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Dissertationen zum Thema "Hongkong (Chine) Politique et gouvernement 1997-"
Lai, Yueh-Tchienn. „Le rôle de l'Armée rouge dans le champ politique à la période de Deng Xiaoping“. Paris 2, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996PA020128.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleMARQUIE, SOPHIE. „"du colonialisme britannique a l'autoritarisme de beijing : la democratie impossible a hong kong?" etude du systeme politique de hong kong dans la perspective de son rattachement a la chine“. Paris 1, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA010272.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleJuly ist 1997, china will recover the sovereignty over hong kong. Is it a simple decolonisation phenomen? the reality is more complexe. For over a century, the british liberal theories combined with the chinese commercial feeling have created an original society with own identity. Hong kong has achieved a level of prosperity and of liberty unequaled with that of china. At the down of this profond change, several questions need to be raised : - why has there never been a nationalistic or independantist movement? - how did the government of hong kong function as a non-democratic yet allowing all fundamental liberties to its subjects? - will the join declaration between china and great britain, an international agreement drawn up for the futur of hong kong, have a chance to be applied? - why did the political democratisation interviene so late? - how can the chinese harsh political attitude towards hong kong be explained? - what might appen after july ist 1997? the 30th of june 1997, at midnight, the hong kong political system will have been dismantle. The democrates will have been marginalized and the liberties restrained. A prospective analysis of hong kong must take into account all the uncertainties that weight on the internal evolution of china as well as the particularities of hong kong (strong cultural identity and internationalization of the territory). These factors must not be ignored as they will be determinant factors for the futur of hong kong
Li, Jun. „La diplomatie chinoise dans la pensée de Deng Xiaoping“. Paris 11, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004PA111025.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleZhong, Xiaofeng. „L'ouverture chinoise sur l'extérieur,1979-1989 : alliance des acteurs et affrontement des logiques“. Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995IEPP0018.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleSince 1979, China's opening up policy has been continuously carried out despite political turbulences : how to explain such dynamics since the political system seems resist change? The "fragmentary authoritarianism" model and the transnational theory together appear adequate to propose an answer to this question. Deng Xiaoping's dominant political position, his determination to open the country to the outside world and his pragmatic and progressive approach ensured the consistency and created a strong political base beyond the traditional organs of power. Chinese intellectuals were clearly put a disadvantage by Deng's strategy. Their close ties to the ruling party made finding their autonomy really difficult to achieve. Because of this almost "incestuous" relationship, they often became the first victims of the party power struggle. As for the emerging Chinese enterpreneurs, they benefited from Deng Xiaoping's encouraging attitude, a real degree of autonomy and the "complicity" of transnational networks. Unlike the Chinese intellectuals, the enterpreneurs appeared to the communist regime as first rank autonomous partner. They formed one kind of potential and strong "opposition" that Deng Xiaoping consistently encouraged and counted on. The position of Deng, the pressure from the emerging coastal region enterpreneurs with transnational background and the alliance between Deng and the enterpreneurs have been essential in implementing the opening up policy
Bayen, Aurélie. „Politiques et modes d'appropriation de l'Internet en Chine : instrumentalisation de l'information et de la communication par le Parti au pouvoir (1994-2013)“. Paris, EHESS, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015EHES0009.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleInformation and communication technologies on the Internet induced a new relationship between power and society in China. They imposed the Party-State to evolve in order to prevent the network to become a real tool, able to federate the opposition. This challenge urges the Chinese Communist Party to change this technological threat into a crucial asset, to keep the country in its power. By proposing a new governance, where citizens are invited to participate in political life online, the Party got through to seduce a great number of social groups existing on the web. This 2. 0 propaganda falls within the scope of the ideotainment described by Lagerkvist, where narration control evolves on more ludic and informative modes. In the same way, state domination is continuously reinforced by colossal means of technical and human control, intended to delete any trace of contestation from digital agora and its collective memory. The second point of this study analyses internet users' reactions in the cyber public space, where appropriation modes and rhetoric are instrumented as stakes in Power towards the leaders. The political regime characterized by its online communication is based on Claude Lefort's theory, concerning adhesion politic with the Party-One against the Other. This post-totalitarian sloughing, made through a pragmatically and hegemonic communication policy according to Gramsci's definition, lets the Party's elite stay in power and have succeeded to, as Lampedusa says, make everything change to make nothing change. Annexes supply numerous practical and illustrated informations on the history and the functioning of the Internet in China
Han, Jingjing. „Le droit foncier chinois : le droit d'usage du terrain d'Etat“. Thesis, Paris 2, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA020005.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThe issue of ownership has been a fundamental question throughout Chinese history. Different from what has been established by western legal systems, the private ownership has never been considered as a subjective natural right , not an absolute right. In addition, there exists a contradiction between the market economy and the socialism. The land use right was created under the circumstances aiming to encourage economic development without breaking with the socialist ideology. Therefore, the land use right and the public ownership interact with each other in a very original way. The land use right develops along with the economic demands. In order to extend the protection to private ownership, the Chinese Constitution is amended in 2004. Accordingly, the Property Law of 2007 explicitly recognizes the very nature of the land use right, and offers equal protection to both private ownership and public ownership. It is important to keep in mind that the recognition of such new element in Chinese Property Law raises many legal questions as well as political ones. What are the consequences of governmental land finance? Is there a need to address the issue of ineffectiveness in the protection of land use right against the State? How to respond to the dissatisfaction of the private person whose property is expropriated? All these questions lead us to the conclusion that the land use right is still far from a sac red right. It requests a further extensive reform. In our view, a comprehensive political reform is both necessary and unavoidable
Bücher zum Thema "Hongkong (Chine) Politique et gouvernement 1997-"
關於香港,#我冇嘢講. Hong Kong: 白卷出版社, 2019.
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