches and policies to effectively conduct BRI diplomacy for the sake of national pride and benefits even in Nepal-China-India complex BRI relations.
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Kandel, Ishwori Prasad. „Nepal–India Relationship After The Rise of Modi“. Historical Journal 11, Nr. 1 (01.08.2020): 8–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/hj.v11i1.34630.
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This paper has attempted to define Nepal, being a sovereign country would like to deal with India on an equitable basis. Geographically, culturally and economically, Nepal is closer to India. Nepal also realizes that it can’t ignore its southern neighbor India. The Republic of India and the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal initiated their relationship with the 1950 Indo-Nepal Treaty of Peace and Friendship and accompanying secret letters that defined security relations between the two countries, and an agreement governing both bilateral trade and trade transiting Indian territory. The Indo-Nepal border is open; Nepalese and Indian nationals may move freely across the border without passports or visas and may live and work in either country. However, Indians aren't allowed to own land-properties or work in government institutions in Nepal, while Nepalese nationals in India are allowed to work in Indian government institutions (except in some states and some civil services the IFS, IAS, and IPS). After years of dissatisfaction by the Nepalese government, India in 2014, agreed to revise and adjust the treaty to reflect the current realities, however, the modality of adjustment hasn't been made clear by either side. Due to geographical proximity, socio-cultural affinity and economic dependence of Nepal, India has strong influence on Nepal and its policy decisions.
Modi’s first visit to Nepal in August 2014 as part of his ‘neighbourhood first’ policy was highly successful. He was the first foreign leader to address the Constituent Assembly - the body tasked with drafting Nepal’s new constitution. His remarks drew widespread praise from all Nepalese political parties and seemed to promise a new beginning in India–Nepal relations. Minister Narendra Modi had expressed its displeasure at Nepal’s constitution, a position made clear in a series of statements issued by Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) in New Delhi. Citing MEA sources, Indian Express even circulated a seven-point demand for amendments to the constitution, within days of its promulgation. With the election of nationalistic leader K P Oli as prime minister in Nepal, the rift between Delhi and Kathmandu was widened, and lead to a massive humanitarian crisis, as shortages of fuel, medicines, and essential supplies become acute across Nepal, with no sign of reconciliation in sight.
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Bhattarai, Gaurav. „Geopolitical Reflections of Sino-Indian Conflict and its Implication on Nepal’s Survival Strategy“. Unity Journal 2 (11.08.2021): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/unityj.v2i0.38785.
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Border disputes between China and India in June 2020 almost lead South Asian countries to take a side. But, Nepal, situated between India and China, has always expressed a stern belief in neutrality and non-alignment. Even though New Delhi doubted Nepal’s neutrality and non-alignment citing China’s growing footprints in Nepal, Kathmandu reckoned such suspicion as the result of a new map row between two countries connected by open borders. While Nepal’s repeated calls to diplomatically resolve India-Nepal border problems remained unheeded by New Delhi, it provided room for the ruling communist party in Nepal to reap geopolitical benefits out of the Sino-Indian dispute. But, interestingly, such geopolitical benefits are usually targeted in tempering Indian influence in Nepal, by getting closer with China. Apprehending the same, this study aims to assess the geopolitical implication of Sino-Indian conflict on the survival strategy of Nepal. To fulfill the same objectives, the Chinese perception of Nepal-India relations, and Indian perception of Sino-Nepal ties have been critically assessed in this study. This study is methodologically based on the information collected from the secondary sources. In order to critically evaluate the geopolitical expression of Sino-Indian conflict in Nepal, this study reviews India’s perception of Nepal-China relations, and China’s perception of Nepal-India relations. Also, the reports and the press releases of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, historical facts, treaties, government reports and decisions have been studied and analyzed. Media sources are also reviewed to understand the diverse narratives produced on the geopolitical reflection of Sino-Indian conflict. The themes that emerged from the reviews are thematically analyzed and interpreted, to discover that cultivating relations with one country at the expense of the other may be counterproductive to Nepal’s survival strategies.
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Timalsina, Saroj Kumar. „Trade and Transit Relations between Nepal and India: Political Implications“. Journal of Economic Concerns 14, Nr. 1-2 (31.12.2023): 84–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/tjec.v14i1-2.62316.
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The goal of this study is to learn more about the Nepal-India trade and transit situation, as well as to investigate the impact of trade and transit links on political relations. The descriptive and analytical data interpretation approaches employed to achieve the defined aims. According to the study's findings, Nepal-India trade and transit relations are critical because India has used Nepal's landlocked status and trade and transit dependency for political lobbying and has influenced Nepal's political and administrative sectors as a micromanager, which is not natural for any sovereign country. The paper examined the trade and transit scenario, as well as the issues that result from being on the outer edges of Indian entrenched interests in Nepali politics and administration.
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Sanogo, Issa. „Spatial Integration of the Rice Market: Empirical Evidence from Mid-west and Far-west Nepal, and the Nepalese-Indian Border“. Asian Journal of Agriculture and Development 3, Nr. 1-2 (15.12.2006): 139–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.37801/ajad2006.3.1-2.8.
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This paper studies the integration of rice markets in the mid-west and far-west districts of Nepal. The data were drawn mainly from the World Food Programme (WFP) database on Nepal. Results indicate that the rice markets of the hinterland are poorly integrated with the regional market of Nepalgunj. In contrast, price fluctuations are transmitted, both in the short and medium run, across the Indian-Nepali border between Nepalgunj and the Indian border districts of Rupedia and Jogbani. Large price differentials relative to transport costs indicate market inefficiencies in the mid-west and far-west districts of Nepal. Moreover, the poor road infrastructure determines the price differentials. Poor infrastructure impedes price correlation and convergence between these districts. Given its opendoor policy with India and the ongoing efforts to further align trade policies with the World Trade Organization, the findings suggest that Nepal would maintain its partnership with India and build an effective market surveillance system that covers the Indian border markets as well, to ensure food security in the short run. However, substantial investment in transport infrastructure is required to improve market integration and accessibility in the long run, especially in the hilly and mountainous areas.
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Bashyal, Keshav. „A Survey on Nepali Migrants in India: An Empirical Study“. Geographic Base 7 (31.12.2020): 54–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/tgb.v7i0.34271.
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This article examines the status of Nepali migrants in Delhi-NCR, India. Due to open border, shorter distance and long-established social network, migration from Nepal to India has been unending. India has been an origin and destination country for large numbers of migrants. A treaty in 1950, between Nepal and India facilitates movement between Nepal and India. This paper analyzed the nature and pattern of migrants’ employment, education, social network, and causes of migration. Nevertheless, the improved income level, the condition of most of the migrant workers is deplorable, most of them are staying together in either poor rented houses or at slums with sharing rooms without proper provision of hygienic sanitation. Social networks are the major entry point for getting jobs, shelter and loans and for saving money. Nepali migrants in Delhi are working for basic survival rather than improvement in their living standards.
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Chand, Hari P. „Critical Issues Related to Connectivity in South Asia“. Journal of International Affairs 3, Nr. 1 (24.05.2020): 68–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/joia.v3i1.29084.
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This paper mainly deals with connectivity of Nepal with neighboring countries and beyond. Nepal entered into an agreement with India for a Raxaul – Kathmandu railway line survey last year. After rail connectivity is established with India, Nepal is expected to benefit through transport costs compared to existing road connectivity. Nepal also signed an MoU with India for the development of inland water ways during the last visit by Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli to India. This is expected to provide Nepal with greater opportunities of better connection with Indian ports to promote trade with her southern neighbor and beyond. Moreover, Nepal and Chinese governments have agreed to work together to construct a rail link between Kerung and Kathmandu. This should allow Indian and Chinese railways to link in Kathmandu although that may yet take some time. Similarly, if Nepal deals tactfully with India and Bangladesh to make the Kathmandu-Kakarvitta-Phulbari-Banglabandha corridor function smoothly, there is a high possibility of establishing China-Nepal-India-Bangladesh (CNIB) Economic Corridor in the future. This paper attempts to explain the critical geo-political issues and challenges in connectivity facing Nepal. This paper is based on secondary data and both the qualitative and quantitative methods have been adopted for analysis. The key point of arguments presented by the paper is that all South Asian countries need to come up with “Connectivity Diplomacy”, preferably on the Track 1.5 level.
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Brott, Shirley. „News of The Academy of Neonatal Nursing“. Neonatal Network 26, Nr. 6 (November 2007): 385–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0730-0832.26.6.385.
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Through your generous donations, ANN’s contribution of $2,500 to the Council of International Neonatal Nurses (COINN) enabled two neonatal nurses to attend the 6th International Neonatal Nursing Conference in New Delhi, India, organized by the National Neonatal Forum of India. The recipients of the scholarships are Shobha Nepali and Shela Akbar Ali Hirani. Ms. Nepali is from Nepal and currently is the president of the Nepal Australia Maitri Sangh Association. Ms. Hirani is an instructor at the Aga Khan University School of Nursing in Karachi, Pakistan. According to Ms. Nepali, “I was so excited; it was my first trip to New Dehli, India. At the conference, there was a common feeling among neonatal nurses that their voices were not being heard and they have no influence on budget decisions. I can clearly see the discontent among nurses in developing countries who have advanced skills. Nonetheless, nurses from India have pursued recognition of their rights, as shown by the inauguration of the Indian Association of Neonatal Nurses. During the COINN conference we prioritized the following action points: (1) better nurse education and clinical training, (2) an exchange program for global unity, and (3) research focus on evidence. I am grateful to COINN for providing me with such a great opportunity to attend the 6th International Neonatal Nursing Conference 2007. I refreshed my knowledge and expertise, and I will try my best to share this among the people of Nepal.”
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Khatiwada, Rajesh. „Nepali“. Journal of the International Phonetic Association 39, Nr. 3 (12.11.2009): 373–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100309990181.
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Nepali, a language of the Indo-Aryan family, is the official language of Nepal. According to the 2001 population census of Nepal, more than 11 million Nepalese (48.61% of the total population) claim this language as their mother tongue. It is also spoken in other countries of South Asia, such as India and Bhutan, as well as by members of the Nepalese Diaspora around the world. The population census of India of 1991 reported that more than two million Indians use Nepali as their mother tongue. Within Nepal, Nepali shows some dialectal variation mainly linked to geographical and socio-cultural factors. Nevertheless, the dialect called the ‘eastern’ dialect spoken by a majority of Nepali speakers shows rather little variation (Bandhu et al. 1971).
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Dahal, Gaurav Raja. „The Nepal’s Political Relationship with India: Under the Lens of Path Dependency Theory“. Dhaulagiri Journal of Sociology and Anthropology 14 (30.12.2020): 131–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/dsaj.v14i0.26207.
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The recent developments in Nepal’s politics from the abolition of autocratic monarchy, promulgation of a new constitution to successful completion of local, provincial, and federal level elections can be perceived as Nepal’s politics achieving miraculous success in forming democracy. Throughout the history, heavy reliance on the Indian economy has been considered as a major hurdle to Nepal’s sovereignty. This paper analyzes the Nepal-India relationship through path-dependent theory and argues that with series of above mentioned democratic success, the contemporary Nepali foreign policy towards India is at a critical juncture where Nepal can incorporate new changes to make its policies independent and uninfluenced by the Indian government. Analyzing the series of political and democratic events and foreign policies implemented to date, this paper aims to understand how the Nepali leadership can utilize these recent series of democratic successes as a turning point to break the traditional approach of forming policies to appease the Indian government and receive political and economic support and implement new policy changes leveraging on the multilateral organizations and developmental partners for its support economically and politically.
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Dahal, Gaurav Raja. „The Nepal’s Political Relationship with India: Under the Lens of Path Dependency Theory“. Dhaulagiri Journal of Sociology and Anthropology 14 (30.12.2020): 131–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/dsaj.v14i0.26207.
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The recent developments in Nepal’s politics from the abolition of autocratic monarchy, promulgation of a new constitution to successful completion of local, provincial, and federal level elections can be perceived as Nepal’s politics achieving miraculous success in forming democracy. Throughout the history, heavy reliance on the Indian economy has been considered as a major hurdle to Nepal’s sovereignty. This paper analyzes the Nepal-India relationship through path-dependent theory and argues that with series of above mentioned democratic success, the contemporary Nepali foreign policy towards India is at a critical juncture where Nepal can incorporate new changes to make its policies independent and uninfluenced by the Indian government. Analyzing the series of political and democratic events and foreign policies implemented to date, this paper aims to understand how the Nepali leadership can utilize these recent series of democratic successes as a turning point to break the traditional approach of forming policies to appease the Indian government and receive political and economic support and implement new policy changes leveraging on the multilateral organizations and developmental partners for its support economically and politically.
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Heinen, Joel T., und Blair Leisure. „A new look at the Himalayan fur trade“. Oryx 27, Nr. 4 (Oktober 1993): 231–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0030605300028143.
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In late December 1991 and January 1992 the authors surveyed tourist shops selling fur and other animal products in Kathmandu, Nepal. Comparing the results with a study conducted 3 years earlier showed that the number of shops had increased, but indirect evidence suggested that the demand for their products may have decreased. There was still substantial trade in furs, most of which appeared to have come from India, including furs from species that are protected in India and Nepal. While both Nepali and Indian conservation legislation are adequate to control the illegal wildlife trade, there are problems in implementation: co-ordination between the two countries, as well as greater law enforcement within each country, are needed
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Dahal, Girdhari. „Nepal and India Relation After 12 Points Understanding“. Journal of Political Science 20 (04.10.2020): 61–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jps.v20i0.31795.
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With multidimensional aspects, Nepal India relation is historical, social, political and culturally embodied. Both countries adhere to a unique relationship of friendship and cooperation characterized by open borders and deep-rooted people-to-people contacts of kinship and culture. Pedestal on secondary data this article aims to discuss the major developments in Indo-Nepal relation after 12 points understanding. Nepalese and Indian governments, in order to review the past treaties and agreements between the two countries, made EPG of four members each from both countries. Similarly, Nepal and India exchanged high level visits between them. Nepal made a new constitution in 2015 and promulgated it. However, India was not satisfied with some of the content of it, so India imposed unilateral blockade. Later, Nepal India relation was normalized, and again, Nepal and India have a dispute on Limpiyadhura-Lipulekh border. The vital concern is what has happened to the relations built on historical ties? This paper looks at the relations India once had with Nepal, and where it stands today. There have been many ups and downs in Nepal India relation after 12 points understanding and even during the present border dispute. However, all problems and disputes can be solved through diplomatic dialogues at various levels. Bilateral relations can grow further with unfaltering commitment to the doctrines of peaceable coexistence, sovereign equality, and understanding of each other’s aspirations and sensitivities.
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Bhatt, Deepak Chandra. „Embarking on a Journey: A Comparative Study of Selecting Ideal Migration Destination among Nepalese and Indian Labor Migrants“. Journal of Engineering Technology and Planning 4, Nr. 1 (12.09.2023): 60–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/joetp.v4i1.58442.
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Indian labour migrants come to Nepal in search of better opportunities and at the same time, larger size of Nepali labour migrants migrate to different cities of India. The objective of this study is focused to describe and compare the migration process of labour migrants between Nepal and India. With pragmatism paradigm of post-positivism, mixed methodology (QUAN-qual) has been implemented to explain the research questions, where quantitative is predominant methodology. Quantitative method included survey with a sample of 650 households and qualitative method included one focus group discussion with both migrants group and two key Informant Interviews (KII) having long experience and knowledge in Nepal-India migration. For this research, Bhimdatt Municipality of Kanchanpur district is selected for the study area. The study showed that about 30 percent people from Bhimdatt Municipality migrate to the capital city Delhi. Similarly, 16 percent to Karnataka, 11.4 percent to Punjab, 10.6 percent to Maharashtra, 7.2 percent to Uttarakhand, 6 percent to Haryana and others move to Gujarat, Himanchal Pradesh, Goa, Uttar Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh and Rajasthan. This finding challenges Revenstein's theory of migration in which the distance between the origins determines the volume of migration between place of origin and destination i.e., higher the distance, lower the volume of migration and vice versa. The main source of information seems to be generated with relatives and friends (50.9%) for both the migrants. The movement of Nepali labour migrants is found to different big Indian cities with longer distance however Indian labour migrants to Nepal choose near distance as their destination. Near distance, open border and social relationship (network) are the main causes of selection of their particular destinations.
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Vaidya, Rashesh, Nikita Lohani und Parshuma Lacoul. „Impact of Socio-cultural Business Environment on Entrepreneurial Intention: A Study among Nepalese Muslim Community“. Journal of Business and Management Review 3, Nr. 6 (16.06.2022): 448–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.47153/jbmr36.3552022.
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Muslims in Nepal historically originated from the Indian subcontinent, mainly from India, and from Tibet. Kashmiri Muslim traders first arrived at Kathmandu Valley during King Ratna Malla Regime (1484-1520 AD) and then followed by Afghans, Persians, and even Arabian. Finally, the Tibetan Muslims entered Nepal after being displaced from China. The Muslims from India migrated to the Terai region of Nepal after invasion of British in India. The Muslims in Nepal are seen as highly integrated with the Hindu communities as well as the business they are doing are related to the Hindu community. The main purpose of the earlier migration of the Muslim community in Nepal was basically to establish or run a business. Hence, the paper tries to find out the impact of the socio-cultural business environment on entrepreneurial intention among the Nepalese Muslim community. The paper has taken a sample of 180 Nepalese Muslims. The paper found that the people from Nepalese Muslim community are not highly educated. The major communicating language of the community is seen as Nepali. Under socio-culture factors, the respondents stressed that education could play a vital role in enhancing their entrepreneurial quality. Similarly, parents are seen as role models among the community to embrace self-employment. Religious and social system factors are not seen as influencing factors in enhancing entrepreneurial intentions among the Nepalese Muslim community.
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Subba, Tanka B. „Race, Identity and Nationality: Relocating Nepali Nationalism in India“. Millennial Asia 9, Nr. 1 (April 2018): 6–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0976399617753750.
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This article contextualises the relationship between race, identity and nationality with the case of Nepalis in India, who are historically, racially, culturally, and linguistically heterogeneous but socially constructed as a homogenous community in India. It surmises that relocating Indian Nepalis, without a reference to the country of their origin no matter when they came from Nepal, without considering India’s bilateral relationship with Nepal, and without linking Indian Nepalis with the Madhesi or Nepal Nepalis, seems an extremely challenging, if not impossible, task.
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Taneja, Nisha, Shravani Prakash, Samridhi Bimal, Sakshi Garg und Riya Roy. „Indo-Nepal Trade and Investment: An Analysis“. India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 76, Nr. 2 (08.05.2020): 243–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928420917799.
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India and Nepal have traditionally shared a unique relationship of friendship and economic cooperation. The relationship is characterised by an open and people-friendly border and is built on shared historical, cultural, linguistic and ethnic links between people residing in India and Nepal. With Nepal being a priority under India ‘Neighborhood First’ policy, strengthening the economic relationship holds immense significance and potential for both the countries. While the political relations between India and Nepal have been extensively studied, there is not much literature that explores the economic relationship between the two nations. This is an important issue to study, as India is Nepal’s largest export market, the biggest source of its imports, the top investor of foreign capital stock and among the largest donors of foreign aid. India also provides Nepal transit facility through its territory to access seaports for trading with the rest of the world. Given this, the main objective of this article is to suggest policy measures, which can increase bilateral trade and investment between India and Nepal. The article analyses the bilateral trade patterns and estimates the maximum additional trade potential. A wide range of issues of importance pertaining to bilateral trade, including tariffs, levy of an agricultural reform fee, under utilisation of the tariff rate quota, non-tariff measures, issues related to Rules of Origin (ROO) and physical barriers to cross-border movement of goods are discussed. The trends and changing sectoral composition of India’s investment in Nepal and barriers and opportunities for Indian investment in Nepal are also analysed. The article concludes by charting a way forward for bolstering economic cooperation between the two countries by listing down recommendations for enhancing trade, addressing non-tariff barriers, upgrading infrastructure to improve connectivity and enhancing Indian FDI in Nepal. JEL Classification: F10, F13, F15, F50, F53, P45
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Bashyal, Keshav. „Nepali Migrants Political Activisms in India and their Engagement with Homeland“. Journal of International Affairs 1, Nr. 1 (03.10.2016): 31–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/joia.v1i1.22639.
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Dominance of research on Nepalis migration to India is considers as ‘for livelihood’, ‘passage of rites’, ‘taken for granted’, more importantly ’tradition’ or ‘Kamaune’ for majority of Nepalis. Nepal is an oldest nation-state of South Asia and its democracy had been, for a number of times, suspended or dismissed which forced Nepali leaders to exile in India. It still continues in different ways. Nepal’s political development is directly or indirectly influenced by political activism in India. India has been important ‘space’ for Nepal’s political change and it also has been a place for migrant’s political activism since a long time.
Out of several Nepali migrants’ organizations in India, some are active in transnational political mobilizations. This study will look into the concept, evolution and contemporary discourse of the political transnationalism. It examines in the framework of transnationalism; development process of major political parties in Nepal, and situation of Nepali migrant’s political activisms in India and their associations with homeland politics.
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Poudel, Santosh Sharma. „‘Balance’ in Nepali Foreign Policy: Experiences before 1990“. Prashasan: Nepalese Journal of Public Administration 52, Nr. 1 (01.10.2021): 189–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/prashasan.v52i1.44583.
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‘Balanced foreign policy’ is a term which is frequently used by decision makers, academics, political leaders and general public in Nepal’s foreign policy, especially concerning our immediate neighborhood. The Foreign Policy of Nepal- 2077 also states that Nepal practices balanced and independent (santulit and swatantra) foreign policy. The issue is being debated further in recent years as some felt that Nepal’s foreign policy tilted towards China after the Indian blockade of 2015. However, there seems to be no common understanding of what ‘balance’ means or what does it imply for Nepali foreign policy. Drawing on the foreign policy of Nepal from 1950-1990, this paper argues that Nepal has not practiced ‘balanced’ foreign policy in those years. Nepal has bandwagon with India, diversified its relations, and attempted neutrality. This paper, further, argues that ‘balance’ implies a zero-sum game mentality. Hence, ‘balance of power’ is neither desirable nor achievable. Nepali foreign policy requires a major national discussion on its foreign policy and framing that relies on mutual gains.
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Rijal, Mukti Ram. „The Exaggeration of India–China Competition in Nepalese Politics“. Asian Survey 60, Nr. 3 (Mai 2020): 534–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2020.60.3.534.
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I coded 166 pieces published in the Kantipur and Nagarik daily newspapers from 2008 to 2016 to analyze Nepalese media perception of the growing claims of India–China competition in Nepal. India is perceived as primarily responsible for the political instability in Nepal, and India–China competition is perceived as a secondary, much smaller factor. China itself is not perceived as contributing to political instability in Nepal; it is perceived as indifferent to Nepalese politics. Indian over-engagement, suggestions, and even pressures in Nepal are perceived as interventions in Nepalese politics, while China has successfully cultivated an image of cooperation and of indifference to internal Nepalese affairs.
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Timalsina, Saroj Kumar. „Nepal-India Relation: Migration Perspective“. Batuk 8, Nr. 1 (30.03.2022): 96–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/batuk.v8i1.43511.
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People of Nepal and India share similar civilization having open border through which citizens of both countries easily migrate in each-others’ countries with no obstacles for lawful work. Mostly, people of both countries migrate for job but Nepalese people migrate to join in British – Indian regiments too and some people migrate for long term settlement and some are for illegal flesh trade. This article has dealt about Nepalese and Indian migrants in both countries and its scenario in an analytical ways on the basis of qualitative research method being centralized to the objectives of this research work. This study also focuses on economic, social, cultural and political prospects and impact of migration in both the countries.
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Limbu, Prem Prasad. „Military Diplomacy as A Soft Power Strategy: Nepal-India Relations since 2015“. Unity Journal 3, Nr. 01 (06.03.2022): 51–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/unityj.v3i01.43315.
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The military diplomacy has increasingly occupied a wider space in Nepal-India bilateral ties. It has been an effective soft power instrument to convey the message of alive relationship, to bond the ties stronger and to revive the strained relationships. Today, it has got a central place of political as well as public concern. Such glorious history of military diplomacy begins after the challenging official visit of Chief of Army Staff (CoAS) of Nepal to India in 2016 and successful role to revive the severely ruined Nepal-India relationships by ending the unofficial blockade of India imposed to Nepal. Later, it has been recertified considering the Indian Army (IA) Chief’s visit to Nepal in 2020 as an icebreaker visit to reset soured bilateral relationship between two immediate neighbors developed after a bitter boarder row dispute in Kalapani-Lipulekh-Limpiyadhura area. These instances produce a new sequence, value and significance of military diplomacy in contemporary Nepal-India ties and raise a question. Why and how the military diplomacy as a soft power strategy is a constructive and useful in diplomatic relation of two democratic states Nepal and India in the twenty-first century. This study answers this question through the secondary data interpretation observed in practices of military diplomacy employed between two states and analyses of them by linking to the concept of soft power thematically in qualitative style. For this, Indian unofficial blockade imposed upon Nepal and Kalapani-Lipulekh-Limpiyadhura territorial border dispute started since 2019 are two major issues of study. The study finds, the issue of economic blockade and boarder row produced during 2015-2021 are the main factors which shifted the Nepal-India ties into a new paradigm, expanded the role of military diplomacy in new heights and developed a new public trust upon the military performance as a soft power in diplomatic realm. To present this idea, the writing contains contextual and conceptual operations of military diplomacy, soft-power and realism in first part, detail account of practice of military diplomacy in middle part, and conclusion in last part.
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Sameera Imran. „Sino-Indian Strategic Balancing in Nepal“. Strategic Studies 41, Nr. 1 (09.05.2021): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.041.01.0055.
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This article examines Sino-Indian power balancing in Nepal to explore Kathmandu’s policy options for security. Traditionally, both regional giants have sought to co-opt Nepal in a bid to outflank the other in the Himalayan region. India has exercised greater leverage profiting on ethnic and economic connections. Presently, China’s rise has offered Kathmandu a window of opportunity to substitute the Indian foothold in Nepal. China’s strategic leverage has increased due to the up-gradation of Sino-Nepalese political and economic connections. Nepal’s tilt towards Beijing has led New Delhi to seek reassurances from Kathmandu. Sino-Indian overlapping cultural and competing politico-strategic objectives has increased Kathmandu’s volatility to foreign intervention. The interplay of Sino-Indian regional balancing has constrained policy options for its security. Within this context, the article seeks to analyse the following questions: a.) What are Sino-Indian power ambitions and policy objectives in Nepal? b.) How has China’s expansion of influence impacted on Nepal-India relations and Kathmandu’s policy options for security? The theoretical cushion of neo-classical realism, employing qualitative techniques of content analysis has provided a befitting context to study Nepal’s security challenges. The article argues that Kathmandu’s security drive has to tread on a thin rope of power balancing caught in between India and China. Nepal balances between its tightly knit historic ties with India and the new opportunity dawned in building connections with Beijing. Nepal’s approach marks philosophical approach of Kautilya’s Raja Mandala as an expression of expedient move to win security.
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Chand, Deepjyoti. „Trade Embargo as a Geopolitical Tool: A Case of Nepal-India Trade Relations“. Polish Political Science Review 6, Nr. 1 (01.12.2018): 50–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ppsr-2018-0004.
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AbstractAs interdependence grows, economic issues are increasingly political in their nature and impact, and political issues are increasingly economic. The interdependence is acute in issues that relate to international trade, and especially in the case of landlocked countries. Nepal is one such land-locked country, being between India and China, whose economy depends on the trade relations with its neighbouring countries. Two-thirds of Nepalese trade depends on India. The article presents a summary of Nepal-India trade cooperation, primarily the Nepalese dependence in trade and transit route to India and its effects. It also presents an overview of the trade pattern between the two countries and focuses on the trade embargoes by India. The article analyses the reason behind the embargoes of 1969, 1989 and 2015 and how the situations have been resolved. The embargoes imposed by India on Nepal seem to be more political in nature and their impacts are both political and economic. The Indian embargoes in Nepal follow an objective of compliance, deterrence and subversion. By analysing India’s pursuance of trade embargoes against Nepal, the article reaffirms that landlocked nations such as Nepal are susceptible to manipulation by geopolitical threats since neighbouring countries adjust trade ties or use trade ties to fulfil their political, security and economic interests.
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SHAVRIN, ALEXEY V. „A revision of the genus Omalium Gravenhorst, 1802 (Coleoptera: Staphylinidae: Omaliinae) of the Himalayan region“. Zootaxa 5369, Nr. 2 (09.11.2023): 151–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.5369.2.1.
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Five species groups are established for 18 species of the genus Omalium Gravenhorst, 1802 from the Himalayan region: Acutangulum group containing O. acutangulum sp. n. (central Nepal) and O. amicorum sp. n. (Nepal); Amplissimum group containing O. amplissimum sp. n. (eastern Nepal) and O. bilobum sp. n. (eastern Nepal); Caesum group containing Palaearctic O. littorale Kraatz, 1857 and O. humerale Cameron, 1924 (India: Uttarakhand); Oxyacanthae group containing O. alticola Cameron, 1941 (India: Kashmir, Uttarakhand; western Nepal), O. altivagans Bernhauer, 1915 (India: Kashmir), O. beesoni Cameron, 1924 (India: Uttarkhand; western Nepal) O. marginatum Cameron, 1941 (India: Kashmir, Punjab; eastern Nepal), O. scapulare Coiffait, 1982 (India: West Bengal; western Nepal); Rivulare group containing O. angustissimum sp. n. (central Nepal), O. cariosum Cameron, 1924 (India: Uttarakhand), O. flavotestaceum sp. n. (India: West Bengal; eastern Nepal), O. kumari sp. n. (western Nepal), O. latocavum sp. n. (central Nepal), O. nigrum Coiffait, 1982 (Nepal) and O. secretum Cameron, 1924 (India: Uttarakhand; Nepal). Each species group is briefly discussed and keyed. Species in each group are (re-) described, illustrated, and their geographical distributions are mapped. Three synonyms are established: O. alticola = O. monticola Cameron, 1941 syn. n., O. beesoni = O. parallelicollis Coiffait, 1982 syn. n., O. littorale = O. gartneri Coiffait, 1982 syn. n. Lectotypes are designated for O. (s. str.) beesoni, O. (s. str.) cariosum, O. (s. str.) humerale and O. (s. str.) secretum. Additional material on O. littorale from Middle Asia is provided. Several species of the genus are recorded for the first time from certain areas: O. alticola for Uttarakhand (India) and Nepal, O. littorale for Pakistan, O. marginatum for Punjab (India) and Nepal, O. scapulare for India (Uttarakhand, West Bengal), and O. secretum for Uttarakhand (India).
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Pun, Santa Bahadur. „Reflections on SAARC Framework Agreement for Energy Cooperation (Electricity) Vis-a-vis India’s “Guidelines on Cross Border Trade of Electricity”“. Hydro Nepal: Journal of Water, Energy and Environment 22 (14.01.2018): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/hn.v22i0.18989.
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Despite the Indo-Nepal Electric Power Trade, Cross Border Transmission and Grid Connectivity Agreement of October 2014 and despite the SAARC Framework Agreement on Energy Cooperation (Electricity) of November 2014, the Government of India issued the discriminatory Guidelines on Cross Border Trade of Electricity on December 5, 2016. The Guidelines provide preferential one-time approval for all entities with 51% or more Indian ownership wishing to export electricity from Nepal to India. All other entities, the Guidelines stated, had to undergo the case-to-case basis. Historically, such unilateral actions have always been the modus operandi of India. Despite the regular regional cooperation preaching by India, Nepal will have to, like the Tanakpur and Laxmanpur barrages, BUT accept India’s discriminatory December 2016 Guidelines as her fait accompli! HYDRO Nepal JournalJournal of Water Energy and EnvironmentIssue No: 22Page: 1-4Uploaded date: January 14, 2018
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Kharel, Khom Raj, und Dhan Raj Chalise. „Extracting Trading Locus: Where we are in Indo-Nepal Trade?“ Nepalese Journal of Development and Rural Studies 17 (31.12.2020): 41–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/njdrs.v17i0.34951.
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Nepal and India have had trade relations since time immemorial. Nepal was known as an exporting nation in the ancient times. Before the trade agreement between Nepal-Britain Treaty in1923, Nepal's trade with India was more than 95 percent. Despite various treaties and agreements between Nepal and India, Nepal's trade with India now accounts for around 65 percent of total trade. Despite the trade and mutual relations between Nepal and India, India has been treating Nepal on the basis of benefits. In different time periods, India has been creating problems in trade and transit, contrary to international norms and trade and transit treaties, under various pretexts. The objective of this paper is to review of Indo-Nepal trade and transit treaties and analyzing the present status. Descritptive and analytical research design is applied and simple statistical tools are used to analyze the growth and direction of foreign trade of Nepal. Linear regression model is applied to measure the total trade with India and total volume of foreign trade of Nepal. This study has found that there has been significant contribution of total trade with India to the total volume of foreign trade of Nepal. The import trade of Nepal with India is extremely high in comparison to export trade and total trade balance and trade balance with India has been increasing with a huge deficit.
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Taneja, Nisha, Subhanil Chowdhury und Shravani Prakash. „India–Nepal Economic Cooperation“. India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 67, Nr. 2 (Juni 2011): 129–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492841006700203.
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Kumar, Rajeev. „India–Nepal Open Border“. International Studies 50, Nr. 1-2 (Januar 2013): 165–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881716654406.
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Kunwar, Laxman Singh. „Causes and Consequences of Cross-border Migration of Nepalese People to India“. Patan Pragya 11, Nr. 02 (31.12.2022): 75–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/pragya.v11i02.52039.
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Nepal and India share an open border as per the agreements of a bilateral treaty signed in 1950.According to the treaty, people of both countries can travel and work across the border and are to be treated at par with the native citizens. Due to its poor economic condition, Nepal has been supplying labour to India since Nepalese were recruited as ‘Gorkhas’ in the British Indian army after the Anglo-Nepal war of 1814-16. The 1991 and 2001 Censuses of Nepal recorded that absentee population from Nepal towards India constituted 89.2 and 79 per cent of the total migrants respectively, though this phenomenon has changed over the recent years. There has been increasing a trend of migration to Gulf countries, Asian Tiger States, American and European countries. This article is based on secondary data sources. People who are not that much skilled and have not enough resources are going to south East Asian countries, mainly to Malaysia, and Middle East. Nearly more than four-fifths of per cent absenteeism from Nepal remained in India. The similar socio-cultural, religious patterns, historical and geographical setting favor in participating on cross-border migration between two countries.
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Pant, Bhuwaneswor. „Socio economic impact of undeclared blockade of India on Nepal“. Research Nepal Journal of Development Studies 1, Nr. 1 (05.10.2018): 18–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/rnjds.v1i1.21270.
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Indian unofficial or undeclared blocked was a terrible move. It was a move on the part of Indian diplomacy. India imposed it, it was very transparent but not acceptable. Diplomacy is getting thing done without speaking or telling nastiest words in nicest manner. What had happened in southern border of Nepal? What was Indian's role? The study attempts to find out the reason of undeclared blocked of 2015 and identify the socio economic impact of this blocked imposed during the dark days of great earthquake in Nepal. Can a neighbor do so? India did it but did not speak a single word. The study has been conducted to analyze the impacts of the issue. Library method and comparative review methods were applied to analyze the impacts it had on Nepal. They tried to minimize the Chinese Communists influences but the move was wrong. So, Nepalese citizens cast their vote to elect communist parties with full majority. Indian policy was concentrated on causing instability in Nepal. Nepalese diplomacy proved to be ineffective to put pressure on Indian government for amending the Sugauli Treaty and the Treaty of 1950 as well as addressing controversy over Kalapani, Susta and Lipulek. At the time of election, all the political parties raised the issue against India as KP Oli did and successfully won the election. The pain of blockade is not forgotten in the name of improving bilateral relations.Research Nepal Journal of Development Studies Vol.1(1) 2018 18-27
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Baniya, Dharma Bahadur. „The Thriving Strategy for Nepal amidst Triangular Competition of China, India, and the United States“. Unity Journal 4, Nr. 01 (15.02.2023): 112–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/unityj.v4i01.52234.
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Nepal’s geostrategic position between the world’s emerging ‘rival’ powers, China and India in the South Asian Region (SAR) has shaped the Nepali people’s psyche. Our neighbors are competing for their economic and security interests over Nepal. Nepal is also strategically important to the United States (US) because of its geographical proximity to China’s Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) and increased Chinese footprints in the region, including Nepal. As a result of the relative weakening of America’s dominant position and the gradual shifting of the geopolitical and economic gravity to the Indo–Pacific, the US aims to reshape alliances and partnerships to counterbalance China’s rise in this new geostrategic space. The Sino–Indian silence over ongoing the Russo–Ukraine war, the Sino–US trade war, Indo–China border dispute, a strong China–Pakistan cooperation, a multi–faceted Indo–US strategic partnership, including the former’s dominant role in the Indo–Pacific Strategy (IPS) and Quad Security Dialogue (Quad) to counter the growing significance of China’s Bridge and Road Initiative (BRI), and the BRI vs. the IPS are major developments taking place in the periphery of Nepal. Nepal’s strategic significance has been further enhanced as a result of the US’ efforts to include it in its IPS so that Nepal could be used as a lever in targeting Chinese influence in the region. In an environment of such conflicting interests, immediate neighbors and the US are trying to expand their influence in various forms over Nepal. With this background, this article endeavors to highlight the latest developments in Nepal’s bilateral relationship with these powers, analytically examine the triangular competition with its implications, and forward relevant recommendations for its security and survival by diplomatically balancing these powers and forestalling their undue pressures. The article is subjectively prepared by analytically reviewing the literature on Nepal under the strategic significance of China, India and the US.
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Baral, Bhim Nath. „Neighborhood Interest and Security Concerns in Nepal: A Geopolitical Perspective“. Journal of Political Science 21 (26.02.2021): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jps.v21i0.35262.
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Pedestaled on both descriptive and analytical data acquired from secondary sources, this article analyzes the interests of China and India, Nepal’s immediate neighbors. Their interest is examined from security point of view against the backdrop of increased Sino-Indian dynamics of competition in Nepal, using a geopolitical perspective. Security is the vital concept in the study of global politics. The world political dynamics is changing rapidly and security dimensions are also changing with it. Both China and India are trying to be the superpowers in the world. So, it is natural for them to influence regional and world politics in accordance of their own interest. In the present time, both of them are contesting to strengthen their position in Nepal due to their strategic position in the regional politics of South Asia. Nepal cannot remain isolated from the interest of immediate neighbors. Nepal’s geographical proximity to Tibetan Autonomous Region of China and the issue of Tibetan refugee heightened China’s security concerns in Nepal. India, on the other hand, has also remained highly concerned with the increasing Chinese engagement in Nepal as India and Nepal share a long and open border contingent with the 1950 Treaty of Peace and Friendship. In this context of trilateral quandary, it is necessary to balance the China-India paradox because both are equally important for Nepal's security, peace and development.
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VIRAKTAMATH, C. A. „Revision of the leafhopper tribe Krisnini (Hemiptera: Cicadellidae: Iassinae) of the Indian subcontinent“. Zootaxa 1338, Nr. 1 (19.10.2006): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.1338.1.1.
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Two genera of the leafhopper tribe Krisnini, Gessius Distant & Krisna Kirkaldy, that occur in the Indian subcontinent, are redefined and a key to separate them is provided. Gessius verticalis Distant is redescribed. Eleven species of Krisna, including eight new species [namely: K. bakeri sp. nov. (Nepal: Katmandu, India: Uttaranchal), K. burmanica (Myanmar), K. delta sp. nov. (Nepal), K. megha sp. nov. (India: Assam, Meghalaya), K. raja sp. nov. (India: Kerala), K. varia sp. nov. (India: Karnataka, Kerala, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu), K. veni (India: West Bengal), and K. walayari sp. nov. (India: Kerala)] are described and illustrated. A key to identify these species is also provided.
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Bagale, Dharma Raj. „Nepal–India water cooperation: consequences of mutuality or hegemony?“ Water Policy 22, Nr. 6 (30.10.2020): 1098–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wp.2020.135.
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Abstract This article reviews the relationship between Nepal and India, particularly in water resources cooperation. The two South Asian neighbours have entered into a number of agreements/treaties in water resources, namely, Sarada Agreement (1920), Kosi Agreement (1954), Gandak Agreement (1959) and Mahakali Treaty (1996). Nepal is criticized within the country for being unable to secure its benefits, and that all the agreements are in India's favour. However, the Indian side claims that overpoliticization of water issues in Nepal is the reason for not achieving the benefits from these agreements. Since the Mahakali Treaty, there has been deadlock in Nepal–India water cooperation as the implementation of the treaty has not materialized even after more than two decades since its ratification. Therefore, all the forms of cooperation in the past between Nepal and India can be viewed as the consequence of hydro-hegemony rather than mutuality. The article concludes that both nations need to move forward to create mutual trust for the equitable utilization of water resources, as there is huge potential for constructive cooperation.
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Khanal, Rajesh Kesar. „Nepal-India Trade: Pre and Post Globalization Comparisons“. Voice: A Biannual & Bilingual Journal 15, Nr. 1 (31.08.2023): 55–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/voice.v15i1.57963.
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Nepal and India have trade relations since pre historic age. The pattern of trade between these two countries has not remained same from prehistoric age to the current period. Nepal and British India signed first treaty of commerce in 1st March, 1792. Nepal’s had trade surplus with British India before both the countries signed a treaty of friendship on December 21, 1923 AD. Nepal’s trade deficit with India has been increasing. Nepal introduced country-wise and commodity-wise trade diversification initiatives to raise its export to India and lessen its reliance on India in international trade. Nepal has brought several reformations in trade policies though after 1991 when it liberalized its economy for increasing export and reducing volume of trade deficit. This study compares India-Nepal trade in past before down of democracy in Nepal, in between 1950 to 1990 and after 1990 in order to analyse effects of various trade treaties and policies in Nepal-India trade. It uses historical-analytical method using secondary sources of data to carry out the study. It covers data from 1900 AD to 2020/21. The study finds that various revisions in trade treaties between Nepal and India and trade reformation policies have not been effective in increasing export of Nepal, its trade deficit and dependency in India.
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GC, Arun, Sirish Pun, Sudip Devkota und Kiran Ghimire. „Diagnostic Study of Ginger Market Access for Eastern and Western region of Nepal“. Turkish Journal of Agriculture - Food Science and Technology 7, Nr. 3 (12.03.2019): 479. http://dx.doi.org/10.24925/turjaf.v7i3.479-486.2153.
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Ginger (Zingiber officinale) is one of the important spices in the world. Nepal is the fourth largest producers of ginger in the world, which produced 271.863 MT in 2016. In Nepal, seventy districts are producing ginger and around 400.000 households are involving in the ginger farming which is the chief source of the household income. Moreover, ginger has prioritized by several policies and strategies of the Government of Nepal. This paper examined the production trend and market access of Nepali ginger considering the ginger global market. A diagnostic study of production, value addition, and the marketing system was carried out between the eastern and the western part of Nepal. The secondary information was reviewed and analysed for the study. Likewise, the key informant survey was performed for the primary data and information. For Nepali ginger, India is found constantly top destination. The result of price index suggested that Nepali ginger is losing significant potential earning by not having top most lucrative markets for fresh ginger. Moreover, the trend of the export is ever fluctuating and the result showed that trade of ginger to India in term of export is more stable from the western region as compared to the eastern region. The study found that the major determinants of ginger market access are quality of ginger produced, value addition, level of trade facilitation, and domestic production and the import of India from other countries.
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Ranjan, Amit. „Contours of India - Nepal Relationship and Trans-Boundary Rivers Water Disputes“. Journal of International Affairs 1, Nr. 1 (03.10.2016): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/joia.v1i1.22637.
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India and Nepal share about 1800 square kilometres of porous border, inhabit the majority of their members from the same religious group and have symbiotic interdependent on each other; yet they are engaged into disputes over many issues. It is always alleged by Nepal that India does not consider it as a sovereign country rather as one of its own administrative unit. The basis of this allegation is behaviour of Indian establishment and its epistemic community towards Nepal. The political tensions between the two countries have kept on surfacing at intermittent period and have influenced the water sharing arrangements between the two countries. Nepal alleges that as a powerful country, India exploits Nepal’s natural resources for its own benefit. As a result many of the transboundary river water treaties have not been activated, some have been sternly opposed by the people from the catchment areas, and a few’s future is hanging in the air. To overcome these problems and its dependency on India, many times Nepal has invited other countries to develop its hydropower sector. Amidst all existing differences the two countries share inextricable relationship because of geographical location and shared primordial identity.
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Singh, Vishal. „India-Nepal relations after independence (1947-2000): General Analysis“. RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 9, Nr. 3 (15.03.2024): 244–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2024.v09.n03.026.
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After India's independence, a new era began in India-Nepal relations. The Nepalese administration was well aware of the fact that Indian cooperation in the political, social, cultural and economic fields is essential for Nepal's independent existence and its economic progress. He was also realizing that many Nepalese leaders had helped the Indian leaders a lot by taking active part in the Indian independence movement to end the British rule and in this context, with the help of the Indian national leaders, the Nepali National Movement was being formed in India itself. Congress was born.
Abstract in Hindi Language:
भारत की स्वतन्त्रता के पश्चात भारत-नेपाल सम्बन्धों में एक नये युग का आरम्भ हुआ। नेपाली प्रशासन इस तथ्य से भलीभांति परिचित था कि नेपाल के स्वतन्त्र अस्तित्व और उसकी आर्थिक प्रगति के लिए राजनीतिक, सामाजिक, सांस्कृतिक तथा आर्थिक क्षेत्र में भारतीय सहयोग अत्यन्त आवश्यक है। उन्हें यह भी आभास हो रहा था कि भारतीय स्वतन्त्रता आन्दोलन में ब्रिटिश सत्ता को समाप्त करने के लिए अनेक नेपाली नेताओं ने सक्रिय भाग लेकर भारत के नेताओं की काफी मदद की थी और इसी परिप्रेक्ष्य में भारत के राष्ट्रीय नेताओं की सहायता से भारत में ही नेपाली राष्ट्रीय कांग्रेस का जन्म हुआ था।
Keywords: भारत, नेपाल, पारगमन, रणनीतिक, संबंध।
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Pathak, Bishnu. „Impacts of India’s Transit Warfare against Nepal“. World Journal of Social Science Research 2, Nr. 2 (11.11.2015): 266. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjssr.v2n2p266.
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<p><em>Nepal promulgated the New Constitution with signatures of 90 percent of the Constituent Assembly (CA) II members on September 20, 2015</em><em>.</em><em> The world congratulated Nepal for its success, but Nepal’s roji-roti-beti closest neighbor India sent a cold-note and a mild-warning. India informally conveyed a proposed 7-point constitutional amendment the following day supporting 10 percent of Nepal’s CA II, which are agitating Madhesi groups. Such amendments interfere with landlocked Nepal’s sovereign and internal affairs, but Nepal was full of confusion in answering it. Moreover, India initiated an undeclared transit trade warfare, blocking Nepo-India borders. The blocking at borders is freezing the life of all Nepalis. Now Nepal suffers from an acute shortage of cooking and oxygen gas, gasoline, medicines and other daily humanitarian supplies. Hospitals have stopped normal operations in the lack of medicines and oxygen gas. No gasoline is being provided to public and private vehicles except security officials. Only emergency flights are operating. Worse still, India’s transit warfare was conducted in a period when Nepo-China borders were blocked by the post-Earthquake. India’s proposed Amendment in the Constitution for Madhesi groups is just a drama; clearly the myopic interest of India is to control Nepal’s natural resources and to restore the Hindu Kingdom. Ranjit Rae, India’s Ambassador to Kathmandu gathering agitating Tarai-Madhes leaders into the Embassy just before Prime Minister</em><em>’</em><em>s election said, “The winning of Oli as a Prime Minister of Nepal is a defeat of India”</em><em> </em><em>(Ratopati</em><em>,</em><em> 2015). Rae further hurts the Nepali as he followed Goebbels’ style of reporting to New Delhi. As a result, angry masses are displaying arson effigies of India and PM Modi across the country ranging in Tarai, Hill and Mountain. The 21st century’s great socialist leader Modi now becomes known as a bully leader in the eyes of Nepali and South Asian people. And his popularity is plummeting each and every day. If the talented and clever Modi does not abandon his ego and ambition, he might do suicide in the same way Nepal’s former King Mahendra did in 1972 when he honestly realized the error of his past mistakes and wrongdoings. Nepal now turns to United Nations against India’s shadow-boxing to achieve landlocked country’s sovereign rights and other concerned rights.</em></p>
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Dhungel, Kamal Raj. „A History of FDI in Hydropower Development in Nepal“. Hydro Nepal: Journal of Water, Energy and Environment 18 (15.03.2016): 22–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/hn.v18i0.14639.
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In Nepal, hydropower is an obvious target for foreign aid and foreign investment. To date, a number of notable hydropower projects were constructed through foreign aid and that history dates back to 1911, when the Britain supported the Pharping hydropower project near Kathmandu. Today, India, China, USA and Norway are investigating the prospects for Nepali hydropower development. This paper traces this history of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Nepal. HYDRO Nepal Journal of Water Energy and EnvironmentVolume- 18, 2016, JanuaryPage -22 to 24
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Dhakal, Sedunath. „Borderland, Culture and Contestation between Nepal and India“. KMC Research Journal 5, Nr. 5 (31.12.2021): 107–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/kmcrj.v5i5.53579.
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The border between two countries is not only a passway to travel across, and legal trade transit; it is also the cause of socio-economic and cultural transmission, and sometimes it can also create political and criminal activities. This paper highlights how the border between Nepal and India has created contestation with different activities from the sociocultural celebration to the economic and political relations, and also to the terrorism and criminal activities. It traces historical contexts of setting the border in general, and the context of Nepal and India border in particular. The paper aims to describe the geographical, cultural, and socio-economic activities across the border. Based on the secondary materials available about open border, and its pros and cons, this paper focuses on the context of Nepal –India open border, its prospects and challenges for both countries. The analysis in this paper is based on books, documents, historical records about Nepal – Indian border, experiences of the people across the border and experts’ opinions from both countries.
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Shrestha, Purna Man, Rupesh Tha, Dinesh Neupane, Kamal Adhikari und Dinesh Raj Bhuju. „Tracking and time series scenario of coronavirus: Nepal case“. Applied Science and Technology Annals 1, Nr. 1 (30.06.2020): 42–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/asta.v1i1.30271.
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The pandemic COVID-19 caused by novel coronavirus (SARS-CoV-2) is a highly infectious disease that has created an unprecedented global challenge affecting all the countries including Nepal. In Nepal, the first case of COVID-19 was reported on 24 January, 2020. The number of case increased to 1,798 by June 1, 2020. Most of these cases were recorded in the lowland Tarai districts of the country indicating that the major transmission slipped from the border between Nepal and India. Thousands of Nepali people go to India for work every year. This year, they returned en-masse to Nepal after India declared lockdown. However, the first case of COVID-19 was detected in a student who had returned from China and a few initial cases were from people who had returned from Europe via Middle East using international flights. As of June 1, 2020, the coronavirus has spread to 61 districts (out of 77) of Nepal as those home returning people, mostly the migrant workers made their destinations by roads using public vehicles. Reports are mounting that the infected cases are increasing in the rural mountains gradually. This study aims to prepare time series tracking map of the infection in Nepal. It is based on a total of 71,903 PCR tests that were conducted till June 1, 2020. There is a strong correlation between PCR tests and the identified case; however, the number of tests is much limited to develop a decision support scenario.
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Timalsina, Ramji. „Transnational Characters in Bhattarai's Muglan“. Dristikon: A Multidisciplinary Journal 12, Nr. 1 (05.07.2022): 132–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/dristikon.v12i1.46133.
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This article deals with the transnational characters used in Govinda Raj Bhattarai’s novel Muglan (1974). Based on the centuries long trend of Nepali people’s migration across the border and the pains they have been undergoing, the novel has presented three types of characters to show the types of Nepali transnational community living in India and Bhutan. The first type is that of transnational mobiles who leave Nepal for job and education, want to return to Nepal and cannot have any type of permanent settlement in the hostland. The main character Sutar is one of such characters. The highest number of characters in the novel is of this type. The second type of characters are diasporic ones who have left Nepal and have been permanently settled in Bhutan. Characters from the Nepali speaking community in Bhutan are of this type. The lowest number of characters in the novel are transnational outsiders who visit India from Nepal for a short time. The people who go for pilgrimage and cross-border purchase of everyday goods are the characters of this type. The discussion section of the article analyses the causes and effects of such migration resulting into the creation of such characters. The theoretical modality used for the analysis is Janine Dahinden and Steven Vertovec’s ideas of transnationalism. This article will be useful for the researchers and critics who want to study Nepali texts from transnational perspective.
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Lama, Mahendra P. „Power Trading in South Asia: Some Aspects of Benefits“. Journal of International Affairs 3, Nr. 1 (24.05.2020): 119–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/joia.v3i1.29088.
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Of having immense regional capacity of 395,096 MW as of mid-2018, South Asia is gradually emerging as a fulcrum of electricity exchange and powers trading so, bilateral exchanges are occurring, as evident in the noteworthy Bhutan-India power flow of 1,410MW. India and Bangladesh have four historic power trading practices in place and the Power Purchase Agreement of 2014 between Nepal and India, these two countries exchange up to 350 MW of electricity. All these have triggered immense possibilities opening the scope for multilateral power flows. A huge jump from the present total cross-border trading of hardly 2500 MW is very possible. Nepal could potentially be the biggest beneficiary in this game. If harnessed steadily, its power could be sold across South and South East Asia, with wheeling facilities provided by Indian national grids. A Bangladesh–Bhutan–India trilateral hydroelectric power-generation agreement is likely to be signed soon. Energy secretaries of Bangladesh and Nepal have decided to develop hydropower projects in Nepal through government-to-government investment and then export the electricity thus produced to Bangladesh through the Indian transmission system Power trade would change the composition of the export baskets of power exporting countries and help them address their adverse balance of trade and balance of payment. Additional income from power export and an enhanced level of economic activity can be invested in social infrastructure.
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Rahman, Sayedur, und Shammi Akter. „India - Nepal Foreign Relations in the Context of Economics: Late 20th- Early 21st Century“. Contemporary Research: An Interdisciplinary Academic Journal 6, Nr. 2 (05.12.2023): 176–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/craiaj.v6i2.60257.
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In the context of the economy, India's foreign policy toward Nepal is defined by a complicated mix of cooperation and rivalry, with both nations attempting to strike a balance between their different interests while navigating a variety of political, economic, and strategic problems. Through a number of initiatives over the past few years, including the extension of a line of credit to support infrastructure development, the creation of an India-Nepal Joint Economic Commission, and the promotion of cross-border trade and investment, India has sought to deepen its economic ties with Nepal. These efforts have been aimed at boosting economic growth and development in Nepal while enhancing India's regional influence. However, India's foreign policy towards Nepal has also faced criticism, with some arguing that it prioritizes its own interests over Nepal's. This has led to tensions between the two countries, with Nepal seeking to diversify its economic and diplomatic ties beyond India. In this study, the trade, investment, aid, and tourism relations between India and Nepal are examined. It looks at how the economic hegemony of India and Nepal shaped the two countries' economic ties. The study also looks into the challenges and opportunities for the India-Nepal economic partnership. It investigates the issues related to trade barriers, infrastructure development, and energy cooperation. Additionally, this study examines the impact of political and diplomatic factors on the economic relationship between India and Nepal. The research is based on a combination of primary and secondary sources, including interviews with key stakeholders, economic data analysis, and a review of relevant literature. The findings of this study suggest that the economic relationship between India and Nepal has been significant and mutually beneficial, but there are several challenges that need to be addressed to realize the full potential of the partnership. Overall, this study offers insights into the prospects and challenges for deepening the economic relationships between the two countries as well as a better knowledge of the economic aspects of India-Nepal foreign relations.