Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Humiliation objection“

The aim of this article is the analysis of issues relating to human dignity management with regard to the subjective treatment of employees and opposing approach – the employees’ objective treatment, labour anomy and humilation incidents. The article presents the results of the author’s own research conducted in 2017 on the basis of answers coming from 1017 respondents. The study was aimed at the identification of relations between human dignity management (paying special attention to the subjective and objective treatment of employees), workers’ anomy (analyzed through the anomy behaviour and their justification/ rationalization) as well as humiliation situations. The research proved the appearance of statistically apparent relations between escalation of humiliation incidents, employees’ subjective treatment versus the justification of the anomy behaviour relating to the negative perceivence of an organization and the supervisor by the employees.

Erectile dysfunction has been a concern for men since the beginning of written history. For many men it can lead to severe psychological distress and humiliation. The treatment of erectile dysfunction has advanced significantly over the past 200 years. Men today are presented with many more viable therapy options leading to improved efficacy and more satisfactory sex lives. The objective of this article is to explore historical options for the treatment of erectile dysfunction, with particular emphasis on the development and progression of the inflatable penile prosthesis.

ABSTRACT Background Mistreatment of trainees, including discrimination and harassment, is a problem in graduate medical education. Current tools to assess the prevalence of mistreatment often are not administered institutionally and may not account for multiple sources of mistreatment, limiting an institution's ability to respond and intervene. Objective We describe the utility of a brief questionnaire, embedded within longer institutional program evaluations, measuring the prevalence of different types of trainee mistreatment from multiple sources, including supervisors, team members, colleagues, and patients. Methods In 2018, we administered a modified version of the mistreatment questions in the Association of American Medical Colleges Graduation Questionnaire to investigate the prevalence and sources of mistreatment in graduating residents and fellows. We conducted analyses to determine the prevalence, types, and sources of mistreatment of trainees at the institutional level across graduate medical education programs. Results A total of 234 graduating trainees (77%) from the University of Minnesota—Twin Cities completed the questions. Patients were cited as the primary source of mistreatment in 5 of 6 categories, including both direct and indirect offensive remarks, microaggressions, sexual harassment, and physical threats (paired t test comparisons from t = 3.92 to t = 9.71, all P < .001). The only category of mistreatment in which patients were not the most significant source was humiliation and shaming. Conclusions Six questions concerning types and sources of trainee mistreatment, embedded within an institutional survey, generated new information for institutional-, departmental- and program-based future interventions. Patients were the greatest source for all types of mistreatment except humiliation and shaming.

Until recently, the Humiliati of northern Italy have not been fortunate in their historiography. If they are known to Anglophone medievalists, it is usually in walk-on parts, either as the heretics condemned in the bull Ad abolendam at the Council of Verona in 1184, or as the pious enthusiasts, precursors of the mendicants, who were recognised and approved by Innocent III in 1201. Although they went on to play a prominent role in many north Italian regions, the later history of the Humiliati has frequently been treated with indifference, except perhaps by those interested in the development of the north Italian wool industry. This is partly because, unlike their contemporaries the Waldensians, the Humiliati did not have to keep defending themselves: their orthodoxy was not long questioned and they became part of the backbone of the religious communities of north Italian cities, taken for granted and largely untrumpeted. Their lack of ‘history’ also reflects the failure of the order to survive the Counter-Reformation. When one of the brethren, objecting strongly to attempts by Carlo Borromeo to reform their much decayed houses, tried quite literally to shoot the messenger, the male order was abruptly disbanded and most of the sources for their communities were dispersed. They thus lack either the later brethren interested in the origins of their own congregation who have so often driven the history industry of other religious orders, or a convenient body of sources on which to base such work.

This article examines a broadly accepted assumption that presence of women personnel makes police forces more gender-just, and makes an attempt to study in the context of Delhi Police, how the inclusion of women personnel impacts gendered hierarchies and patriarchal social norms operative within the space of a thana. Drawing on ethnographic research, I argue that the day-to-day practices and relations between men and women personnel in a police station do not give out a picture of a gender-just institutional set-up. Further, I argue that abuse and humiliation of women personnel within the thana is not something totally disconnected from what the institution’s official attitude towards women is, as could be read from various public campaigns of Delhi Police that infantilize and objectify women while talking of ‘protective’ men as role models. In this context, it is argued that merely inducting women into the institution without an active feminist practice against essentialization of women would not bring emancipatory outcomes.

The late fifteenth century and the whole of the sixteenth century were dark years for the Jewish people, and the Jews of Italy did not escape the grim fate of their brothers. Old decrees were resuscitated and reinforced by a succession of newly-passed harsh measures. Expulsion, forced wearing of the humiliating Jewish badge, censorship of books, the burning of the Talmud and pogroms inspired and led by zealous Christians, were daily occurrences. It is during those tragic years that an astonishing phenomenon emerges on the Italian scene: Jews engage in the performing arts with passion and play an important role in the development of spectacles and shows. They do so in defiance of internal opposition; the fierce objection of Rabbis, ever since Talmudic times, to any form of theatrical entertainment, had never abated.

Human dignity can be a protected interest in criminal law. This paper starts with some reflections about the meaning of human dignity and then examines offense descriptions in the German Penal Code and the Israeli Penal Code. These codes are used as sources for identifying possibly relevant prohibitions. One can indeed find numerous examples of offense descriptions that can be justified by pointing to human dignity, either as a main protected interest or as a protected interest in addition to other interests. The protected interest can be either the individual victim's right to human dignity or human dignity as an objective value. Offense descriptions that can be connected to “protection of human dignity” should, for analytical purposes, be divided into three groups: violations of the dignity of individual human beings through acts other than speech; violations of the human dignity of individuals through speech; and media content that does not contain statements about individuals but shows scenes of severe humiliation (e.g., fictional child pornography). Questions that need further discussion primarily concern the second group (what role should free speech play in cases of human dignity violations?) and the third group (does the acknowledgement of human dignity as an objective value mean to endorse a re-moralization of the criminal law?).

Economists and other interested academics have committed significant time and effort to developing a set of circumstances under which an intelligent and circumspect form of racial profiling can serve as an effective tool in crime finding–the specific objective of finding criminal activity afoot. In turn, anti-profiling advocates tend to focus on the immediate efficacy of the practice, the morality of the practice, and/or the legality of the practice. However, the tenor of this opposition invites racial profiling proponents to develop more surgical profiling techniques to employ in crime finding. In the article, I review the literature on group distinction to discern its relevance to the practice and study of racial profiling. I argue that the costs of racial profiling extend beyond inefficient policing and the humiliation of law-abiding minority pedestrians and drivers. Racial profiling is simultaneously a process of perception and articulation of relative human characteristics (both positive and negative); it binds and reifies the concepts of race and criminality, fixing them into the subconscious of the profiled, the profiler, and society at large.

Abstract Christian churches across the world have long engaged in humanitarian assistance and diaconal work. Diaconal action, understood as integral to the church’s mission in today’s world, is conditioned and challenged by concrete contexts. In order to be relevant, diakonia requires a careful reading of the contexts. This article presents life histories of three individuals who live in Madagascar. The stories relate how living in a world of poverty and need, humiliation and lack of safety provides many challenges relating to the fulfillment of needs and creating decent living conditions. The stories also tell of lives where many have met Christian individuals and institutions that give priority to the task of upholding human dignity. My aim has been to shed light on the meaning of diaconal work has for these young people and how new opportunities and challenges are creating new life stories and changes in their experience of human dignity. The objective has also been to describe the added value that religion and Christian organizations provide to the secular development project.

Objective: This case report and discussion describe the psychiatric and social consequences of being a stalking victim, with particular focus on its impact on the victim's occupation. Method: Data were gathered from the assessment and arbitration hearing of a female employee who lost her job while being stalked. Computerized literature searches were used to identify relevant papers from psychiatric and legal journals. Results: This case illustrates many of the common features of stalking. The female victim was harassed by a male after a failed intimate relationship. The victim suffered from depression, anxiety, guilt, shame, helplessness, humiliation, and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). The stalking affected her psychological, interpersonal, and occupational functioning. Consequently, she was fired for poor work performance and poor attendance. Conclusion: Stalking may affect a victim's ability to work in several ways. The criminal behaviours often interfere directly with work attendance or productivity and result in the workplace becoming an unsafe location. Further, stalking may indirectly affect a person's ability to work through the many adverse emotional consequences suffered.

Objective. As the history of psychiatry has been written, users have told their stories and often presented pictures incompatible with the professional or official versions. We ask if such a gap still exists and what the ethical as well as epistemological implications may be. Study Design. The design is based on a hermeneutic-phenomenological approach, with a qualitative content analysis of the narratives. Data Sources. The paper draws on user narratives written after the year 2000, describing positive and negative experiences with the mental health services. Extraction Methods. Among 972 users answering a questionnaire, 492 also answered the open questions and wrote one or two stories. We received 715 stories. 610 contained enough information to be included in this narrative analysis. Principal Findings. The stories are coherent, containing traditional narrative plots, but reports about miscommunication, rejection, lack of responsiveness, and humiliation are numerous. Conclusions. The picture drawn from this material has ethical as well as epistemological implications and motivates reflections upon theoretical and practical consequences when users’ experiences do not influence professional knowledge to a larger degree.

The aims of this qualitative study were to describe sexual harassment (SH) as experienced by young Italian women in the workplace and to analyse their reactions and forms of resistance. A sample of 20 university students who mostly held casual jobs was recruited at one university and interviewed in 2017‐18; the transcriptions were analysed using a thematic method.Respondents experienced multiple forms of SH, from sexual comments and requests to physical contacts, carried out by male employers, co-workers and customers. Often SH had a pronounced pornographic nature, and occasionally women were treated as ‘prostitutes’; dress-code implied ‘dressing sexily’, and becomes a form of SH.All women evaluated these behaviours as inappropriate, but no one considered making a formal complaint. They reported confusion, attempts to minimise, going along with a smile, asking the help of colleagues, and using the boyfriend as a protector. Few took direct actions such as confronting the harassers, retaliating or complaining to the employer. Notwithstanding the hostility and humiliation experienced, the young women interviewed retained a strong sense of their dignity as workers, which can count as another form of resistance to a system that consistently tries to objectify them and disqualify them as workers.

The article presents objections to the arguments set out in article «Revisiting an issue of mandatory assignment of complex forensic psychological and psychiatric examination of legal capability: pro arguments» by P.Yu. Kantor in favor of legislative recognition of mandatory complex forensic psychological and psychiatric examination of legal capability in the case of adjudge a citizen incapable due to mental disorder. From the point of view of the theory and methodology of complex forensic psychological and psychiatric examination, the authors inappropriately constrict competence limits of forensic psychiatrists and ignore the possibility and the need to integrate medical and psychological knowledge in forensics. P. Yu. Kantor’s theses about the total dominance of psychiatric examinations in civil proceedings and a painful and humiliating for subject forensic psychiatric examination in Russia are objectionable. The present paper shows negative organizational and legal consequences of this legal norm and proposes a wide interdisciplinary discussion on the problem.

Background In South Africa, seclusion is one of the practices used in the management of disruptive behaviors in psychiatric settings. Despite its continued use, seclusion is always subject to controversial debates, and patients who undergo it express a range of negative experiences. Objective To explore the experiences of patients regarding seclusion during their admission in a psychiatric hospital. Methods A qualitative descriptive design was used. In-depth interviews were conducted with ten patients attending a community psychiatric clinic in KwaZulu-Natal. Interviews were analyzed using content analysis. Results Two themes emerged from the findings: controversial views of seclusion and negative experiences of seclusion. Seclusion was considered more as a punishment measure which was often used abusively, than a therapeutic intervention. Participants expressed loneliness, humiliation, and powerlessness following their seclusion experience. Limited patient-staff interaction and communication worsened patients’ negativity towards seclusion. Conclusion Findings from this study underscore the need to review practices, policies and procedures regarding the use of seclusion. Seclusion should be only used when the need is absolute and as the last treatment option. Open communication between the care providers and the patients should be emphasized during the time of seclusion. Rwanda J Med Health Sci 2020;3(3):342-361

This lecture discusses the ‘idea of crime’ as it was understood by the colonial establishment and also as understood by the present government. In 1871, Lord Mayo introduced the bill leading to the infamous Criminal Tribes Act (CTA) which led to the segregation of a certain set of professions and lifestyles from the rest of society. The segregation was given a concrete form with the creation of penal settlements by the colonial government. The communities brought under the provisions of the CTA are now known as Denotified and Nomadic Tribes, not to be mistaken with adivasis. Mostly nomadic in habit, these tribes have suffered the worst humiliation in the history of modern India. In recent decades, the idea of crime has also been associated with non-state actors in order to deal with terrorism. However, the provisions of laws made towards this objective, such as the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act 1967, are being used speciously to restrain social activists and thinkers. This has raised many questions in recent years. The theme of this lecture outlines the gap between the idea of crime and the idea of justice that needs to be bridged in the interests of deepening democracy in India.

Homosexuality is defined as “the occurrence or existence of sexual attraction, interest and genitally intimate activity between an individual and other members of the same gender.” The objective of the study was to explore the behavior and experience of male homosexuals in Dhaka, Bangladesh. Due to hidden nature of this population, data were collected through a non-government organization working with them. This was a cross sectional study done during the period from March, 2009 to June, 2009. For this purpose, 102 male homosexuals were enrolled in the study by purposive sampling method and interviewed using a custom-built questionnaire. The results showed that all of the participants were biologically male with age ranged from 14-48 years and average age of first homosexual exposure for the participants was 11.75 years with a range from 4 to 27 years. The majority (56.9%) of the male homosexuals reported experiencing heterosexual intercourse. A high rate of sexual victimization history in childhood (64.7%) as well as in adulthood (49%) was reported. A sizable portion of the participants reported different discriminatory experiences including stigma and discrimination (48%), humiliation in public (49%), being cheated by male partner (60.8%), and exclusion from family (21.6%) because of their homosexual identity. Widespread childhood sexual abuse and discrimination clearly call for protective measures to be taken for safeguarding this vulnerable population. Bang J Psychiatry December 2016; 30(2): 41-44

The station of the cross is an event of the Passion story of Jesus Christ carrying the cross from the Pilate’s palace to the hill of Golgotha. On that journey, Jesus endured torture and humiliation, both from Roman soldiers and Jews. Based on this story, the objective of the research is to describe the process of developing a new compositional composition based on the story of the journey in the format of a choir and a musical ensemble. The research method used in this research is descriptive qualitative. Data collection was carried out through observation, interviews, and documents. After all data has been collected, the next process is to determine the use of scales, instrumentation, and composition based on rhythmic and melodic motifs, time signature, key signature, tempo, and composition of song texts. The choice of musical signs is adjusted to the meaning of the lyrics used. The composition of the Song of the Station of the Cross which is composed is a combination of a mixed choir consisting of soprano, alto, tenor, and bass with a musical ensemble. The novelty of the composition of the Song of the Station the Cross lies in the use of the style of baroque passions (1600-1750), aria, and recitative combined with modern harmonies, namely the use of the seventh tone, the ninth tone, and the thirteenth tone of a chord, and the use of Indonesian as the whole text of the composition

The present paper is qualitative; it illustrates the sense of oppression, negligence, and marginalization; Chinese women suffer from in their society. There, women are bound to doing housework and rearing children; they are a mere tool to meet their husbands’ pleasures and find concubines when needed. Accordingly, the study examines the sources , and types of psychological trauma experienced by the character O-lan, and later by the oppressors, her husband and his new wife, Wang Lung , in Buck’s novel The Good Earth. To meet the objective of the study, Robinson, Smith, & Segal’s (2020) types of trauma will be adopted in the analysis. Such a study help know more about the traditions and values of Chinese society, the role of women there. It further reflects the negative societal consequence s of abusing and humiliating women, and the curse men will gain due to their unjust treatment of their wives. The psychological trauma of O-lan is highly indicated by her husband’s speech and behavior. He constantly belittles her role a wife, neglecting her emotions. She keeps her agony and depression till she collapsed.

Objective: To predict suicidal ideation in people with schizophrenia, certain studies have measured its relationship with the variables of defeat and entrapment. The relationships are positive, but their interactions remain undefined. To further their understanding, this research sought to measure the relationship between suicidal ideation with the variables of loss, entrapment, and humiliation. Method: The convenience sample included 30 patients with schizophrenia spectrum disorders. The study was prospective (3 measurement times) during a 6-month period. Results were analyzed by stepwise multiple regression. Results: The contribution of the 3 variables to the variance of suicidal ideation was not significant at any of the 3 times (T1: 16.2%, P = 0.056; T2: 19.9%, P = 0.117; T3: 11.2%, P = 0.109). Further analyses measured the relationship between the variables of stigmatization, perceived cognitive dysfunction, symptoms, depression, self-esteem, reason to live, spirituality, social provision, and suicidal ideation. Stepwise multiple regression demonstrated that the contribution of the variables of stigmatization and perceived cognitive dysfunction to the variance of suicidal ideation was significant at all 3 times (T1: 41.7.5%, P = 0.000; T2: 35.2%, P = 0.001; T3: 21.5%, P = 0.012). Yet, over time, the individual contribution of the variables changed: T1, stigmatization (β = 0.518; P = 0.002); T2, stigmatization (β = 0.394; P = 0.025) and perceived cognitive dysfunction (β = 0.349; P = 0.046). Then, at T3, only perceived cognitive dysfunction contributed significantly to suicidal ideation (β = 0.438; P = 0.016). Conclusion: The results highlight the importance of the contribution of the variables of perceived cognitive dysfunction and stigmatization in the onset of suicidal ideation in people with schizophrenia spectrum disorders.

BACKGROUND: The workplace can be associated with social stressors like vilification, humiliation, and breach of trust. A common emotional response is embitterment and aggressive behavior. OBJECTIVE: Aim of the study is to investigate the relation between work-related problems, including bullying, and fantasies of aggression. METHODS: Therapists of a department of behavioral medicine routinely had to fill in a diagnostic checklist whenever they saw signs of embitterment and/or aggression in their patients. The type of aggressive fantasies was categorized in no fantasy, minor harm, serious harm without bodily harm, or bodily harm. Independent of this interview, social workers assessed problems at work (duration of sickness absence, workplace insecurity, bullying at workplace, ability to work, expectation of pension). Patients were also asked to fill in an embitterment questionnaire and the Symptom-Checklist-90. Further sociodemographic and clinical information was taken from the hospital routine documentation. RESULTS: A total of 3211 patients were admitted to the hospital during the observation period. Therapists saw the indication for an in-depth interview because of aggressive fantasies in 102 (3.2%) patients. Aggressive ideations refer to “minor harm” in 27%, “serious harm” in 37%, and “bodily harm” in 35%of patients, respectively. There is a significant relation between the severity of aggressive ideations and bullying and duration of sick leave. There was also a significant correlation between ideas of aggression and feelings of embitterment. CONCLUSION: Aggressive ideations are interrelated with psychosomatic distress and workplace problems and feelings of embitterment. This is of importance for prevention and interventions in regard to workplace bullying.

This article analyzes grassroots opposition to the website Ripoff Report (RoR). RoR is a user-generated content (UGC) platform for “consumer reviews” about both business entities and, often, individuals. In America, Section 230 of the CDA (1996) empowers RoR to refuse removing even postings that have been judged defamatory. Instead, the site counsels rebuttal (“counterspeech”) or paying for its self-administered arbitration service—audaciously casting itself as a more efficient (for-profit) substitute for the court system. RoR therefore represents the liberal “marketplace” orientation of Section 230 taken to its logical extreme. Grassroots opponents claim that official legal deference to the content policies of sites like RoR creates a unique kind of symbolic and normative harm. Building on the existing practical critiques of Section 230, I argue that they implicitly invoke Donald Downs’ “community security” paradigm in a digital context. They call on both websites and government to increasingly prioritize protecting citizens from the indignity of confronting (what they see as) personally humiliating speech rather than simply counseling “more speech” as the solution. The RoR controversy thus gives us additional insight into the popular objections provoked by Section 230. Overall, studying them helps further our nascent understanding of the consequences and reactions when “platforms intervene” as regulatory forces.

This paper discusses some of the unique aspects of a spectroscopic emission microscope now being tested in Clausthal. The instrument is designed for the direct parallel imaging of both elastic and inelastic electrons from flat surfaces. Elastic contrast modes of the familiar LEEM include large and small angle LEED, mirror microscopy, backscatter diffraction contrast (for imaging of surface structure), and phase contrast (for imaging of step dynamics)(1). Inelastic modes include topology sensitive secondary, and work function sensitive photoemission. Most important, the new instrument will also allow analytical imaging using characteristic Auger or soft X-ray emissions. The basic instrument has been described by Bauer and Telieps (2). This configuration has been redesigned to include an airlock, and a LaB6 gun, triple condensor lens, magnetic objective lens, a double focussing separator field, an imaging energy analyzer, and a real time image processor.Fig. 1 shows the new configuration. The basic beam voltage supply Vo = 20 KV, upon which separate supplies for the gun Vg, specimen Vs, lens electrode Vf, and analyzer bias Vb float. The incident energy at the sample can be varied from Vs = 0-1 KV for elastic imaging, or from Vg + Vs = (3 + Vs) KV for inelastic imaging. The image energy window Vs±V/2 may be varied without readjusting either the illumation, or imaging/analyzer optics. The diagram shows conjugate diffraction and image planes. The apertures defining incoming Humiliation and outgoing image angles are placed below the separator magnet to allow for their independent optimization. The instrument can illuminate and image 0.5-100 μm fields at 0-1 keV emission energies with an energy window down to 0.2 eV.

ObjectiveCervical cancer is the most common cancer in Zambian women, and approximately 28% of all patients with cancer seen at the Cancer Diseases Hospital in Lusaka experience this disease. Our objective was to gain insight into the knowledge, understanding, and experiences of women treated for cervical cancer at the specific hospital.MethodsWe selected a qualitative research design and descriptive phenomenological approach for the study. Twenty-one (n = 21) semistructured interviews directed by an interview schedule were conducted. We used Patton’s open coding steps and a template analyses style guided by the 4 themes of the interview schedule to analyze the data.ResultsMost participants indicated that they did not know and understand anything of cervical cancer. They believed they were bewitched and consulted traditional healers and used traditional medicine. Most described that they experienced symptoms for extended periods of time before they were diagnosed. They described how the offensive vaginal bleeding and watery discharge they experienced led to isolation, rejection, and humiliation. The participants said they did not understand how they would be treated and treatment was described as a terrible experience.ConclusionsThe women’s lived experiences of cervical cancer tell of severe suffering. They knew and understood very little about this disease. Their suffering became so unbearable that some wanted to end their lives. They were subjected to the opinions of others who knew equally as little but were quite willing to speak out, judge, and reject. Most battled through the treatment and the distressing adverse effects because it was their only hope to become better.RecommendationsZambian women must be empowered with knowledge and skills to protect themselves against cervical cancer. Suggestions for improving outcomes include changing high-risk behavior, taking advantage of screening opportunities, recognizing the signs of cervical cancer, and seeking health care without delay.

Background: In recent years, operating theatre nurse students’ education focused on ethics, basic values and protecting and promoting the patients' dignity in perioperative practice. Health professionals are frequently confronted with ethical issues that can impact on patient’s care during surgery. Objective: The objective of this study was to present what operating theatre nursing students perceived and interpreted as undignified caring in perioperative practice. Research design: The study has a descriptive design with a hermeneutic approach. Data were collected using Flanagan’s critical incident technique. Participants and research context: Operating theatre nurse students from Sweden and Norway participated and collected data in 2011, after education in ethics and dignity. Data consisting of 47 written stories and the text were analysed with hermeneutical text interpretation. Ethical considerations: The study was approved by the Karlstad University's Research Ethics Committee. Findings: The findings show careless behaviour and humiliating actions among health professionals. Health professionals commit careless acts by rendering the patient invisible, ignoring the patient’s worry and pain and treating the patient as an object. They also humiliate the patient when speaking in negative terms about the patient’s body, and certain health professionals blame the patients for the situation they are in. Health professionals lack the willingness and courage to protect the patient’s dignity in perioperative practice. Discussion: In the discussion, we have illuminated how professional ethics may be threatened by more pragmatic and utilitarian arguments contained in regulations and transplant act. Conclusion: The findings reveal that patients were exposed to unnecessary suffering; furthermore, the operating theatre nurse students suffered an inner ethical conflict due to the undignified caring situations they had witnessed.

This thesis is entitled Nathaniel’s Ambition to Revenge on SimonLovelace Described in Jonathan Stroud’s The Bartimaeus Trilogy: The Amuletof Samarkand has an objective to analyze ambition and motive of Nathanielalias John Mandrake to revenge on Simon Lovelace as his enemy. Theresearcher used descriptive qualitative method to find out Ambition and motiveof Nathaniel alias John Mandrake after Humiliated by Simon Lovelace. Whilelibrary research method was used to gain any references dealing with the objectof analysis. Technique of analysis is divided into two, there are structural andpsychology approach. Structural approach was used to analyze structuralelements like general description, conflict, and setting, while psychologicalapproach was used to analyze and describe problems dealing with the object ofstudy. The collected data were analyzed by reading the novel. The researcherpresents all the data by the quotation through general description, conflict andsetting. The results of this research show that the main character is described asa person who is genius, clever, restless, arrogant, and curious. He belongs toround dynamic character since he has more than one specific traits and he alsochanges from the beginning till the end of the story. The main character alsoexperiences internal conflict about him admitting the truth about who steal theamulet, to disobey his master, blame himself and also external conflict againsthis master, Bartimaeus, Maurice Schyler, The Resistance and Simon Lovelace.The setting in this novel is divided into setting of place; Attic room, SirUnderwood house, Boarded-up building, Heddleham Hall, Small library andThe hall of Heddleham Hall, setting of time; morning in boarded-up building,10.15 am and setting of social on high social class. Nathaniel alias JohnMandrake’s ambition is motivated by humiliation and murder drives him to gaineverything that needs to commit revenge. Living as magician which is alwayssurrounded by ambition and domination, losing someone that he loves,humiliated and be degraded by other.Keywords: Ambition, Amulet of Samarkand, Jonathan Stroud, Motive, Revenge

Background: The “belief in a just world” psychology has shown that people across the world hold an inborn general view, that people should get what they deserve, and that malbehavior should be punished. But, what is seen as unjust is defined by social reference systems. Injustice is experienced as aggression, if not humiliation and answered by the desire to fight back, to restore justice. If the experience of injustice is paired with helplessness, a typical emotional response is embitterment which is associated with the wish for revenge, social impairment, and dysfunctional behaviors. Objective of the present study was to study the relation of conditions of living and social reference systems with perceptions of injustice, and rates of embitterment. Method: A convenience sample of 139 white and 93 black citizens from Cape Town in South Africa answered questions on their socio-economic status and changes in their lives in the past years. They also filled in the General Health Questionnaire (GHQ-12) to measure psychological distress, the Differential Life Burden scale (DLB) to assess burdens and the Posttraumatic Embitterment Disorder scale (PTED Scale), to quantify feelings of injustice and embitterment. Results: Black South Africans saw more positive changes than Whites over the past years, but nevertheless showed disadvantages in regard to education, professional qualification, employment status, and monthly income, together with significantly higher scores on the DLB, GHQ-12, and PTED scale. When looking at single items, 66.6% of black as compared to 45.3% of white participants reported about experiences evoking severe feelings of injustice, 65.4% versus 40.3% about repetitive painful memories, 53.7% versus 36.9% about an associated deterioration of well-being, and 46.2% versus 21.6% about thoughts of revenge. After controlling for monthly income, only the PTED score showed significant differences. Conclusion: Results suggest that embitterment reactions are linked to social conditions, like economic but even more so psychological factors. The results suggest that embitterment is not only of importance in individuals but can also have a societal meaning. This must be acknowledged in political discussions.

Background Social anxiety disorder (SAD) is characterized by excessive fear of negative evaluation and humiliation in social interactions and situations. Virtual reality (VR) treatment is a promising intervention option for SAD. Objective The purpose of this study was to create a participatory and interactive VR intervention for SAD. Treatment progress, including the severity of symptoms and the cognitive and emotional aspects of SAD, was analyzed to evaluate the effectiveness of the intervention. Methods In total, 32 individuals with SAD and 34 healthy control participants were enrolled in the study through advertisements for online bulletin boards at universities. A VR intervention was designed consisting of three stages (introduction, core, and finishing) and three difficulty levels (easy, medium, and hard) that could be selected by the participants. The core stage was the exposure intervention in which participants engaged in social situations. The effectiveness of treatment was assessed through Beck Anxiety inventory (BAI), State‐Trait Anxiety Inventory (STAI), Internalized Shame Scale (ISS), Post-Event Rumination Scale (PERS), Social Phobia Scale (SPS), Social Interaction Anxiety Scale (SIAS), Brief-Fear of Negative Evaluation Scale (BFNE), and Liebowitz Social Anxiety Scale (LSAS). Results In the SAD group, scores on the BAI (F=4.616, P=.009), STAI-Trait (F=4.670, P=.004), ISS (F=6.924, P=.001), PERS-negative (F=1.008, P<.001), SPS (F=8.456, P<.001), BFNE (F=6.117, P=.004), KSAD (F=13.259, P<.001), and LSAS (F=4.103, P=.009) significantly improved over the treatment process. Compared with the healthy control group before treatment, the SAD group showed significantly higher scores on all scales (P<.001), and these significant differences persisted even after treatment (P<.001). In the comparison between the VR treatment responder and nonresponder subgroups, there was no significant difference across the course of the VR session. Conclusions These findings indicated that a participatory and interactive VR intervention had a significant effect on alleviation of the clinical symptoms of SAD, confirming the usefulness of VR for the treatment of SAD. VR treatment is expected to be one of various beneficial therapeutic approaches in the future. Trial Registration Clinical Research Information Service (CRIS) KCT0003854; https://cris.nih.go.kr/cris/search/search_result_st01.jsp?seq=13508

The aimof the article is to identify the specifics of communicative-compensatory processes on social network. Materials & methods. In order to achievethat objective, the general scientific research methods: analysis, classification, observation, description were used. In addition, as part of an integrated sociolinguistic approach, discourse analysis and a quantitative research method were used. Publications posted in the Ukrainian sector of an American online social media and social networking service Facebook served as an input for the research. Results & discussions. The study identified three modes of communicative-compensatory processes, which are arranged in descending order according to their proportions: 1)communicative-compensatory process characterized by a correlation with the defense mechanism “overcompensation”. During this process personal growth and radical transformations of the whole personality occur on the basis of the dialogical mutual affirmation of “I” and “You”. At the linguistic level, such mode is manifested owing to the use of a preferable image (real or illusory) to affirm one’s strength, significance, value, that is, for self-assertion and rising in status; 2)process characterized by a correlation with the defense mechanism “direct compensation” and which shows itself as adaptive in nature and does not contribute to the personal growth. At the linguistic level such mode is manifested in the individual concentrating on his own interests, feelings and needs and orientation on consumption; 3)process characterized by a correlation with the defense mechanism “illusive overcompensation” and which nature is emotional vampirism. At the linguistic level such mode is manifested in the watching out for another person’s imaginary or real flaws with the purpose of emphasizing and exaggerating. Conclusion. A specific feature of communicative-compensatory processes in social networks is that they mainly act as representations of the compensatory functionof autocommunication. The dominant form of compensatory autocommunication in social networks is an internal monologue. The verbal implementation of communicative-compensatory processes in social networks are: 1)posts in which the protest gains the power of critical confrontation and is a synonym for the right to individual free development; 2)posts aimed at humiliation and criticism; 3)posts containing advice, support, comfort to the troubled “I”.

Background: Through education, individuals acquire knowledge, skill and attitudes that facilitate professional socialization; it involves intellectual, emotional and psychomotor skill development. Teachers are role models for behaviour modification and value development. Objective: To examine students’ perceptions of faculty members’ ethical and unethical attitudes during interactions in undergraduate nursing. Research design: This descriptive study consisted of two phases. In Phase I, we developed an instrument, which was administered to nursing students to assess validity and reliability. Exploratory factor analysis yielded 32 items. Cronbach’s α was 0.83, and test–retest reliability was good. In Phase II, a 32-item version of the instrument was administered to nursing students from another university. Participants and research context: Participants included 219 nursing students from one university in Phase I and 196 from another university in Phase II. The study was conducted at the universities attended by the participants. Ethical considerations: Ethical approval was granted by the institutions involved, and all participants provided informed consent. Findings: In Phase I, the instrument demonstrated good psychometric properties for measuring nursing students’ perceptions of faculty members’ ethical and unethical behaviours. In Phase II, students considered certain professional and personal qualities, including respecting confidentiality and students’ private lives and assuming an impartial stance during interactions in the classroom, examinations, or clinical practice, ethical. They considered using obscene examples or unprofessional speech during teaching, selling textbooks in class, using university facilities for personal interests, engaging in romantic relationships with students, and humiliating students in front of patients or staff in clinical settings unethical. Conclusion: Results of this study suggest that nurse educators should be aware of their critical role in the teaching–learning process, and they must scrutinize their attitudes towards students from an ethical point of view.

RESUMO Objetivo: identificar os modos de manifestação da violência no trabalho em obstetrícia hospitalar, bem como seus fatores relacionados, consequências e estratégias de gerenciamento. Método: trata-se de revisão integrativa, com busca nas bases de dados MEDLINE, Lilacs, CINAHL, SciVerse Scopus e biblioteca virtual SciELO. Após a leitura dos artigos, efetuaram-se a extração e a análise dos dados. Resultados: constituiu-se a amostra de 11 artigos, a maioria de origem australiana. Os principais tipos de violência no trabalho em obstetrícia foram abuso verbal, intimidação, humilhação e assédio moral; relacionados a: trabalhadores com nível elevado de afetividade negativa; colegas de trabalho mais velhos e/ou hierarquicamente superiores; plantão diurno; pacientes e/ou acompanhantes sob estresse ou com transtorno mental; ambientes sobrecarregados/escassez de pessoal; as consequências incluíram os âmbitos pessoal, profissional e organizacional; e as estratégias gerenciais envolveram relatórios de incidentes, diálogos com colegas/familiares, protocolos de segurança, educação permanente. Conclusão: há evidências de violência no trabalho em obstetrícia hospitalar com impacto negativo sobre profissionais, pacientes e instituições. Sugerem-se estudos acerca desse fenômeno no Brasil, possibilitando aplicá-los na gestão de unidades obstétricas. Descritores: Enfermagem; Violência no Trabalho; Incivilidade; Obstetrícia; Enfermagem Obstétrica; Salas de Parto. ABSTRACT Objective: to identify the manifestations of workplace violence in hospital obstetrics, as well as their related factors, consequences, and management strategies. Method: this is an integrative review, with search of MEDLINE, Lilacs, CINAHL, SciVerse Scopus and SciELO virtual libraries. After reading the articles, the data were extracted and analyzed. Results: the sample consisted of 11 articles, most of them from Australia. The main types of workplace violence in obstetrics were verbal abuse, intimidation, humiliation, and bullying; related to: workers with high level of negative affectivity; older and/or hierarchically superior co-workers; day shift; patients and/or companions under stress or with mental disorder; overburdened environments/staff shortages; consequences included the personal, professional and organizational spheres; and managerial strategies involved incident reports, peer/family dialogues, safety protocols, continuing education. Conclusion: there is evidence of workplace violence in hospital obstetrics with negative impact on professionals, patients, and institutions. Studies about this phenomenon in Brazil are suggested, enabling to apply them in the management of obstetric units. Descriptors: Nursing; Workplace Violence; Incivility; Obstetrics; Obstetric Nursing; Delivery Rooms.RESUMEN Objetivo: identificar los modos de manifestación de la violencia en el trabajo de la obstetricia hospitalaria, así como sus factores relacionados, consecuencias y estrategias de gerenciamiento. Método: revisão integrativa, com busca nas bases de dados MEDLINE, Lilacs, CINAHL, SciVerse Scopus y biblioteca virtual SciELO. Após a leitura dos artigos, efetuaram-se a extração e a análise dos dados. Resultados: la muestra fue de 11 artículos, la mayoría de origen australiana. Los principales tipos de violencia en el trabajo en obstetricia fueron abuso verbal, intimidación, humillación y asedio moral; relacionadas a: trabajadores con nivel elevado de afectividad negativa; colegas de trabajo más viejos y/o jerárquicamente superiores; guardia diurna; pacientes y/o acompañantes sobre estrés o con trastorno mental; ambientes sobrecargados/escasez de personal; las consecuencias incluyeron los ámbitos personal, profesional y organizacional; y las estrategias gerenciales envolvieron informes de incidentes, diálogos con colegas/familiares, protocolos de seguridad, educación permanente. Conclusión: hay evidencias de violencia en el trabajo en obstetricia hospitalaria con impacto negativo sobre profesionales, pacientes e instituciones. Se sugieren estudios acerca de ese fenómeno en Brasil, posibilitando aplicarlos en la gestión de unidades obstétricas. Descriptores: Enfermería; Violencia Laboral; Incivilidad; Obstetricia; Enfermería Obstétrica; Salas de Parto.

The Fourth International Conference on the Muslim World, organizedby the International Islamic Geographic Society, was hosted by Al al-BaytUniversity, Amman, Jordan. This four-day conference brought together adistinguished international gathering of geographers and social scientiststo discuss issues of concern to Muslim countries. The conference was heldin a very pleasant, cordial, and hospitable environment, and the excursiontrip at its end, which provided an opportunity to visit historical places andarchaeological sites, made it all the more enjoyable and memorable.The conference was comprised of five regular sessions and featuredsixteen presentations before a select audience of no more than fifty individuals.Mohammad Adnan Al-Bakhit, president of Al al-Bayt University,gave the welcoming address. He greeted the participants wannly andexpressed the hope that this conference would promote research and motivateyoung Muslim geographers to undertake scholarly pursuits. He saidthat the university is committed to promoting scientific research, with anIslamic outlook, in all fields of knowledge. Mushtaqur Rehman, IIGS secretaryand prominent Muslim geographer and anthropologist, pronouncedthe conference's theme, highlighted its multidisciplinary dimensions, andelaborated on its significance to the Muslim world, which has seriousdevelopmental problems.The first session, chaired by Rehman, started with Hussain A. Amery'sinsightful examination of water management in the geopolitical context ofthe Middle East. He emphasized the need for cooperation among theregion's Muslim states and the use of new technologies for harvesting waterand treating waste water for reuse. A. R. Hamideh focused on the issue ofpopulation growth in Muslim countries and refuted categorically the argumentof Western anthropologists that the Islamic value system is a majorobstacle in dealing with demographic issues.Session two was chaired by Hani D. Tabba and featured three presentations.A. Hussain examined the nation-state in a historical perspective aRdargued that unless Muslim countries abandon this structure, they will beunable to establish an Islamic Common Market and will not achieve economicdevelopment. Abdel Bagi investigated the socioeconomic problemsof rural-urban migration, largely due to desertification, in Sudan. He suggestedthe formulation of policies designed to revitalize the rural economy422and thereby reverse this migration. Salman Abu Settah examined thePalestinian Holocaust of 1984 and deplored the media’s efforts to keep theJewish Holocaust alive while largely ignoring Palestinian massacres, suffering,and humiliation which has been forgotten by the world. Rasheed Al-Feel discussed Muslim problems in a geographical context and concludedthat they could be molved by mobilizing resources and promoting inter-Muslim trade.Session three was chaired by Omar Shadaifat and included two presentations.Rue1 Hanks gave an objective assessment of Uzbekistan’s contemporarysociopolitical environment and concluded that the presentIslamist-secular confrontation will soon end, marking a clear victory forthose committed deeply to an Islamic way of life. Ahmad Agala examinedJordan’s political system and observed that popular participation in Jordanis far higher than in many Muslim republics. Yaser M. Najjar evaluatedJordan’s development planning and remarked that a capital-poor countrylike Jordan cannot achieve industrialization without borrowing high-costcapital and technology from abroad. He suggested that economic cooperationamong Muslim countries could help resolve the problem of capitalscarcity. S. Ali Khan investigated the process of development from the capitalistand Islamic perspectives. He pointed out that material well-being iscapitalism’s only goal, whereas the Islamic approach stresses the realizationof both material and spiritual well-being. He also stated that the realizationof both goals is possible only through restructuring the existing politicaland economic institutions within the context of an Islamic social order ...

Guy de Maupassant is a French author whose works have been translated into English. Some of his shorts stories focused on women as the center of the story in which women become the source of misfortune as presented in five chosen short stories for this research. This research is part of objective approach research that focuses on analyzing literary works as it is, without considering the relationship of the intrinsic aspects to the reality of the world. Although the possible intention of the author to use literary work as a tool to educate readers is also explained. In delivering his ideas, Guy de Maupassant often describes women in stereotypes that include formlessness, instability, irrationality, piety, spirituality, materialism. Guy de Maupassant also used his literary work as an instrument to teach the readers about the concept of ideal women by providing advice if not criticism and humiliation; because trough reading literature, the knowledge transfer activities become possible. Keyword: Guy De Maupassant, Short Stories, Stereotypes

Abstract Objective Shame contains external and internal aspects. However, a Japanese language scale for simultaneously assessing both aspects of shame has not been developed to date. This study aimed to standardize the Japanese version of the External and Internal Shame Scale (EISS-J). An online survey was conducted among university students (N = 203) at six universities in Japan (Study 1). A retest questionnaire was sent to the participants by email three weeks after the first survey (Study 2). Study 1 examined the internal consistency, factor structure, and criterion-related validity of the EISS-J, while Study 2 examined its test-retest reliability. Moreover, an additional study was conducted to examine the criterion-related validity of the scale. Results Study 1 demonstrated the high internal consistency of the EISS-J. Moreover, confirmatory factor analysis indicated a two-factor model: external and internal shame. However, exploratory factor analysis indicated a three-factor structure. Study 2 confirmed the test-retest reliability of the scale. Furthermore, both studies indicated correlations between the EISS-J and fear of compassion, anger, humiliation, depression, anxiety, and stress. In addition, the study established the criterion-related validity of the scale. These results confirmed adequate reliability and validity of the EISS-J.

ABSTRACT Objective: To identify elements in scientific literature that make the video-assisted debriefing technique feasible in the teaching and learning process, in nursing simulation. Method: Integrative literature review, conducted from May to July of 2019. Primary studies, with no time frame, were selected in Portuguese, English or Spanish, in the PubMed®, Scopus®, CINAHL and LILACS databases, using the Rayyan application. Qualitative analysis was adopted. Results: 205 studies were initially identified, six of which were selected and categorized into: “Elements that make up the video-assisted debriefing technique”; "Benefits of using the video-assisted debriefing technique" and "Challenges of using the video-assisted debriefing technique". Conclusions: The elements that made the video-assisted debriefing technique feasible in the teaching and learning process in nursing were concept, objectives, material resources and procedure. The main benefit was the immediate recognition of behaviors, and the challenge was the risk that the video would make debriefing tiring and humiliating.

The significance of the Carlton Club revolt was that it formally destroyed the Coalition without exorcising the menacing spectre of coalitionism. When Lloyd George resigned on the afternoon of 19 October 1922 he was followed into the wilderness by some of the most experienced and talented Conservative politicians of the age. This group subsequently established their collective position in the form of a manifesto to the press reaffirming their loyalty to Lloyd George, with whom ‘there had been no difference be it … on matters of principle or policy’, and portentously warning that ‘other men who had given other counsels must inherit our burden and discharge its consequent responsibilities’. Thereafter, when initial hopes that Law would not obtain an absolutely majority were extinguished, the Chamberlainites took refuge in pique that appeared almost inexhaustible. Under Birkenhead's effective strategic direction, the objective was to present the Chamberlainites as a coherent alternative leadership for the Conservative Party: a strategy founded upon the firm and constant conviction that incompetents and ‘second class brains’ could not rule empires. Given time, Birkenhead believed, the Law government would engineer its own humiliation and downfall. Abstinence from office in the short-term was thus merely a prelude to permanent anti-socialist coalition. In the interim they considered it sufficient to stand aloof to avoid being tainted with the opprobrium of their successors and to pour derision upon the ‘second class brains’ who had succeeded them.

The objective of this study was to analyze whether the experience of violence by teachers in the school environment increases the risk of teachers suffering violence again within a 2-year period. This longitudinal study included 430 primary and secondary public school teachers from a city in the south of Brazil, with data collected at two time points: T1 (2012-2013) and T2 (2014-2015). The data were obtained via face-to-face interviews and the completion of a questionnaire. The forms of violence investigated included reports of insults from students, humiliation or embarrassment by colleagues or superiors, and threats and physical violence from any member of the school occurring in the 12 months prior to the study. McNemar’s test and the Poisson regression with robust error variance were used in the analyses, and the relative risk (RR) and 95% confidence interval (95% CI) were calculated. After 2 years, there was a reduction in violence reported by the teachers from 65.4% (T1) to 56.9% (T2) ( p = .003). Teachers who suffered a certain form of violence had three times the risk of suffering that type of violence again. Those who reported three or four forms of violence at T1 had an RR of 2.23 of suffering any form of violence at T2 (95% CI [1.70, 2.93]) compared with those who did not report violence at T1. Psychological violence at T1 was not associated with physical violence at T2, nor was physical violence at T1 associated with psychological violence at T2. Despite the reduction in violence against teachers reported at T2, some forms of violence remained stable after 2 years. Suffering more forms of violence increases the risk of suffering any future violence.

War and armed conflict — International armed conflict — Non-international armed conflict — Status of armed conflict — Law of armed conflict — Armed conflict at sea — Whether armed conflict between non-State organization and Israel — Terrorism — Use of terrorist methods — Relevance — Prerequisites for determining existence of armed conflict — Whether necessary to determine whether armed conflict international or non-international in character — Distinction between war crime and ordinary crime — War crimes — Nexus requirement — Attack in law governing conduct of hostilities — Military objective — Law governing armed conflict at sea — Right to a naval blockade — Status of merchant vessel breaching naval blockade — Status of goods on merchant vessel breaching naval blockade — Contraband — Enforcement of naval blockade on high seas — Naval blockade in law of international armed conflict — Non-international armed conflict — Whether power to impose a naval blockade applicable — Distinction between members of non-State organized armed groups and civilians — Journalists and war correspondents — Civilian taking a direct part in hostilities — Proportionality — International criminal law — Humanitarian assistance and peacekeeping missions — Wilfully causing great suffering and serious injury to body or health — Deportation and forcible transfer — Humiliating and degrading treatment — Unjustifiably delaying return home of a person detained after enforcement of naval blockade — Pillaging and unlawfully destroying, appropriating or seizing property — Crimes against humanity — Contextual element of widespread or systematic attack against any civilian population — Person hors de combat in law of armed conflict and international criminal law — Whether criminal investigation to be instigated — Whether sufficient reason to believe crime committed to detriment of German and non-German nationalsInternational criminal law — War crimes — Crimes against humanity — Law of armed conflict — Armed conflict at sea — Humanitarian assistance and peacekeeping missions — Wilfully causing great suffering and serious injury to body or health — Deportation and forcible transfer — Humiliating and degrading treatment — Unjustifiably delaying return home of a person detained after enforcement of naval blockade — Pillaging and unlawfully destroying, appropriating or seizing property — Crimes against humanity — Contextual element of widespread or systematic attack against any civilian population — Person hors de 489combat — Whether criminal investigation to be instigated — Whether sufficient reason to believe crime committed to detriment of German and non-German nationalsSea — Armed conflict at sea — Treaties — Customary international law — Right to a naval blockade — Legal prerequisites — Status of merchant vessel breaching naval blockade — Status of goods on merchant vessel breaching naval blockade — Contraband — Enforcement of naval blockade on high seas — Naval blockade in law of armed conflict — Whether power to impose a naval blockade applicable — Whether criminal investigation to be instigated — Whether sufficient reason to believe crime committed to detriment of German and non-German nationalsJurisdiction — Universal jurisdiction — Extraterritorial jurisdiction in case of attack on marine traffic — Passive personality principle — Law of Germany including discretion not to exercise universal jurisdiction — Immunity from foreign criminal jurisdiction — The law of Germany

There is a significant number of Hadith and Sunnah of the Prophet s.a.w in regard to the importance of education with additional examples set by the Prophet s.a.w himself. Among the scope of education emphasized by the Prophet s.a.w is early childhood education. Islamic scholars are of the opinion that corporal punishment or caning is the last resort in educating children. However, corporal punishment at schools has been polemical, where strong arguments have been made on the premises that the punishment is humiliating, stringent, inhumane and abusive. Thus, the objective of this study is to examine the application of Sunnah of the Prophet s.a.w in the Ministry of Education’s (MOE) school corporal punishment guidelines in Malaysia. This qualitative study examined the data collected from classical fiqh texts (primarily hadith) concerning corporal punishment or canning as well as data from various MOE school corporal guidelines, e.g. MOE circulars on student offences and canning. Content analysis was employed as both data collection and data analysis methods. A generic and inductive qualitative approach was used to fulfill the objectives of this study. This study discovered that corporal punishment is strongly recognized by the nas. Nonetheless, the punishment is not only restricted to caning. In fact, the findings demonstrate that in the nas, the punishment was described as a means to educate, instead of merely to punish. Despite the recognition of corporal punishment as a means to educate, the findings show that there was no evidence to support that the Prophet s.a.w has executed such punishment on his children and wives, in the context of education. On the other hand, analysis of the MOE’s guidelines revealed that corporal punishment is recognized as a means of education. However, the data shows that MOE’s guidelines are not fully consistent with the nas, i.e Sunnah of the Prophet s.a.w on corporal punishment as a means of education. Thus, it is strongly recommended that some improvements need to be made to ensure that the objective of corporal punishment is in line with the Sunnah, i.e. for the punishment to be applied as a means of education instead of solely a means of punishment.

This article focuses on the problematic issues that arise in the process of appointing a forensic handwriting examination, where the object of study are manuscripts performed in a state of intoxication. The reliability of the conclusions will largely depend on the correct quality and sufficient quantity of comparative material. This will be possible if the initiator of the study, after careful consideration of their work, qualitatively selects comparative material for the study. The purpose of this article is to further improve the purpose of forensic handwriting examination, the object of which is the study of manuscripts made in a state of intoxication, as well as to provide practical recommendations that will allow the initiators of the study to correctly select comparative material. Of particular importance in the conduct of forensic handwriting diagnostic examinations are information from the case file relating to the subject of examination, ie in the resolution, decision or statement must be indicated: first, it is information about the person - the actual or intended executor of the manuscript; second, essential information relating to the situation, the situation in which the manuscript in question was presumably performed, and in connection with it, the possible psychological attitude or emotional state of the person writing. When the initiator of the study informs the expert of the necessary information, he should not be afraid to "impose" a certain version, because the method of expert research is based on checking all the most likely alternatives (versions and counter version) and making decisions based only on objective data. Regarding the selection of comparative material provided for research in establishing whether a person was intoxicated, there are some peculiarities in the selection of experimental samples, because we cannot bring a person in such a state to take the necessary samples because the law prohibits harm to health, humiliation and infliction of moral suffering. They can be obtained without violating the law, by changing the condition, namely, you need to dictate the text at an extremely fast pace. The expert may also make a request, although the initiator of the study provided comparative material such as free, conditionally free and experimental samples, because there may be concomitant factors that the initiator did not take into account when selecting, such as experimental samples. The expert's request should be treated responsibly because the quality of the expert's opinion may depend on how well it is executed.

Harassment is a susceptible theme in socialization. It is the threatening behavior by any person or group at any place and workplace harassment is one of them. Workplace harassment is one of very sensitive areas and gaining attention by professionals and researchers. Dealing with workplace harassment is one of key indicator of effective organization. As per studies & observations harassment happens in the workplaces but no proper record. The complete study on main theme was the thesis/research work with primary objective to study the experiences of working women regarding harassment at educational institutions from School level to University level, since the current paper is one part from the thesis work which only explores the experiences of working women at School levels consequently this research paper was to study the experiences of working women regarding harassment while working with the heads and the colleagues in public schools, consequently the study was descriptive by nature, survey method was used for data collection. The population of the study was the working women of the public schools of SBA District. Sixty five percent working women were selected as sample by the convenient random sampling for the collection of data. The Study was initiated on the basis of seven research questions which based on seven main themes related to harassment, so the items of the tool based on these themes as a result questionnaire with five points Likert was developed for data collection which was analyzed statistically. Study revealed level of experiences of women regarding verbal, physical, psychological, discriminatory, religious, cyber and immoral harassment in workplace while teaching, attending meetings, communicating with heads, colleagues and staff members. They were sometimes targeted and teased by shouting, humiliating and degrading behavior, abusive languages, frequently jokes, bullying, attacks and assaults or threats within selected Schools. It was mainly recommended that the enforcement of the law should be made sure and the heads of the institutions should provide harassment free environment for the working women.

Problem setting. The article examines the role of the media in social and psychological adaptation of internally displaced persons. It is proved that social and psychological adaptation is a multi-faceted phenomenon, the most significant characteristics of which are the following ones: social and psychological adaptation is the process of “entering” of an individual into a social environment; is a two-way interaction between the individual and the group, the result of which is changes both in the personality and in the group; getting into a new group, the person changes his/her status and key characteristics; in the process of social and psychological adaptation the goals, expectations, requirements of the person and the group are agreed; the components of value-motivational sphere; the successful realization of social and psychological adaptation requires the presence of positive social settings (“social interest”) of the individual and group, the interest of the parties in the interaction; activity of the person is necessary for effective social and psychological adaptation (“social activity”), its personal qualities (maturity, self-actualization, etc.), relevant psychological resource. It is revealed that in addition to public authorities, local governments, public organizations, the mass media is the regulator of adaptation of the internally displaced persons. The indicated media function allows them to be included into the system of multilevel IDP adaptation management. Recent research and publications analysis. A conclusion is drawn regarding the negative impact of the media on the description of events related to the situation with IDPs. In connection with this the following outcomes are indicated: Contacts of journalists with the internally displaced persons. Often, while interviewing, the journalists try to get a description of “the most terrible” facts that caused the forced relocation. This leads to the so-called “secondary traumatism”. Interpretation of events. Often the emphasis is on unresolved issues, lack of support, and thus a feeling of helplessness and impotence appear. In practice, the media often use techniques to worsen the effects of forced relocation. Focusing on finding the causes and perpetrators of what has happened. This is a dead end situation, because it focuses on the past, which can not be changed. This search only reinforces the feeling of hopelessness, guilt and hatred. The media almost never emphasize “how” to make sure that this will not happen in the future. It is noted that in this period of time to talk about the socio-therapeutic function of the media, which should be aimed at treating people from frustration, the formation of a tolerant, tolerant attitude towards people who “are not like us.” As noted in the literature, tolerance – is tolerance, indulgence in the shortcomings of others, the ability of man, society, state to hear and respect the opinions of others, to be hostile to opinions that are different from their own, the ability to understand another person, care and understand other people’s feelings. Used as an antipode to aggression, malice and irritability. Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. In this regard, it is proposed to consider unacceptable: “shooting” a person “unexpectedly” at the time of acute grief or despair (such favorite video scene shows in Ukrainian media, when they talk about their losses through their tears); showing a person in a situation of humiliation that offends him/her human dignity (a demonstration of the terrible places of resettlement of the internally displaced persons, the arrival of “high guests” and “meeting with the people”, etc.); demonstration of moral and physical bullying; direct or indirect justification for actions that have caused the suffering of internally displaced persons; direct or indirect condemnation of the internally displaced persons; an appeal to collective repentance, a requirement for the internally displaced persons to recognize themselves as guests and behave accordingly; sarcasm or humor regarding internally displaced persons. Paper main body. It is determined that in order to provide information-psychological safety of the IDPs, potentially stress-related information should correspond to a number of conditions: constructive description of problems (showing people in a state of active overcoming of existing problems); analysis of possible means of constructive overcoming of difficulties; informing on the progress of the solution of the problem and its solution; provision of psychological support to internally displaced persons (demonstration of social approval and assistance). Materials about internally displaced persons should not end with statements such as “Who will help?”, “Who responds to other humans?”, “Where to search for justice?”. That creates an effect of incomplete action and may turn into a loss of hope and faith. Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. It is concluded that the media influence the social attitudes of its audience, changing opinions, shaping evaluation and stimulating behavior. The image of social reality created by the media influences the audience, forming a subjective image. Depending on the nature of the image created, perceptions of what is happening change, which can lead either to the assimilation of social norms, values, patterns of acceptable behavior, or to the rejection of social reality. In the process of social and psychological adaptation, forced internally displaced persons, representatives of the group with which they are in contact, form social attitudes towards each other, which can either be consolidated or adjusted through the media. The image created will be influenced not only by the objective social situation, but also by the subjective social attitudes of journalists, through the prism of which information material is created. representatives of the contact group and ultimately – in the process of socio-psychological adaptation. The conclusion is made on the necessity of indirect regulation of the description of internally displaced persons by the media from the state authorities (Ministry of Information Policy of Ukraine, Ministry of Reintegration of the Temporarily Occupied Territories of Ukraine), local self-government bodies, NGOs and journalists’ associations.

Le terme cannibalisme, issu de la découverte par Christophe Colomb des Canibs antillais (les Caraïbes), cristallise la réunion de deux phobies millénaires au sein de la civilisation occidentale : d’une part, le refus politique par la Grèce antique de l’allélophagie (se manger les uns les autres), incompatible avec la cité au même titre que la société féminine des Amazones, et, d’autre part, la répulsion mystique que l’anthropophagie inspire au monothéisme, par la rémanence trouble d’un caractère sacré de la chair humaine. Dès lors, la notion unit deux « bestialités » en une dépréciation ultime de l’exotisme que, malgré un essai rebelle et lumineux de Montaigne, la science de l’homme subira en pensant a priori le cannibalisme sous forme de crime contre l’humanisme, à travers trois phases : l’accusation, tant que l’ethnologie s’associe au colonialisme, puis le silence, après la Première Guerre mondiale, et enfin la disculpation, voire une dénégation « faute de preuves », depuis le dernier quart du XXe siècle. Cela posé, au-delà du défi permanent lancé à une sérénité scientifique que l’anthropologie se devrait d’acquérir face à tout objet de réflexion, le thème du cannibalisme contient une multitude de questions d’autant plus intéressantes qu’elles sont demeurées en friche pendant que « le reste de l’ethnologie » affinait son élaboration. Toutes les sociétés pensent spontanément l’hypothèse d’un cannibalisme, ne serait-ce que pour en commenter l’indécence : par exemple, en tant qu’inceste alimentaire (Polynésie, Micronésie). Certaines ont pratiqué une anthropophagie médicale non cannibale, en ce sens que le traitement des organes destinés à une absorption n’entretient aucun rapport avec l’identité de leur porteur (Europe, Chine), ou bien que le prélèvement partiel sur un parent n’implique pas sa mort (Chine). Il arrive, cependant, que l’existence d’une sorcellerie utilisant régulièrement le corps humain s’étende par moments à une fébrilité guerrière (Afrique centrale et occidentale), intégrant ainsi un constat général : la pratique culturellement assumée du cannibalisme « clignote » le plus souvent sur la planète comme un phénomène inconstant, ou selon le mot de Claude Lévi-Strauss, « labile ». Plus précisément, le sentiment d’une fréquence à long terme dans de grandes aires (Mélanésie, Amazonie), ou certains types d’environnements (la forêt tropicale en tête), voile une instabilité de la pratique chez les peuples. Les exceptions éventuelles correspondent non à des modes de vie présumés « sauvages » ou « primitifs », mais à des peuples marqués au contraire par des hiérarchies instituées : en Amazonie et en Amérique centrale, la consommation de l’ennemi imprégna si nettement certaines cosmogonies (Tupi-Guaranis, Caraïbes, Nahuas) qu’elle s’y fixa sur une longue durée. Le rapport prédateur/proie y était ressenti à travers une circularité où les groupes échangent continuellement les rôles : l’affirmation de la parité chez les guerriers s’accorde à la stratification sociale, dans un schéma analogue à la conjonction du chevaleresque et de l'aristocratique chez les Occidentaux. Les Bataks de Sumatra, dont l’anthropophagie fut signalée sur sept siècles, constituent un cas limite différent : punitive, elle s’applique aussi bien aux membres de la communauté (cannibalisme dit « juridique ») qu'aux ennemis. Autre point remarquable : si l'on considère les grandes zones culturelles de la planète, l'exocannibalisme (c'est-à-dire, la consommation alimentaire de l'ennemi) ne couvre jamais, fut-ce provisoirement, la totalité de l'espace habité, loin s'en faut. D'une part, il existe toujours des groupes qui la rejettent parmi des voisins qui s'y adonnent. D'autre part, on trouve régulièrement la présence de deux usages assortis : l'endocannibalisme funéraire sur le corps du parent défunt, voire spécialisé sur les os (Amazonie), et la chasse aux têtes où le trophée se rapporte systématiquement à un seuil décisif du cycle vital (naissance, mariage, cérémonie agraire de fécondité). Les trois orientations surgissent dans les mêmes régions, mais s'assemblent rarement. La conjonction sur la chair humaine des anthropophagies guerrière et funéraire émerge ponctuellement en Amazonie et en Nouvelle-Guinée, où elle singularise une population par rapport aux autres. L'incompatibilité se révèle, certes, moins tranchée entre exocannibalisme et chasse aux têtes (Océanie), d'autant que le rituel d'adoption sur le trophée prévoit habituellement une absorption infime à un instant déterminé de son déroulement. Cela dit, chaque fois que ces deux opérations se combinent, la prépondérance de l'une d'elles s'affirme clairement aux dépens de l'autre. Enfin, entre endocannibalisme et chasse aux têtes, aucun compromis n'affleure. Sous le foisonnement des enregistrements d'une « prédation » à l'encontre du congénère, les interprétations globales ont confirmé le contrecoup d'une hantise idéologique par un antagonisme grossier des positions défendues : un matérialisme ultra-rudimentaire soutient la cause nutritive, malgré d'innombrables objections, en miroir d'aperçus psychologiques qui se contentaient jadis de rétorquer un désir de vengeance, ou de s'approprier la force de l'ennemi, et qui, aujourd'hui, défendent les impératifs de la faculté symbolique. Chacune de ces tendances persiste uniquement en exploitant les insuffisances de la vision adverse, ce qui masque une inaptitude à décrypter la logique des rapports sociaux inférés. Une troisième attitude souligne depuis le XVIIIe siècle la difficulté de protéger la rationalité devant l'aversion : le déni du fait, suivi d'une disculpation « faute de preuves », au nom de la malveillance des témoins (colons, soldats, etc.), opération qui élude la pertinence de « l'acte d'accusation » occidental. Là encore, cette vision rencontre un négatif : le panachage débridé de tous les cas enregistrés, y compris des anecdotes « modernes », en vue de ramener le problème à une pulsion abjecte. L'analogie entre un acte individuel d'anthropophagie dans une société qui la maudit et une coutume exotique est évidemment aussi absurde qu'odieuse. Pourtant, sur un mode moins spectaculaire, des récurrences sociologiques existent. Elles sont particulièrement prononcées dans des sociétés guerrières mais acéphales, qui reposent sur une économie horticole, forestière (Amazonie, Afrique, Asie du Sud-Est) ou insulaire (Océanie). Sous couvert d'une loi du talion d'où ressort un statut d'égalité jusque dans la relation prédateur/proie, et qui réclame que tout meurtre et toute consommation soit compensée, le cannibalisme habite les combats et participe souvent à une limitation de leurs dévastations en dissuadant les vainqueurs de pousser leur avantage. Des paix ont ainsi été conclues par le cadeau d'un membre du groupe avantagé aux adversaires pénalisés par l'affrontement (Nouvelles-Hébrides) : le repas consécutif scelle la fin des hostilités. Il arrive, cependant, que le cannibalisme se débride : il témoigne alors d'une crise grave et les Européens ont rarement compris que leur arrivée « tambour battant » avait décuplé par divers biais les violences auxquelles ils assistaient. La bestialité alimentaire qui les scandalisait, dans laquelle ils devinaient une pré-histoire, était en réalité toujours imprégnée par une lourde crise historique. En contraste, il s'avère plus aisé de cerner la prohibition intransigeante de l'anthropophagie guerrière qui s'étend continuellement en tache d'huile. D'abord, parmi les sociétés centrées sur le traitement d'un bétail, la domestication des animaux entraînant peu à peu une modification parallèle des rapports entre les hommes, à commencer par les étrangers, en y insinuant la perspective d'un assujettissement durable. L'ennemi quitte la scène de la chasse et les proies se transforment en troupeau. Chez les cannibales, le scénario majoritaire place le captif devant une alternative : être assimilé physiquement (repas), ou socialement (adoption). Chez les éleveurs, le choix tend à disparaître, et une gradation de l'asservissement semble s'y substituer. À un autre étage, l'interdit alimentaire se cristallise sous l'autorité centralisée de sociétés étatiques qui revendiquent une supériorité politique et culturelle, en dénigrant l'infériorité des modes de vie différents : en Europe et en Orient, mais aussi chez les Incas, ou à Hawaï, le refus de l'anthropophagie se soude à la sensation d'un rôle souverain qui rejette un principe de contigüité essentielle entre les peuples. En somme, il existe une multitude de motifs susceptibles de valider la consommation du congénère, alors qu'il n’y en a qu’un pour asseoir durablement la proscription de cette pratique : la domination. Un préjugé occidental tenace discerne une humiliation indubitable dans le fait de se repaître du combattant terrassé ou capturé, alors que, justement, elle n'effleure pas la plupart des cannibales. Montaigne a superbement démenti l'intuition et conclut par cette formule : « il est tué, non pas vaincu ». Inversement, celui qui se proclame civilisé, tout en accablant et opprimant « pour leur bien » les arriérés, primitifs ou barbares, ne tolère pas l'idée de les manger : ne subodore-t-il pas dans cette fusion un dédit de ses prétentions à rompre avec un passé qui perdure en l'autre? Pour leur part, lorsque les Fidjiens souhaitaient insulter la mémoire d'un homme singulièrement détesté, ils laissaient sa dépouille sur place après l'avoir terrassé, signifiant par là qu'ils ne daigneraient pas s'en nourrir.

This issue’s theme was, in part, spurred into being by Greg Noble’s comments in last year’s newsletter of the Cultural Studies Association of Australasia that “cultural studies is crap at affect”. It elicited a bit of argy-bargy although, given the framing, response tended towards: yes, it is; or no, it isn’t. What would it mean to be crap, or conversely good, at affect? It’s been a while now that references to something called affect have littered cult-studs speak. In my own timeline, I remember giving a paper in Glasgow in the early 1990s. Nothing about it remains in my memory except that the Scots didn’t understand what I meant by A-ffect, as my mongrel tongue then pronounced it. At the time, the field was caught up in the media effects paradigm, so perhaps the misunderstanding was that common confusion between effect and affect. Although by and large the media effects school was fairly passionless, in feminist television and film studies, melancholia and other emotional states were important, but they weren’t named as Affect. Affect as an essentially empty term, as yet another contentless term in cultural theory, has been thoroughly skewered by Eve Sedgwick and Adam Frank. Their argument is against accounts of feelings that in privileging the cultural cannot adequately comprehend the variety of bodily and physiological responses. Inspired by the clinical psychologist, Silvan Tomkins, in crossing the biological and the cultural, or in their framing, the digital and the analogue, they seek a model that “can differentiate”, outside of the usual reliance on difference. Instead of the on/off, same/other logic so prevalent in cultural theory, they turn to the distinct and differentiating affects that Tomkins names: disgust-contempt; shame-humiliation; distress-anguish; anger-rage; surprise-startlement; enjoyment-joy; interest-excitement. You will recall their pitiless critique of Ann Cvetkovich’s book Mixed Feelings: Feminism, Mass Culture and Victorian Sensationalism. If you’ve read them as they sliced in theoretical posturing, you’ll never forget their critique. It was Cvetkovich’s first book. Sedgwick and Frank admit that their tactic was “graceless”. As they explicate, the objective of their critique was “a gestalt strategy of involving readers in a sudden perceptual reorganisation and unexpected self-recognition”. They reason that had they chosen works by more well-known authors, “our strategy would have had no chance of success”. Not knowing the author, and only vaguely aware of the book, I felt a frisson of mixed, but enthusiastic, emotions (surprise, excitement, interest, enjoyment) at lines such as: Perhaps most oddly for a theory of affect, this one has no feelings in it. Affect is treated as a unitary category … There is no theoretical room for any difference between, say, being amused, being disgusted, being ashamed, and being enraged. … It would be plausible to see a variety of twentieth-century theoretical languages as attempts, congruent with this one, to detoxify the excesses of the body, thought, and feeling by reducing the multiple essentialist risks of analog representation to the single, unavowedly essential certainty of one or another on/off switch. (Sedgwick and Frank 27) You would think that their critique would effectively put you off writing about Affect. But that is neither the case for the discipline, nor for that particular author. If writing about Affect without feeling, as an indiscriminate and undiscerning category, is effectively “crap”, what constitutes good, or at least not-crap uses of affect? If “crap” uses of affect amount to yet another nebulous and unsubstantiated entity (you could do a roll call of other such terms from the 1990s: politics, ethics, poetics, posthuman, and so on), why and how should we be interested in affect? Put another way, does an attention to affect extend existing cultural theories, or is it a discrete object of study and analysis? To take the latter, it’s clear that affect, understood as distinct physical and social phenomena, is of intrinsic interest. My recent studies of shame have convinced me that you could spend a productive life investigating how different disciplines conceptualise just this one affect. I barely scratched the surface, but the different approaches of, say, evolutionary biology and psychology, historical and biological anthropology, and bio-sociology offer extraordinarily interesting takes on the experience, expression and constitution of shame. And one thing leads to another. I still haven’t properly read Konrad Lorenz’s On Aggression. And I’m now really interested in how one would approach the more positive emotions and affects in a rigorous manner. It’s at the first level – of how affect extends and enriches cultural analysis – that I have the most experience. To take my own work, which goes back to the late 1980s, I’m beginning to see – either in hindsight or because of age – that there has been a consistent search as to how to convey the textures of everyday life. From Sexing the Self through Outside Belongings, Carnal Appetites and to Blush, I’ve scribbled away, constantly worrying at the ineffable, the awesome materiality of discourse and life as we know it. Subjectivity – how to use the self –, sexuality and queer angles, the oblique, the obvious, the ordinary … these are aspects that cannot be properly understood without recourse to the affective ways in which they appear and are recognised, or not, by individuals and social groups. I say this not to vaunt my own work, which has, in any case, been immensely inflected and inspired by the intellectual contexts which I’ve been lucky enough to inhabit. It is, I think, salutary not only for one’s own sense of a trajectory, but also intellectually important to remember that hot topics like Affect do not emerge as precocious brainchildren. Humans have wondered at these aspects of life for a very long time. Another important thing to remember is that they/we have wondered in awe-struck ways. When Affect becomes hot, it becomes untouchable and untouched by that wonder and by a necessary gratitude to the ideas that allow us to think … And write. Writing affect should inspire awe and awe inspires modesty. I’ve experimented with writing shame, arguing that it can provide an ethics of writing that continually makes us viscerally aware of the stakes involved in communicating to readers the importance of ideas. But we could also begin to imagine what writing joy might entail. Clifton Evers writes “stoke” in his work on masculinity and surfing. And years ago, Rosi Braidotti wrote “rage” as a major feminist modus operandi. If there can be no such thing as affectless writing (humans after all cannot not communicate), writing affects must be compelled by a modest acknowledgement of the effects of our critical writing. Modesty directs us to the small things, to the details and nuances that Sedgwick and Frank place within an intellectual project that can distinguish 256,000 shades of gray but also knows that there are real differences between red, and yellow, and blue. Or in Tomkins’ words, “the key to both Science and Art is the union of specificity and generality”, and he adds “is extremely difficult since the individual tends to backslide in one direction or the other”. As Georges Devereux once said, “a realistic science of man can only be created by men most aware of their own humanity when it implement it most completely in their scientific work” (xx). Affect in this sense constitutes an object of inquiry and a way of doing research that demands the abstract and concrete be brought to bear on each other. It also extends cultural theory and analysis by reminding us of our humanity and the tremendous effort it entails to implement it in our work. So let A-ffect rest (in peace), so we can put our energies into motivated analyses of the constitution, the experience, the political, cultural and individual import of many affects. References Braidotti, Rosi. Nomadic Subjects. New York: Columbia UP, 1994. Devereux, Georges. From Anxiety to Method in the Behavioral Sciences. The Hague: Mouton and Co, 1967. Evers, Clifton. Becoming-Wave, Becoming-Man. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Sydney, 2005. Evers, Clifton. “Men Who Surf.” Cultural Studies Review 10.1 (2004): 27-41. Lorenz, Konrad. On Aggression. Trans. Marjorie Kerr Wilson. London and New York: Routledge, 2002/1966. Noble, Greg. “What Cultural Studies Is Crap At.” Cultural Studies Association of Australasia Newsletter Oct. 2004. Sedgwick, Eve Kosofsky, and Adam Frank. “Shame in the Cybernetic Fold: Reading Silvan Tomkins.” In Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick and Adam Frank, eds., Shame and Its Sisters: A Silvan Tomkins Reader. Durham: Duke UP, 1995. Tomkins, Silvan, in Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick and Adam Frank, eds., Shame and Its Sisters: A Silvan Tomkins Reader. Durham: Duke UP, 1995. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Probyn, Elspeth. "A-ffect: Let Her RIP." M/C Journal 8.6 (2005). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0512/13-probyn.php>. APA Style Probyn, E. (Dec. 2005) "A-ffect: Let Her RIP," M/C Journal, 8(6). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0512/13-probyn.php>.

The general who wins a battle makes many calculations in his temple ere the battle is fought. — Sun TzuWorld War II saw a proliferation of maps. From command posts to the pages of National Geographic to the pages of daily newspapers, they were everywhere (Schulten). The era also saw substantive developments in cartography, especially with respect to the topographical maps that feature in our selected films. This essay offers a preliminary examination of the battle-map as depicted in two films about the Second World War: Franklin J. Shaffner’s biopic Patton (1970) and Jack Smight’s epic Midway (1976). In these films, maps, charts, or tableaux (the three-dimensional models upon which are plotted the movements of battalions, fleets, and so on) emerge as an expression of both martial and cinematic strategy. As a rear-view representation of the relative movements of personnel and materiel in particular battle arenas, the map and its accessories (pins, tape, markers, and so forth) trace the broad military dispositions of Patton’s 2nd Corp (Africa), Seventh Army (Italy) and Third Army (Western Europe) and the relative position of American and Japanese fleets in the Pacific. In both Patton and Midway, the map also emerges as a simple mode of narrative plotting: as the various encounters in the two texts play out, the battle-map more or less contemporaneously traces the progress of forces. It also serves as a foreshadowing device, not just narratively, but cinematically: that which is plotted in advance comes to pass (even if as preliminary movements before catastrophe), but the audience is also cued for the cinematic chaos and disjuncture that almost inevitably ensues in the battle scenes proper.On one hand, then, this essay proposes that at the fundamental level of fabula (seen through either the lens of historical hindsight or through the eyes of the novice who knows nothing of World War II), the annotated map is engaged both strategically and cinematically: as a stage upon which commanders attempt to act out (either in anticipation, or retrospectively) the intricate, but grotesque, ballet of warfare — and as a reflection of the broad, sequential, sweeps of conflict. While, in War and Cinema, Paul Virilio offers the phrase ‘the logistics of perception’ (1), in this this essay we, on the other hand, consider that, for those in command, the battle-map is a representation of the perception of logistics: the big picture of war finds rough indexical representation on a map, but (as Clausewitz tells us) chance, the creative agency of individual commanders, and the fog of battle make it far less probable (than is the case in more specific mappings, such as, say, the wedding rehearsal) that what is planned will play out with any degree of close correspondence (On War 19, 21, 77-81). Such mapping is, of course, further problematised by the processes of abstraction themselves: indexicality is necessarily a reduction; a de-realisation or déterritorialisation. ‘For the military commander,’ writes Virilio, ‘every dimension is unstable and presents itself in isolation from its original context’ (War and Cinema 32). Yet rehearsal (on maps, charts, or tableaux) is a keying activity that seeks to presage particular real world patterns (Goffman 45). As suggested above, far from being a rhizomatic activity, the heavily plotted (as opposed to thematic) business of mapping is always out of joint: either a practice of imperfect anticipation or an equally imperfect (pared back and behind-the-times) rendition of activity in the field. As is argued by Tolstoj in War and Peace, the map then presents to the responder a series of tensions and ironies often lost on the masters of conflict themselves. War, as Tostoj proposes, is a stochastic phenomenon while the map is a relatively static, and naive, attempt to impose order upon it. Tolstoj, then, pillories Phull (in the novel, Pfuhl), the aptly-named Prussian general whose lock-stepped obedience to the science of war (of which the map is part) results in the abject humiliation of 1806:Pfuhl was one of those theoreticians who are so fond of their theory that they lose sight of the object of that theory - its application in practice. (Vol. 2, Part 1, Ch. 10, 53)In both Patton and Midway, then, the map unfolds not only as an epistemological tool (read, ‘battle plan’) or reflection (read, the near contemporaneous plotting of real world affray) of the war narrative, but as a device of foreshadowing and as an allegory of command and its profound limitations. So, in Deleuzian terms, while emerging as an image of both time and perception, for commanders and filmgoers alike, the map is also something of a seduction: a ‘crystal-image’ situated in the interstices between the virtual and the actual (Deleuze 95). To put it another way, in our films the map emerges as an isomorphism: a studied plotting in which inheres a counter-text (Goffman 26). As a simple device of narrative, and in the conventional terms of latitude and longitude, in both Patton and Midway, the map, chart, or tableau facilitate the plotting of the resources of war in relation to relief (including island land masses), roads, railways, settlements, rivers, and seas. On this syntagmatic plane, in Greimasian terms, the map is likewise received as a canonical sign of command: where there are maps, there are, after all, commanders (Culler 13). On the other hand, as suggested above, the battle-map (hereafter, we use the term to signify the conventional paper map, the maritime chart, or tableau) materialises as a sanitised image of the unknown and the grotesque: as apodictic object that reduces complexity and that incidentally banishes horror and affect. Thus, the map evolves, in the viewer’s perception, as an ironic sign of all that may not be commanded. This is because, as an emblem of the rational order, in Patton and Midway the map belies the ubiquity of battle’s friction: that defined by Clausewitz as ‘the only concept which...distinguishes real war from war on paper’ (73). ‘Friction’ writes Clausewitz, ‘makes that which appears easy in War difficult in reality’ (81).Our work here cannot ignore or side-step the work of others in identifying the core cycles, characteristics of the war film genre. Jeanine Basinger, for instance, offers nothing less than an annotated checklist of sixteen key characteristics for the World War II combat film. Beyond this taxonomy, though, Basinger identifies the crucial role this sub-type of film plays in the corpus of war cinema more broadly. The World War II combat film’s ‘position in the evolutionary process is established, as well as its overall relationship to history and reality. It demonstrates how a primary set of concepts solidifies into a story – and how they can be interpreted for a changing ideology’ (78). Stuart Bender builds on Basinger’s taxonomy and discussion of narrative tropes with a substantial quantitative analysis of the very building blocks of battle sequences. This is due to Bender’s contention that ‘when a critic’s focus [is] on the narrative or ideological components of a combat film [this may] lead them to make assumptions about the style which are untenable’ (8). We seek with this research to add to a rich and detailed body of knowledge by redressing a surprising omission therein: a conscious and focussed analysis of the use of battle-maps in war cinema. In Patton and in Midway — as in War and Peace — the map emerges as an emblem of an intergeneric dialogue: as a simple storytelling device and as a paradigmatic engine of understanding. To put it another way, as viewer-responders with a synoptic perspective we perceive what might be considered a ‘double exposure’: in the map we see what is obviously before us (the collision of represented forces), but an Archimedean positioning facilitates the production of far more revelatory textual isotopies along what Roman Jakobson calls the ‘axis of combination’ (Linguistics and Poetics 358). Here, otherwise unconnected signs (in our case various manifestations and configurations of the battle-map) are brought together in relation to particular settings, situations, and figures. Through this palimpsest of perspective, a crucial binary emerges: via the battle-map we see ‘command’ and the sequence of engagement — and, through Greimasian processes of axiological combination (belonging more to syuzhet than fabula), elucidated for us are the wrenching ironies of warfare (Culler 228). Thus, through the profound and bound motif of the map (Tomashevsky 69), are we empowered to pass judgement on the map bearers who, in both films, present as the larger-than-life heroes of old. Figure 1.While we have scope only to deal with the African theatre, Patton opens with a dramatic wide-shot of the American flag: a ‘map’, if you will, of a national history forged in war (Fig. 1). Against this potent sign of American hegemony, as he slowly climbs up to the stage before it, the general appears a diminutive figure -- until, via a series of matched cuts that culminate in extreme close-ups, he manifests as a giant about to play his part in a great American story (Fig. 2).Figure 2.Some nineteen minutes into a film, having surveyed the carnage of Kasserine Pass (in which, in February 1943, the Germans inflicted a humiliating defeat on the Americans) General Omar Bradley is reunited with his old friend and newly-nominated three-star general, George S. Patton Jr.. Against a backdrop of an indistinct topographical map (that nonetheless appears to show the front line) and the American flag that together denote the men’s authority, the two discuss the Kasserine catastrophe. Bradley’s response to Patton’s question ‘What happened at Kasserine?’ clearly illustrates the tension between strategy and real-world engagement. While the battle-plan was solid, the Americans were outgunned, their tanks were outclassed, and (most importantly) their troops were out-disciplined. Patton’s concludes that Rommel can only be beaten if the American soldiers are fearless and fight as a cohesive unit. Now that he is in command of the American 2nd Corp, the tide of American martial fortune is about to turn.The next time Patton appears in relation to the map is around half an hour into the two-and-three-quarter-hour feature. Here, in the American HQ, the map once more appears as a simple, canonical sign of command. Somewhat carelessly, the map of Europe seems to show post-1945 national divisions and so is ostensibly offered as a straightforward prop. In terms of martial specifics, screenplay writer Francis Ford Coppola apparently did not envisage much close scrutiny of the film’s maps. Highlighted, instead, are the tensions between strategy as a general principle and action on the ground. As British General Sir Arthur Coningham waxes lyrical about allied air supremacy, a German bomber drops its payload on the HQ, causing the map of Europe to (emblematically) collapse forward into the room. Following a few passes by the attacking aircraft, the film then cuts to a one second medium shot as a hail of bullets from a Heinkel He 111 strike a North African battle map (Fig. 3). Still prone, Patton remarks: ‘You were discussing air supremacy, Sir Arthur.’ Dramatising a scene that did take place (although Coningham was not present), Schaffner’s intention is to allow Patton to shoot holes in the British strategy (of which he is contemptuous) but a broader objective is the director’s exposé of the more general disjuncture between strategy and action. As the film progresses, and the battle-map’s allegorical significance is increasingly foregrounded, this critique becomes definitively sharper.Figure 3.Immediately following a scene in which an introspective Patton walks through a cemetery in which are interred the remains of those killed at Kasserine, to further the critique of Allied strategy the camera cuts to Berlin’s high command and a high-tech ensemble of tableaux, projected maps, and walls featuring lights, counters, and clocks. Tasked to research the newly appointed Patton, Captain Steiger walks through the bunker HQ with Hitler’s Chief of Staff, General Jodl, to meet with Rommel — who, suffering nasal diphtheria, is away from the African theatre. In a memorable exchange, Steiger reveals that Patton permanently attacks and never retreats. Rommel, who, following his easy victory at Kasserine, is on the verge of total tactical victory, in turn declares that he will ‘attack and annihilate’ Patton — before the poet-warrior does the same to him. As Clausewitz has argued, and as Schaffner is at pains to point out, it seems that, in part, the outcome of warfare has more to do with the individual consciousness of competing warriors than it does with even the most exquisite of battle-plans.Figure 4.So, even this early in the film’s runtime, as viewer-responders we start to reassess various manifestations of the battle-map. To put it as Michelle Langford does in her assessment of Schroeter’s cinema, ‘fragments of the familiar world [in our case, battle-maps] … become radically unfamiliar’ (Allegorical Images 57). Among the revelations is that from the flag (in the context of close battle, all sense of ‘the national’ dissolves), to the wall map, to the most detailed of tableau, the battle-plan is enveloped in the fog of war: thus, the extended deeply-focussed scenes of the Battle of El Guettar take us from strategic overview (Patton’s field glass perspectives over what will soon become a Valley of Death) to what Boris Eichenbaum has called ‘Stendhalian’ scale (The Young Tolstoi 105) in which, (in Patton) through more closely situated perspectives, we almost palpably experience the Germans’ disarray under heavy fire. As the camera pivots between the general and the particular (and between the omniscient and the nescient) the cinematographer highlights the tension between the strategic and the actual. Inasmuch as it works out (and, as Schaffner shows us, it never works out completely as planned) this is the outcome of modern martial strategy: chaos and unimaginable carnage on the ground that no cartographic representation might capture. As Patton observes the destruction unfold in the valley below and before him, he declares: ‘Hell of a waste of fine infantry.’ Figure 5.An important inclusion, then, is that following the protracted El Guettar battle scenes, Schaffner has the (symbolically flag-draped) casket of Patton’s aide, Captain Richard N. “Dick” Jenson, wheeled away on a horse-drawn cart — with the lonely figure of the mourning general marching behind, his ironic interior monologue audible to the audience: ‘I can't see the reason such fine young men get killed. There are so many battles yet to fight.’ Finally, in terms of this brief and partial assessment of the battle-map in Patton, less than an hour in, we may observe that the map is emerging as something far more than a casual prop; as something more than a plotting of battlelines; as something more than an emblem of command. Along a new and unexpected axis of semantic combination, it is now manifesting as a sign of that which cannot be represented nor commanded.Midway presents the lead-up to the eponymous naval battle of 1942. Smight’s work is of interest primarily because the battle itself plays a relatively small role in the film; what is most important is the prolonged strategising that comprises most of the film’s run time. In Midway, battle-tables and fleet markers become key players in the cinematic action, second almost to the commanders themselves. Two key sequences are discussed here: the moment in which Yamamoto outlines his strategy for the attack on Midway (by way of a decoy attack on the Aleutian Islands), and the scene some moments later where Admiral Nimitz and his assembled fleet commanders (Spruance, Blake, and company) survey their own plan to defend the atoll. In Midway, as is represented by the notion of a fleet-in-being, the oceanic battlefield is presented as a speculative plane on which commanders can test ideas. Here, a fleet in a certain position projects a radius of influence that will deter an enemy fleet from attacking: i.e. ‘a fleet which is able and willing to attack an enemy proposing a descent upon territory which that force has it in charge to protect’ (Colomb viii). The fleet-in-being, it is worth noting, is one that never leaves port and, while it is certainly true that the latter half of Midway is concerned with the execution of strategy, the first half is a prolonged cinematic game of chess, with neither player wanting to move lest the other has thought three moves ahead. Virilio opines that the fleet-in-being is ‘a new idea of violence that no longer comes from direct confrontation and bloodshed, but rather from the unequal properties of bodies, evaluation of the number of movements allowed them in a chosen element, permanent verification of their dynamic efficiency’ (Speed and Politics 62). Here, as in Patton, we begin to read the map as a sign of the subjective as well as the objective. This ‘game of chess’ (or, if you prefer, ‘Battleships’) is presented cinematically through the interaction of command teams with their battle-tables and fleet markers. To be sure, this is to show strategy being developed — but it is also to prepare viewers for the defamiliarised representation of the battle itself.The first sequence opens with a close-up of Admiral Yamamoto declaring: ‘This is how I expect the battle to develop.’ The plan to decoy the Americans with an attack on the Aleutians is shown via close-ups of the conveniently-labelled ‘Northern Force’ (Fig. 6). It is then explained that, twenty-four hours later, a second force will break off and strike south, on the Midway atoll. There is a cut from closeups of the pointer on the map to the wider shot of the Japanese commanders around their battle table (Fig. 7). Interestingly, apart from the opening of the film in the Japanese garden, and the later parts of the film in the operations room, the Japanese commanders are only ever shown in this battle-table area. This canonically positions the Japanese as pure strategists, little concerned with the enmeshing of war with political or social considerations. The sequence ends with Commander Yasimasa showing a photograph of Vice Admiral Halsey, who the Japanese mistakenly believe will be leading the carrier fleet. Despite some bickering among the commanders earlier in the film, this sequence shows the absolute confidence of the Japanese strategists in their plan. The shots are suitably languorous — averaging three to four seconds between cuts — and the body language of the commanders shows a calm determination. The battle-map here is presented as an index of perfect command and inevitable victory: each part of the plan is presented with narration suggesting the Japanese expect to encounter little resistance. While Yasimasa and his clique are confident, the other commanders suggest a reconnaissance flight over Pearl Harbor to ascertain the position of the American fleet; the fear of fleet-in-being is shown here firsthand and on the map, where the reconnaissance planes are placed alongside the ship markers. The battle-map is never shown in full: only sections of the naval landscape are presented. We suggest that this is done in order to prepare the audience for the later stages of the film: as in Patton (from time to time) the battle-map here is filmed abstractly, to prime the audience for the abstract montage of the battle itself in the film’s second half.Figure 6.Figure 7.Having established in the intervening running time that Halsey is out of action, his replacement, Rear Admiral Spruance, is introduced to the rest of the command team. As with all the important American command and strategy meetings in the film, this is done in the operations room. A transparent coordinates board is shown in the foreground as Nimitz, Spruance and Rear Admiral Fletcher move through to the battle table. Behind the men, as they lean over the table, is an enormous map of the world (Fig. 8). In this sequence, Nimitz freely admits that while he knows each Japanese battle group’s origin and heading, he is unsure of their target. He asks Spruance for his advice:‘Ray, assuming what you see here isn’t just an elaborate ruse — Washington thinks it is, but assuming they’re wrong — what kind of move do you suggest?’This querying is followed by Spruance glancing to a particular point on the map (Fig. 9), then a cut to a shot of models representing the aircraft carriers Hornet, Enterprise & Yorktown (Fig. 10). This is one of the few model/map shots unaccompanied by dialogue or exposition. In effect, this shot shows Spruance’s thought process before he responds: strategic thought presented via cinematography. Spruance then suggests situating the American carrier group just northeast of Midway, in case the Japanese target is actually the West Coast of the United States. It is, in effect, a hedging of bets. Spruance’s positioning of the carrier group also projects that group’s sphere of influence around Midway atoll and north to essentially cut off Japanese access to the US. The fleet-in-being is presented graphically — on the map — in order to, once again, cue the audience to match the later (edited) images of the battle to these strategic musings.In summary, in Midway, the map is an element of production design that works alongside cinematography, editing, and performance to present the notion of strategic thought to the audience. In addition, and crucially, it functions as an abstraction of strategy that prepares the audience for the cinematic disorientation that will occur through montage as the actual battle rages later in the film. Figure 8.Figure 9.Figure 10.This essay has argued that the battle-map is a simulacrum of the weakest kind: what Baudrillard would call ‘simulacra of simulation, founded on information, the model’ (121). Just as cinema itself offers a distorted view of history (the war film, in particular, tends to hagiography), the battle-map is an over-simplification that fails to capture the physical and psychological realities of conflict. We have also argued that in both Patton and Midway, the map is not a ‘free’ motif (Tomashevsky 69). Rather, it is bound: a central thematic device. In the two films, the battle-map emerges as a crucial isomorphic element. On the one hand, it features as a prop to signify command and to relay otherwise complex strategic plottings. At this syntagmatic level, it functions alongside cinematography, editing, and performance to give audiences a glimpse into how military strategy is formed and tested: a traditional ‘reading’ of the map. But on the flip side of what emerges as a classic structuralist binary, is the map as a device of foreshadowing (especially in Midway) and as a depiction of command’s profound limitations. Here, at a paradigmatic level, along a new axis of combination, a new reading of the map in war cinema is proposed: the battle-map is as much a sign of the subjective as it is the objective.ReferencesBasinger, Jeanine. The World War II Combat Film: Anatomy of a Genre. Middletown, CT: Columbia UP, 1986.Baudrillard, Jean. Simulacra and Simulation. Ann Arbour: U of Michigan Press, 1994.Bender, Stuart. Film Style and the World War II Combat Genre. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2013.Clausewitz, Carl. On War. Vol. 1. London: Kegan Paul, 1908.Colomb, Philip Howard. Naval Warfare: Its Ruling Principles and Practice Historically Treated. 3rd ed. London: W.H. Allen & Co, 1899.Culler, Jonathan. Structuralist Poetics. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1975.Deleuze, Gilles. Cinema 2: The Time-Image. London: Continuum, 2005.Eichenbaum, Boris. The Young Tolstoi. Ann Arbor: Ardis, 1972.Goffman, Erving. Frame Analysis. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1976.Jakobson, Roman. "Linguistics and Poetics." Style in Language. Ed. T. Sebebeok. Cambridge, MA: MIT, 1960. 350—77.Langford, Michelle. Allegorical Images: Tableau, Time and Gesture in the Cinema of Werner Schroeter. Bristol: Intellect, 2006.Midway. Jack Smight. Universal Pictures, 1976. Film.Patton. Franklin J. Schaffner. 20th Century Fox, 1970. Film.Schulten, Susan. World War II Led to a Revolution in Cartography. New Republic 21 May 2014. 16 June 2017 <https://newrepublic.com/article/117835/richard-edes-harrison-reinvented-mapmaking-world-war-2-americans>.Tolstoy, Leo. War and Peace. Vol. 2. London: Folio, 1997.Tomashevsky, Boris. "Thematics." Russian Formalist Criticism: Four Essays. Eds. L. Lemon and M. Reis, Lincoln: U. Nebraska Press, 2012. 61—95.Tzu, Sun. The Art of War. San Diego: Canterbury Classics, 2014.Virilio, Paul. Speed and Politics. Paris: Semiotext(e), 2006.Virilio, Paul. War and Cinema: The Logistics of Perception. London: Verso, 1989.

Ubiquitous in airports, border checkpoints, and other securitised spaces throughout the world, full-body imaging scanners claim to read bodies in order to identify if they pose security threats. Millimetre-wave body imaging machines—the most common type of body scanner—display to the operating security agent a screen with a generic body outline. If an anomaly is found or if an individual does not align with the machine’s understanding of an “average” body, a small box is highlighted and placed around the “problem” area, prompting further inspection in the form of pat-downs or questioning. In this complex security regime governed by such biometric, body-based technologies, it could be argued that nonalignment with bodily normativity as well as an attendant failure to reveal oneself—to become “transparent” (Hall 295)—marks a body as dangerous. As these algorithmic technologies become more pervasive, so too does the imperative to critically examine their purported neutrality and operative logic of revelation and readability.Biometric technologies are marketed as excavators of truth, with their optic potency claiming to demask masquerading bodies. Failure and bias are, however, an inescapable aspect of such technologies that work with narrow parameters of human morphology. Indeed, surveillance technologies have been taken to task for their inherent racial and gender biases (Browne; Pugliese). Facial recognition has, for example, been critiqued for its inability to read darker skin tones (Buolamwini and Gebru), while body scanners have been shown to target transgender bodies (Keyes; Magnet and Rodgers; Quinan). Critical security studies scholar Shoshana Magnet argues that error is endemic to the technological functioning of biometrics, particularly since they operate according to the faulty notion that bodies are “stable” and unchanging repositories of information that can be reified into code (Magnet 2).Although body scanners are presented as being able to reliably expose concealed weapons, they are riddled with incompetencies that misidentify and over-select certain demographics as suspect. Full-body scanners have, for example, caused considerable difficulties for transgender travellers, breast cancer patients, and people who use prosthetics, such as artificial limbs, colonoscopy bags, binders, or prosthetic genitalia (Clarkson; Quinan; Spalding). While it is not in the scope of this article to detail the workings of body imaging technologies and their inconsistencies, a growing body of scholarship has substantiated the claim that these machines unfairly impact those identifying as transgender and non-binary (see, e.g., Beauchamp; Currah and Mulqueen; Magnet and Rogers; Sjoberg). Moreover, they are constructed according to a logic of binary gender: before each person enters the scanner, transportation security officers must make a quick assessment of their gender/sex by pressing either a blue (corresponding to “male”) or pink (corresponding to “female”) button. In this sense, biometric, computerised security systems control and monitor the boundaries between male and female.The ability to “reveal” oneself is henceforth predicated on having a body free of “abnormalities” and fitting neatly into one of the two sex categorisations that the machine demands. Transgender and gender-nonconforming individuals, particularly those who do not have a binary gender presentation or whose presentation does not correspond to the sex marker in their documentation, also face difficulties if the machine flags anomalies (Quinan and Bresser). Drawing on a Foucauldian analysis of power as productive, Toby Beauchamp similarly illustrates how surveillance technologies not only identify but also create and reshape the figure of the dangerous subject in relation to normative configurations of gender, race, and able-bodiedness. By mobilizing narratives of concealment and disguise, heightened security measures frame gender nonconformity as dangerous (Beauchamp, Going Stealth). Although national and supranational authorities market biometric scanning technologies as scientifically neutral and exact methods of identification and verification and as an infallible solution to security risks, such tools of surveillance are clearly shaped by preconceptions and prejudgements about race, gender, and bodily normativity. Not only are they encoded with “prototypical whiteness” (Browne) but they are also built on “grossly stereotypical” configurations of gender (Clarkson).Amongst this increasingly securitised landscape, creative forms of artistic resistance can offer up a means of subverting discriminatory policing and surveillance practices by posing alternate visualisations that reveal and challenge their supposed objectivity. In his 2018 audio-video artwork installation entitled SANCTUM, UK-based American artist Zach Blas delves into how biometric technologies, like those described above, both reveal and (re)shape ontology by utilising the affectual resonance of sexual submission. Evoking the contradictory notions of oppression and pleasure, Blas describes SANCTUM as “a mystical environment that perverts sex dungeons with the apparatuses and procedures of airport body scans, biometric analysis, and predictive policing” (see full description at https://zachblas.info/works/sanctum/).Depicting generic mannequins that stand in for the digitalised rendering of the human forms that pass through body scanners, the installation transports the scanners out of the airport and into a queer environment that collapses sex, security, and weaponry; an environment that is “at once a prison-house of algorithmic capture, a sex dungeon with no genitals, a weapons factory, and a temple to security.” This artistic reframing gestures towards full-body scanning technology’s germination in the military, prisons, and other disciplinary systems, highlighting how its development and use has originated from punitive—rather than protective—contexts.In what follows, we adopt a methodological approach that applies visual analysis and close reading to scrutinise a selection of scenes from SANCTUM that underscore the sadomasochistic power inherent in surveillance technologies. Analysing visual and aural elements of the artistic intervention allows us to complicate the relationship between transparency and recognition and to problematise the dynamic of mandatory complicity and revelation that body scanners warrant. In contrast to a discourse of visibility that characterises algorithmically driven surveillance technology, Blas suggests opacity as a resistance strategy to biometrics' standardisation of identity. Taking an approach informed by critical security studies and queer theory, we also argue that SANCTUM highlights the violence inherent to the practice of reducing the body to a flat, inert surface that purports to align with some sort of “core” identity, a notion that contradicts feminist and queer approaches to identity and corporeality as fluid and changing. In close reading this artistic installation alongside emerging scholarship on the discriminatory effects of biometric technology, this article aims to highlight the potential of art to queer the supposed objectivity and neutrality of biometric surveillance and to critically challenge normative logics of revelation and readability.Corporeal Fetishism and Body HorrorThroughout both his artistic practice and scholarly work, Blas has been critical of the above narrative of biometrics as objective extractors of information. Rather than looking to dominant forms of representation as a means for recognition and social change, Blas’s work asks that we strive for creative techniques that precisely queer biometric and legal systems in order to make oneself unaccounted for. For him, “transparency, visibility, and representation to the state should be used tactically, they are never the end goal for a transformative politics but are, ultimately, a trap” (Blas and Gaboury 158). While we would simultaneously argue that invisibility is itself a privilege that is unevenly distributed, his creative work attempts to refuse a politics of visibility and to embrace an “informatic opacity” that is attuned to differences in bodies and identities (Blas).In particular, Blas’s artistic interventions titled Facial Weaponization Suite (2011-14) and Face Cages (2013-16) protest against biometric recognition and the inequalities that these technologies propagate by making masks and wearable metal objects that cannot be detected as human faces. This artistic-activist project contests biometric facial recognition and their attendant inequalities by, as detailed on the artist’s website,making ‘collective masks’ in workshops that are modelled from the aggregated facial data of participants, resulting in amorphous masks that cannot be detected as human faces by biometric facial recognition technologies. The masks are used for public interventions and performances.One mask explores blackness and the racist implications that undergird biometric technologies’ inability to detect dark skin. Meanwhile another mask, which he calls the “Fag Face Mask”, points to the heteronormative underpinnings of facial recognition. Created from the aggregated facial data of queer men, this amorphous pink mask implicitly references—and contests—scientific studies that have attempted to link the identification of sexual orientation through rapid facial recognition techniques.Building on this body of creative work that has advocated for opacity as a tool of social and political transformation, SANCTUM resists the revelatory impulses of biometric technology by turning to the use and abuse of full-body imaging. The installation opens with a shot of a large, dark industrial space. At the far end of a red, spotlighted corridor, a black mask flickers on a screen. A shimmering, oscillating sound reverberates—the opening bars of a techno track—that breaks down in rhythm while the mask evaporates into a cloud of smoke. The camera swivels, and a white figure—the generic mannequin of the body scanner screen—is pummelled by invisible forces as if in a wind tunnel. These ghostly silhouettes appear and reappear in different positions, with some being whipped and others stretched and penetrated by a steel anal hook. Rather than conjuring a traditional horror trope of the body’s terrifying, bloody interior, SANCTUM evokes a new kind of feared and fetishized trope that is endemic to the current era of surveillance capitalism: the abstracted body, standardised and datafied, created through the supposedly objective and efficient gaze of AI-driven machinery.Resting on the floor in front of the ominous animated mask are neon fragments arranged in an occultist formation—hands or half a face. By breaking the body down into component parts— “from retina to fingerprints”—biometric technologies “purport to make individual bodies endlessly replicable, segmentable and transmissible in the transnational spaces of global capital” (Magnet 8). The notion that bodies can be seamlessly turned into blueprints extracted from biological and cultural contexts has been described by Donna Haraway as “corporeal fetishism” (Haraway, Modest). In the context of SANCTUM, Blas illustrates the dangers of mistaking a model for a “concrete entity” (Haraway, “Situated” 147). Indeed, the digital cartography of the generic mannequin becomes no longer a mode of representation but instead a technoscientific truth.Several scenes in SANCTUM also illustrate a process whereby substances are extracted from the mannequins and used as tools to enact violence. In one such instance, a silver webbing is generated over a kneeling figure. Upon closer inspection, this geometric structure, which is reminiscent of Blas’s earlier Face Cages project, is a replication of the triangulated patterns produced by facial recognition software in its mapping of distance between eyes, nose, and mouth. In the next scene, this “map” breaks apart into singular shapes that float and transform into a metallic whip, before eventually reconstituting themselves as a penetrative douche hose that causes the mannequin to spasm and vomit a pixelated liquid. Its secretions levitate and become the webbing, and then the sequence begins anew.In another scene, a mannequin is held upside-down and force-fed a bubbling liquid that is being pumped through tubes from its arms, legs, and stomach. These depictions visualise Magnet’s argument that biometric renderings of bodies are understood not to be “tropic” or “historically specific” but are instead presented as “plumbing individual depths in order to extract core identity” (5). In this sense, this visual representation calls to mind biometrics’ reification of body and identity, obfuscating what Haraway would describe as the “situatedness of knowledge”. Blas’s work, however, forces a critique of these very systems, as the materials extracted from the bodies of the mannequins in SANCTUM allude to how biometric cartographies drawn from travellers are utilised to justify detainment. These security technologies employ what Magnet has referred to as “surveillant scopophilia,” that is, new ways and forms of looking at the human body “disassembled into component parts while simultaneously working to assuage individual anxieties about safety and security through the promise of surveillance” (17). The transparent body—the body that can submit and reveal itself—is ironically represented by the distinctly genderless translucent mannequins. Although the generic mannequins are seemingly blank slates, the installation simultaneously forces a conversation about the ways in which biometrics draw upon and perpetuate assumptions about gender, race, and sexuality.Biometric SubjugationOn her 2016 critically acclaimed album HOPELESSNESS, openly transgender singer, composer, and visual artist Anohni performs a deviant subjectivity that highlights the above dynamics that mark the contemporary surveillance discourse. To an imagined “daddy” technocrat, she sings:Watch me… I know you love me'Cause you're always watching me'Case I'm involved in evil'Case I'm involved in terrorism'Case I'm involved in child molestersEvoking a queer sexual frisson, Anohni describes how, as a trans woman, she is hyper-visible to state institutions. She narrates a voyeuristic relation where trans bodies are policed as threats to public safety rather than protected from systemic discrimination. Through the seemingly benevolent “daddy” character and the play on ‘cause (i.e., because) and ‘case (i.e., in case), she highlights how gender-nonconforming individuals are predictively surveilled and assumed to already be guilty. Reflecting on daddy-boy sexual paradigms, Jack Halberstam reads the “sideways” relations of queer practices as an enactment of “rupture as substitution” to create a new project that “holds on to vestiges of the old but distorts” (226). Upending power and control, queer art has the capacity to both reveal and undermine hegemonic structures while simultaneously allowing for the distortion of the old to create something new.Employing the sublimatory relations of bondage, discipline, sadism, and masochism (BDSM), Blas’s queer installation similarly creates a sideways representation that re-orientates the logic of the biometric scanners, thereby unveiling the always already sexualised relations of scrutiny and interrogation as well as the submissive complicity they demand. Replacing the airport environment with a dark and foreboding mise-en-scène allows Blas to focus on capture rather than mobility, highlighting the ways in which border checkpoints (including those instantiated by the airport) encourage free travel for some while foreclosing movement for others. Building on Sara Ahmed’s “phenomenology of being stopped”, Magnet considers what happens when we turn our gaze to those “who fail to pass the checkpoint” (107). In SANCTUM, the same actions are played out again and again on spectral beings who are trapped in various states: they shudder in cages, are chained to the floor, or are projected against the parameters of mounted screens. One ghostly figure, for instance, lies pinned down by metallic grappling hooks, arms raised above the head in a recognisable stance of surrender, conjuring up the now-familiar image of a traveller standing in the cylindrical scanner machine, waiting to be screened. In portraying this extended moment of immobility, Blas lays bare the deep contradictions in the rhetoric of “freedom of movement” that underlies such spaces.On a global level, media reporting, scientific studies, and policy documents proclaim that biometrics are essential to ensuring personal safety and national security. Within the public imagination, these technologies become seductive because of their marked ability to identify terrorist attackers—to reveal threatening bodies—thereby appealing to the anxious citizen’s fear of the disguised suicide bomber. Yet for marginalised identities prefigured as criminal or deceptive—including transgender and black and brown bodies—the inability to perform such acts of revelation via submission to screening can result in humiliation and further discrimination, public shaming, and even tortuous inquiry – acts that are played out in SANCTUM.Masked GenitalsFeminist surveillance studies scholar Rachel Hall has referred to the impetus for revelation in the post-9/11 era as a desire for a universal “aesthetics of transparency” in which the world and the body is turned inside-out so that there are no longer “secrets or interiors … in which terrorists or terrorist threats might find refuge” (127). Hall takes up the case study of Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab (infamously known as “the Underwear Bomber”) who attempted to detonate plastic explosives hidden in his underwear while onboard a flight from Amsterdam to Detroit on 25 December 2009. Hall argues that this event signified a coalescence of fears surrounding bodies of colour, genitalia, and terrorism. News reports following the incident stated that Abdulmutallab tucked his penis to make room for the explosive, thereby “queer[ing] the aspiring terrorist by indirectly referencing his willingness … to make room for a substitute phallus” (Hall 289). Overtly manifested in the Underwear Bomber incident is also a desire to voyeuristically expose a hidden, threatening interiority, which is inherently implicated with anxieties surrounding gender deviance. Beauchamp elaborates on how gender deviance and transgression have coalesced with terrorism, which was exemplified in the wake of the 9/11 attacks when the United States Department of Homeland Security issued a memo that male terrorists “may dress as females in order to discourage scrutiny” (“Artful” 359). Although this advisory did not explicitly reference transgender populations, it linked “deviant” gender presentation—to which we could also add Abdulmutallab’s tucking of his penis—with threats to national security (Beauchamp, Going Stealth). This also calls to mind a broader discussion of the ways in which genitalia feature in the screening process. Prior to the introduction of millimetre-wave body scanning technology, the most common form of scanner used was the backscatter imaging machine, which displayed “naked” body images of each passenger to the security agent. Due to privacy concerns, these machines were replaced by the scanners currently in place which use a generic outline of a passenger (exemplified in SANCTUM) to detect possible threats.It is here worth returning to Blas’s installation, as it also implicitly critiques the security protocols that attempt to reveal genitalia as both threatening and as evidence of an inner truth about a body. At one moment in the installation a bayonet-like object pierces the blank crotch of the mannequin, shattering it into holographic fragments. The apparent genderlessness of the mannequins is contrasted with these graphic sexual acts. The penetrating metallic instrument that breaks into the loin of the mannequin, combined with the camera shot that slowly zooms in on this action, draws attention to a surveillant fascination with genitalia and revelation. As Nicholas L. Clarkson documents in his analysis of airport security protocols governing prostheses, including limbs and packies (silicone penis prostheses), genitals are a central component of the screening process. While it is stipulated that physical searches should not require travellers to remove items of clothing, such as underwear, or to expose their genitals to staff for inspection, prosthetics are routinely screened and examined. This practice can create tensions for trans or disabled passengers with prosthetics in so-called “sensitive” areas, particularly as guidelines for security measures are often implemented by airport staff who are not properly trained in transgender-sensitive protocols.ConclusionAccording to media technologies scholar Jeremy Packer, “rather than being treated as one to be protected from an exterior force and one’s self, the citizen is now treated as an always potential threat, a becoming bomb” (382). Although this technological policing impacts all who are subjected to security regimes (which is to say, everyone), this amalgamation of body and bomb has exacerbated the ways in which bodies socially coded as threatening or deceptive are targeted by security and surveillance regimes. Nonetheless, others have argued that the use of invasive forms of surveillance can be justified by the state as an exchange: that citizens should willingly give up their right to privacy in exchange for safety (Monahan 1). Rather than subscribing to this paradigm, Blas’ SANCTUM critiques the violence of mandatory complicity in this “trade-off” narrative. Because their operationalisation rests on normative notions of embodiment that are governed by preconceptions around gender, race, sexuality and ability, surveillance systems demand that bodies become transparent. This disproportionally affects those whose bodies do not match norms, with trans and queer bodies often becoming unreadable (Kafer and Grinberg). The shadowy realm of SANCTUM illustrates this tension between biometric revelation and resistance, but also suggests that opacity may be a tool of transformation in the face of such discriminatory violations that are built into surveillance.ReferencesAhmed, Sara. “A Phenomenology of Whiteness.” Feminist Theory 8.2 (2007): 149–68.Beauchamp, Toby. “Artful Concealment and Strategic Visibility: Transgender Bodies and U.S. State Surveillance after 9/11.” Surveillance & Society 6.4 (2009): 356–66.———. Going Stealth: Transgender Politics and U.S. Surveillance Practices. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2019.Blas, Zach. “Informatic Opacity.” The Journal of Aesthetics and Protest 9 (2014). <http://www.joaap.org/issue9/zachblas.htm>.Blas, Zach, and Jacob Gaboury. 2016. “Biometrics and Opacity: A Conversation.” Camera Obscura: Feminism, Culture, and Media Studies 31.2 (2016): 154-65.Buolamwini, Joy, and Timnit Gebru. “Gender Shades: Intersectional Accuracy Disparities in Commercial Gender Classification.” Proceedings of Machine Learning Research 81 (2018): 1-15.Browne, Simone. Dark Matters: On the Surveillance of Blackness. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2015.Clarkson, Nicholas L. “Incoherent Assemblages: Transgender Conflicts in US Security.” Surveillance & Society 17.5 (2019): 618-30.Currah, Paisley, and Tara Mulqueen. “Securitizing Gender: Identity, Biometrics, and Transgender Bodies at the Airport.” Social Research 78.2 (2011): 556-82.Halberstam, Jack. The Queer Art of Failure. Durham: Duke UP, 2011.Hall, Rachel. “Terror and the Female Grotesque: Introducing Full-Body Scanners to U.S. Airports.” Feminist Surveillance Studies. Eds. Rachel E. Dubrofsky and Shoshana Amielle Magnet. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2015. 127-49.Haraway, Donna. “Situated Knowledges: The Science Question in Feminism and the Privilege of Partial Perspective.” Feminist Studies 14.3 (1988): 575-99.———. Modest_Witness@Second_Millennium. FemaleMan_Meets_OncoMouse: Feminism and Technoscience. New York: Routledge, 1997.Kafer, Gary, and Daniel Grinberg. “Queer Surveillance.” Surveillance & Society 17.5 (2019): 592-601.Keyes, O.S. “The Misgendering Machines: Trans/HCI Implications of Automatic Gender Recognition.” Proceedings of the ACM on Human-Computer Interaction 2. CSCW, Article 88 (2018): 1-22.Magnet, Shoshana Amielle. When Biometrics Fail: Gender, Race, and the Technology of Identity. Durham: Duke UP, 2011.Magnet, Shoshana, and Tara Rodgers. “Stripping for the State: Whole Body Imaging Technologies and the Surveillance of Othered Bodies.” Feminist Media Studies 12.1 (2012): 101–18.Monahan, Torin. Surveillance and Security: Technological Politics and Power in Everyday Life. New York: Routledge, 2006.Packer, Jeremy. “Becoming Bombs: Mobilizing Mobility in the War of Terror.” Cultural Studies 10.5 (2006): 378-99.Pugliese, Joseph. “In Silico Race and the Heteronomy of Biometric Proxies: Biometrics in the Context of Civilian Life, Border Security and Counter-Terrorism Laws.” Australian Feminist Law Journal 23 (2005): 1-32.Pugliese, Joseph. Biometrics: Bodies, Technologies, Biopolitics New York: Routledge, 2010.Quinan, C.L. “Gender (In)securities: Surveillance and Transgender Bodies in a Post-9/11 Era of Neoliberalism.” Eds. Stef Wittendorp and Matthias Leese. Security/Mobility: Politics of Movement. Manchester: Manchester UP, 2017. 153-69.Quinan, C.L., and Nina Bresser. “Gender at the Border: Global Responses to Gender Diverse Subjectivities and Non-Binary Registration Practices.” Global Perspectives 1.1 (2020). <https://doi.org/10.1525/gp.2020.12553>.Sjoberg, Laura. “(S)he Shall Not Be Moved: Gender, Bodies and Travel Rights in the Post-9/11 Era.” Security Journal 28.2 (2015): 198-215.Spalding, Sally J. “Airport Outings: The Coalitional Possibilities of Affective Rupture.” Women’s Studies in Communication 39.4 (2016): 460-80.

In the last months of his life, 86-year-old Albert Facey became a best-selling author and revered cultural figure following the publication of his autobiography, A Fortunate Life. Released on Anzac Day 1981, it was praised for its “plain, unembellished, utterly sincere and un-self-pitying account of the privations of childhood and youth” (Semmler) and “extremely powerful description of Gallipoli” (Dutton 16). Within weeks, critic Nancy Keesing declared it an “Enduring Classic.” Within six months, it was announced as the winner of two prestigious non-fiction awards, with judges acknowledging Facey’s “extraordinary memory” and “ability to describe scenes and characters with great precision” (“NBC” 4). A Fortunate Life also transformed the fortunes of its publisher. Founded in 1976 as an independent, not-for-profit publishing house, Fremantle Arts Centre Press (FACP) might have been expected, given the Australian average, to survive for just a few years. Former managing editor Ray Coffey attributes the Press’s ongoing viability, in no small measure, to Facey’s success (King 29). Along with Wendy Jenkins, Coffey edited Facey’s manuscript through to publication; only five months after its release, with demand outstripping the capabilities, FACP licensed Penguin to take over the book’s production and distribution. Adaptations soon followed. In 1984, Kerry Packer’s PBL launched a prospectus for a mini-series, which raised a record $6.3 million (PBL 7–8). Aired in 1986 with a high-rating documentary called The Facey Phenomenon, the series became the most watched television event of the year (Lucas). Syndication of chapters to national and regional newspapers, stage and radio productions, audio- and e-books, abridged editions for young readers, and inclusion on secondary school curricula extended the range and influence of Facey’s life writing. Recently, an option was taken out for a new television series (Fraser).A hundred reprints and two million readers on from initial publication, A Fortunate Life continues to rate among the most appreciated Australian books of all time. Commenting on a reader survey in 2012, writer and critic Marieke Hardy enthused, “I really loved it [. . .] I felt like I was seeing a part of my country and my country’s history through a very human voice . . .” (First Tuesday Book Club). Registering a transformed reading, Hardy’s reference to Australian “history” is unproblematically juxtaposed with amused delight in an autobiography that invents and embellishes: not believing “half” of what Facey wrote, she insists he was foremost a yarn spinner. While the work’s status as a witness account has become less authoritative over time, it seems appreciation of the author’s imagination and literary skill has increased (Williamson). A Fortunate Life has been read more commonly as an uncomplicated, first-hand account, such that editor Wendy Jenkins felt it necessary to refute as an “utter mirage” that memoir is “transferred to the page by an act of perfect dictation.” Sidonie Smith and Julia Watson argue of life narratives that some “autobiographical claims [. . .] can be verified or discounted by recourse to documentation outside the text. But autobiographical truth is a different matter” (16). With increased access to archives, especially digitised personnel records, historians have asserted that key elements of Facey’s autobiography are incorrect or “fabricated” (Roberts), including his enlistment in 1914 and participation in the Gallipoli Landing on 25 April 1915. We have researched various sources relevant to Facey’s early years and war service, including hard-copy medical and repatriation records released in 2012, and find A Fortunate Life in a range of ways deviates from “documentation outside of the text,” revealing intriguing, layered storytelling. We agree with Smith and Watson that “autobiographical acts” are “anything but simple or transparent” (63). As “symbolic interactions in the world,” they are “culturally and historically specific” and “engaged in an argument about identity” (63). Inevitably, they are also “fractured by the play of meaning” (63). Our approach, therefore, includes textual analysis of Facey’s drafts alongside the published narrative and his medical records. We do not privilege institutional records as impartial but rather interpret them in terms of their hierarchies and organisation of knowledge. This leads us to speculate on alternative readings of A Fortunate Life as an illness narrative that variously resists and subscribes to dominant cultural plots, tropes, and attitudes. Facey set about writing in earnest in the 1970s and generated (at least) three handwritten drafts, along with a typescript based on the third draft. FACP produced its own working copy from the typescript. Our comparison of the drafts offers insights into the production of Facey’s final text and the otherwise “hidden” roles of editors as transformers and enablers (Munro 1). The notion that a working man with basic literacy could produce a highly readable book in part explains Facey’s enduring appeal. His grandson and literary executor, John Rose, observed in early interviews that Facey was a “natural storyteller” who had related details of his life at every opportunity over a period of more than six decades (McLeod). Jenkins points out that Facey belonged to a vivid oral culture within which he “told and retold stories to himself and others,” so that they eventually “rubbed down into the lines and shapes that would so memorably underpin the extended memoir that became A Fortunate Life.” A mystique was thereby established that “time” was Albert Facey’s “first editor” (Jenkins). The publisher expressly aimed to retain Facey’s voice, content, and meaning, though editing included much correcting of grammar and punctuation, eradication of internal inconsistencies and anomalies, and structural reorganisation into six sections and 68 chapters. We find across Facey’s drafts a broadly similar chronology detailing childhood abandonment, life-threatening incidents, youthful resourcefulness, physical prowess, and participation in the Gallipoli Landing. However, there are also shifts and changed details, including varying descriptions of childhood abuse at a place called Cave Rock; the introduction of (incompatible accounts of) interstate boxing tours in drafts two and three which replace shearing activities in Draft One; divergent tales of Facey as a world-standard athlete, league footballer, expert marksman, and powerful swimmer; and changing stories of enlistment and war service (see Murphy and Nile, “Wounded”; “Naked”).Jenkins edited those sections concerned with childhood and youth, while Coffey attended to Facey’s war and post-war life. Drawing on C.E.W. Bean’s official war history, Coffey introduced specificity to the draft’s otherwise vague descriptions of battle and amended errors, such as Facey’s claim to have witnessed Lord Kitchener on the beach at Gallipoli. Importantly, Coffey suggested the now famous title, “A Fortunate Life,” and encouraged the author to alter the ending. When asked to suggest a title, Facey offered “Cave Rock” (Interview)—the site of his violent abuse and humiliation as a boy. Draft One concluded with Facey’s repatriation from the war and marriage in 1916 (106); Draft Two with a brief account of continuing post-war illness and ultimate defeat: “My war injuries caught up with me again” (107). The submitted typescript concludes: “I have often thought that going to War has caused my life to be wasted” (Typescript 206). This ending differs dramatically from the redemptive vision of the published narrative: “I have lived a very good life, it has been very rich and full. I have been very fortunate and I am thrilled by it when I look back” (412).In The Wounded Storyteller, Arthur Frank argues that literary markets exist for stories of “narrative wreckage” (196) that are redeemed by reconciliation, resistance, recovery, or rehabilitation, which is precisely the shape of Facey’s published life story and a source of its popularity. Musing on his post-war experiences in A Fortunate Life, Facey focuses on his ability to transform the material world around him: “I liked the challenge of building up a place from nothing and making a success where another fellow had failed” (409). If Facey’s challenge was building up something from nothing, something he could set to work on and improve, his life-writing might reasonably be regarded as a part of this broader project and desire for transformation, so that editorial interventions helped him realise this purpose. Facey’s narrative was produced within a specific zeitgeist, which historian Joy Damousi notes was signalled by publication in 1974 of Bill Gammage’s influential, multiply-reprinted study of front-line soldiers, The Broken Years, which drew on the letters and diaries of a thousand Great War veterans, and also the release in 1981 of Peter Weir’s film Gallipoli, for which Gammage was the historical advisor. The story of Australia’s war now conceptualised fallen soldiers as “innocent victims” (Damousi 101), while survivors were left to “compose” memories consistent with their sacrifice (Thomson 237–54). Viewing Facey’s drafts reminds us that life narratives are works of imagination, that the past is not fixed and memory is created in the present. Facey’s autobiographical efforts and those of his publisher to improve the work’s intelligibility and relevance together constitute an attempt to “objectify the self—to present it as a knowable object—through a narrative that re-structures [. . .] the self as history and conclusions” (Foster 10). Yet, such histories almost invariably leave “a crucial gap” or “censored chapter.” Dennis Foster argues that conceiving of narration as confession, rather than expression, “allows us to see the pathos of the simultaneous pursuit and evasion of meaning” (10); we believe a significant lacuna in Facey’s life writing is intimated by its various transformations.In a defining episode, A Fortunate Life proposes that Facey was taken from Gallipoli on 19 August 1915 due to wounding that day from a shell blast that caused sandbags to fall on him, crush his leg, and hurt him “badly inside,” and a bullet to the shoulder (348). The typescript, however, includes an additional but narratively irreconcilable date of 28 June for the same wounding. The later date, 19 August, was settled on for publication despite the author’s compelling claim for the earlier one: “I had been blown up by a shell and some 7 or 8 sandbags had fallen on top of me, the day was the 28th of June 1915, how I remembered this date, it was the day my brother Roy had been killed by a shell burst.” He adds: “I was very ill for about six weeks after the incident but never reported it to our Battalion doctor because I was afraid he would send me away” (Typescript 205). This account accords with Facey’s first draft and his medical records but is inconsistent with other parts of the typescript that depict an uninjured Facey taking a leading role in fierce fighting throughout July and August. It appears, furthermore, that Facey was not badly wounded at any time. His war service record indicates that he was removed from Gallipoli due to “heart troubles” (Repatriation), which he also claims in his first draft. Facey’s editors did not have ready access to military files in Canberra, while medical files were not released until 2012. There existed, therefore, virtually no opportunity to corroborate the author’s version of events, while the official war history and the records of the State Library of Western Australia, which were consulted, contain no reference to Facey or his war service (Interview). As a consequence, the editors were almost entirely dependent on narrative logic and clarifications by an author whose eyesight and memory had deteriorated to such an extent he was unable to read his amended text. A Fortunate Life depicts men with “nerve sickness” who were not permitted to “stay at the Front because they would be upsetting to the others, especially those who were inclined that way themselves” (350). By cross referencing the draft manuscripts against medical records, we can now perceive that Facey was regarded as one of those nerve cases. According to Facey’s published account, his wounds “baffled” doctors in Egypt and Fremantle (353). His medical records reveal that in September 1915, while hospitalised in Egypt, his “palpitations” were diagnosed as “Tachycardia” triggered by war-induced neuroses that began on 28 June. This suggests that Facey endured seven weeks in the field in this condition, with the implication being that his debility worsened, resulting in his hospitalisation. A diagnosis of “debility,” “nerves,” and “strain” placed Facey in a medical category of “Special Invalids” (Butler 541). Major A.W. Campbell noted in the Medical Journal of Australia in 1916 that the war was creating “many cases of little understood nervous and mental affections, not only where a definite wound has been received, but in many cases where nothing of the sort appears” (323). Enlisted doctors were either physicians or surgeons and sometimes both. None had any experience of trauma on the scale of the First World War. In 1915, Campbell was one of only two Australian doctors with any pre-war experience of “mental diseases” (Lindstrom 30). On staff at the Australian Base Hospital at Heliopolis throughout the Gallipoli campaign, he claimed that at times nerve cases “almost monopolised” the wards under his charge (319). Bearing out Facey’s description, Campbell also reported that affected men “received no sympathy” and, as “carriers of psychic contagion,” were treated as a “source of danger” to themselves and others (323). Credentialed by royal colleges in London and coming under British command, Australian medical teams followed the practice of classifying men presenting “nervous or mental symptoms” as “battle casualties” only if they had also been wounded by “enemy action” (Loughran 106). By contrast, functional disability, with no accompanying physical wounds, was treated as unmanly and a “hysterical” reaction to the pressures of war. Mental debility was something to be feared in the trenches and diagnosis almost invariably invoked charges of predisposition or malingering (Tyquin 148–49). This shifted responsibility (and blame) from the war to the individual. Even as late as the 1950s, medical notes referred to Facey’s condition as being “constitutional” (Repatriation).Facey’s narrative demonstrates awareness of how harshly sufferers were treated. We believe that he defended himself against this with stories of physical injury that his doctors never fully accepted and that he may have experienced conversion disorder, where irreconcilable experience finds somatic expression. His medical diagnosis in 1915 and later life writing establish a causal link with the explosion and his partial burial on 28 June, consistent with opinion at the time that linked concussive blasts with destabilisation of the nervous system (Eager 422). Facey was also badly shaken by exposure to the violence and abjection of war, including hand-to-hand combat and retrieving for burial shattered and often decomposed bodies, and, in particular, by the death of his brother Roy, whose body was blown to pieces on 28 June. (A second brother, Joseph, was killed by multiple bayonet wounds while Facey was convalescing in Egypt.) Such experiences cast a different light on Facey’s observation of men suffering nerves on board the hospital ship: “I have seen men doze off into a light sleep and suddenly jump up shouting, ‘Here they come! Quick! Thousands of them. We’re doomed!’” (350). Facey had escaped the danger of death by explosion or bayonet but at a cost, and the war haunted him for the rest of his days. On disembarkation at Fremantle on 20 November 1915, he was admitted to hospital where he remained on and off for several months. Forty-one other sick and wounded disembarked with him (HMAT). Around one third, experiencing nerve-related illness, had been sent home for rest; while none returned to the war, some of the physically wounded did (War Service Records). During this time, Facey continued to present with “frequent attacks of palpitation and giddiness,” was often “short winded,” and had “heart trouble” (Repatriation). He was discharged from the army in June 1916 but, his drafts suggest, his war never really ended. He began a new life as a wounded Anzac. His dependent and often fractious relationship with the Repatriation Department ended only with his death 66 years later. Historian Marina Larsson persuasively argues that repatriated sick and wounded servicemen from the First World War represented a displaced presence at home. Many led liminal lives of “disenfranchised grief” (80). Stephen Garton observes a distinctive Australian use of repatriation to describe “all policies involved in returning, discharging, pensioning, assisting and training returned men and women, and continuing to assist them throughout their lives” (74). Its primary definition invokes coming home but to repatriate also implies banishment from a place that is not home, so that Facey was in this sense expelled from Gallipoli and, by extension, excluded from the myth of Anzac. Unlike his two brothers, he would not join history as one of the glorious dead; his name would appear on no roll of honour. Return home is not equivalent to restoration of his prior state and identity, for baggage from the other place perpetually weighs. Furthermore, failure to regain health and independence strains hospitality and gratitude for the soldier’s service to King and country. This might be exacerbated where there is no evident or visible injury, creating suspicion of resistance, cowardice, or malingering. Over 26 assessments between 1916 and 1958, when Facey was granted a full war pension, the Repatriation Department observed him as a “neuropathic personality” exhibiting “paroxysmal tachycardia” and “neurocirculatory asthenia.” In 1954, doctors wrote, “We consider the condition is a real handicap and hindrance to his getting employment.” They noted that after “attacks,” Facey had a “busted depressed feeling,” but continued to find “no underlying myocardial disease” (Repatriation) and no validity in Facey’s claims that he had been seriously physically wounded in the war (though A Fortunate Life suggests a happier outcome, where an independent medical panel finally locates the cause of his ongoing illness—rupture of his spleen in the war—which results in an increased war pension). Facey’s condition was, at times, a source of frustration for the doctors and, we suspect, disappointment and shame to him, though this appeared to reduce on both sides when the Repatriation Department began easing proof of disability from the 1950s (Thomson 287), and the Department of Veteran’s Affairs was created in 1976. This had the effect of shifting public and media scrutiny back onto a system that had until then deprived some “innocent victims of the compensation that was their due” (Garton 249). Such changes anticipated the introduction of Post-Traumatic Shock Disorder (PTSD) to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) in 1980. Revisions to the DSM established a “genealogy of trauma” and “panic disorders” (100, 33), so that diagnoses such as “neuropathic personality” (Echterling, Field, and Stewart 192) and “soldier’s heart,” that is, disorders considered “neurotic,” were “retrospectively reinterpreted” as a form of PTSD. However, Alberti points out that, despite such developments, war-related trauma continues to be contested (80). We propose that Albert Facey spent his adult life troubled by a sense of regret and failure because of his removal from Gallipoli and that he attempted to compensate through storytelling, which included his being an original Anzac and seriously wounded in action. By writing, Facey could shore up his rectitude, work ethic, and sense of loyalty to other servicemen, which became necessary, we believe, because repatriation doctors (and probably others) had doubted him. In 1927 and again in 1933, an examining doctor concluded: “The existence of a disability depends entirely on his own unsupported statements” (Repatriation). We argue that Facey’s Gallipoli experiences transformed his life. By his own account, he enlisted for war as a physically robust and supremely athletic young man and returned nine months later to life-long anxiety and ill-health. Publication transformed him into a national sage, earning him, in his final months, the credibility, empathy, and affirmation he had long sought. Exploring different accounts of Facey, in the shape of his drafts and institutional records, gives rise to new interpretations. In this context, we believe it is time for a new edition of A Fortunate Life that recognises it as a complex testimonial narrative and theorises Facey’s deployment of national legends and motifs in relation to his “wounded storytelling” as well as to shifting cultural and medical conceptualisations and treatments of shame and trauma. ReferencesAlberti, Fay Bound. Matters of the Heart: History, Medicine, and Emotions. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2010. Butler, A.G. Official History of the Australian Medical Services 1814-1918: Vol I Gallipoli, Palestine and New Guinea. Canberra: Australian War Memorial, 1930.Campbell, A.W. “Remarks on Some Neuroses and Psychoses in War.” Medical Journal of Australia 15 April (1916): 319–23.Damousi, Joy. “Why Do We Get So Emotional about Anzac.” What’s Wrong with Anzac. Ed. Marilyn Lake and Henry Reynolds. Sydney: UNSWP, 2015. 94–109.Dutton, Geoffrey. “Fremantle Arts Centre Press Publicity.” Australian Book Review May (1981): 16.Eager, R. “War Neuroses Occurring in Cases with a Definitive History of Shell Shock.” British Medical Journal 13 Apr. 1918): 422–25.Echterling, L.G., Thomas A. Field, and Anne L. Stewart. “Evolution of PTSD in the DSM.” Future Directions in Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder: Prevention, Diagnosis, and Treatment. Ed. Marilyn P. Safir and Helene S. Wallach. New York: Springer, 2015. 189–212.Facey, A.B. A Fortunate Life. 1981. Ringwood: Penguin, 2005.———. Drafts 1–3. University of Western Australia, Special Collections.———. Transcript. 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