Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „History – underground movements“
Um die anderen Arten von Veröffentlichungen zu diesem Thema anzuzeigen, folgen Sie diesem Link: History – underground movements.
Geben Sie eine Quelle nach APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard und anderen Zitierweisen an
Machen Sie sich mit Top-50 Zeitschriftenartikel für die Forschung zum Thema "History – underground movements" bekannt.
Neben jedem Werk im Literaturverzeichnis ist die Option "Zur Bibliographie hinzufügen" verfügbar. Nutzen Sie sie, wird Ihre bibliographische Angabe des gewählten Werkes nach der nötigen Zitierweise (APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver usw.) automatisch gestaltet.
Sie können auch den vollen Text der wissenschaftlichen Publikation im PDF-Format herunterladen und eine Online-Annotation der Arbeit lesen, wenn die relevanten Parameter in den Metadaten verfügbar sind.
Sehen Sie die Zeitschriftenartikel für verschiedene Spezialgebieten durch und erstellen Sie Ihre Bibliographie auf korrekte Weise.
1
Quinn, Adam. „“Aboveground, Underground, and Locked Down”“. Radical History Review 2021, Nr. 141 (01.10.2021): 151–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-9170766.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Abstract Incarcerated people in Washington have published a variety of periodicals, ranging from general prison news to radical newspapers that debated ideologies like communism, anarchism, and Black nationalism. This article examines radical periodicals published in and concerning prisons to better understand struggles over the prisoners’ press in Washington. First, it contextualizes this history with a discussion of militant prisoner support movements in the 1970s. These movements included the Sunfighter, an underground newspaper; and the George Jackson Brigade, a guerrilla group, whose members were involved with both the Sunfighter and subsequent prison newspapers. This article then analyzes the politics, inside-outside relationships, and censorship of two radical prisoner quarterlies: the Marxist-Leninist Red Dragon and the Anarchist Black Dragon. Influenced by their prison environment, these newspapers provided space for networks and writings that sought to address interconnected problems such as mass incarceration, sexual violence, and racism. Ultimately, these newspapers demonstrate how prisoners’ politics are worthy of closer consideration by historians, as their ideas and actions shaped news, public discourse, and movements on both sides of the prison walls.
2
HARPER, TIM. „Singapore, 1915, and the Birth of the Asian Underground“. Modern Asian Studies 47, Nr. 6 (22.08.2013): 1782–811. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x1300036x.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractThis paper examines the 1915 Singapore Mutiny within the context of border-crossing patriotic and anarchist movements in the early twentieth century world. It traces some of the continuities and discontinuities with later revolutionary movements in Asia, especially in terms of networks and the sites of their interactions. Through this, it reflects on the meaning of the ‘transnational’ at this moment in Asian history.
3
Schulz, Cynthia. „Between surrealism and politics: An exploration of subversive body arts in 1980s East German underground cinema“. Punk & Post-Punk 00, Nr. 00 (09.07.2021): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/punk_00104_1.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This article discusses the underground cinema of the German Democratic Republic during the 1980s in regard to its contributions to the arts and the avant-garde. While scholars including Claus Löser and Katrin Frietzsche have contributed greatly to the remembrance of the East German underground cinema, its influences have been disregarded by film studies, not least within the anglophone field. As a result, little to no research has been conducted regarding its contributions to the avant-garde or through the scope of other art movements as the political aspect continues to be emphasized. This article draws upon multiple art developments such as dada, surrealism, performance and body art as well as Eastern European-specific movements. Therefore, it evaluates how the East German underground interprets those influences and further contributes to them. Significant works by Cornelia Schleime, Gabriele Stötzer, Thomas Frydetzki and Tohm di Roes are subject to analyses to reveal anarchist feminist tendencies and surrealism with anarchist aspects. It concludes that the East German underground must be seen as a contribution to the less-researched necrorealism as an art movement paralleling the constitutional socialist realism. As such, political implications cannot be subtracted altogether but shall rather be viewed alongside the emergence of anarchist surrealism during the Cold War.
4
Ezell, Jason. „“Returning Forest Darlings”“. Radical History Review 2019, Nr. 135 (01.10.2019): 71–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-7607833.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Abstract This essay describes how, in the late 1970s, gay liberationists in the Southeast developed a rural sanctuary practice out of their intersections with back-to-the-land movements, leading to the formation of Short Mountain Sanctuary in 1980. It draws on writings in the gay serial RFD, as well as on oral histories and event documentation, to trace how members mobilized regional collectivism, rustic print practices, and spiritual affect to imagine a rural underground at the edges of the state’s reach. This account serves as an alternate case study to US sanctuary movement histories, which heavily feature city and church.
5
DOUGLAS, R. M. „THE PRO-AXIS UNDERGROUND IN IRELAND, 1939–1942“. Historical Journal 49, Nr. 4 (24.11.2006): 1155–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005772.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
During the first half of the Second World War, a network of secretive ultra-right movements emerged in Ireland for the purpose of assisting the Axis cause. These groups had little contact with fascist organizations overseas, but rather were indigenous expressions of discontent with the perceived failure of Irish liberal democracy to address the country’s political and economic problems. Numerically weak, poorly led, and ideologically unsophisticated, the pro-Axis underground made little progress in its subversive activities and was kept in check by the security services. Nonetheless, evidence suggests that a considerable number of Irishmen and women on both sides of the Border shared its underlying objective of aligning Ireland with what they regarded as an emerging post-democratic world order.
6
Teitlbaum-Karrie, Naama, und Yael Nahari. „The Experience of Female Prisoners of the Underground Movements in Bethlehem Prison, 1939-1947: Gender Aspects“. Iyunim - Multidisiplinary Studies in Israel and Modern Jewish Society 40 (01.07.2024): 217–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.51854/bguy-40a168.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Bethlehem prison was the only women’s prison in Palestine during the British Mandate. It housed over two hundred Jewish women, mainly from the Irgun and Lehi underground movements. This article describes, for the first time, the experience of the women in Bethlehem prison and analyzes it using gender tools. Their experiences were documented and preserved in ego-documents that include personal letters, diaries, and subsequently written memoirs. The analysis of gender content in the writings of the women in Bethlehem prison focuses the discussion on a number of components: their relations with Jewish prisoners accused of criminal offenses and with Arab prisoners; feminine outward markers and concern about external appearance and the women’s physical and medical needs; family and motherhood behind bars; and also, spiritual elements, including ritual practice in female environments. We also discuss elements that do not appear in their writings, including feminist themes or at least those interpreted as feminist in a modern reading. All of this sheds light on the unique perspective of the woman fighter in the Revisionist movement and adds another layer to the history of women and gender in the Jewish Yishuv and the study of the underground movements
7
Kadhem, Fouad. „The New Shi’a Mahdawi Movements in Iraq: Religious Discontent or Political Protest?“ Protest 4, Nr. 1 (28.02.2024): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667372x-bja10060.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Abstract Mahdawi ‘protest’ movements have played a significant role throughout Islamic history. As salvation movements, they often incorporated religious principles with social and economic demands to protest against authorities in order to bring about political change. Historically, Iraq has always been, and still is, the centre of Mahdawi movements in the Islamic world. Immediately after 2003, a host of new Shi’a Mahdawi movements emerged. These movements nonetheless were active underground since the late 1980s. They demonstrated an evident negative stance towards both Baghdad’s government and Shi’a religious authorities. I will pose the following questions that I intend to answer using primary source data from selected political actors: How did these movements emerge? What are the religious and social factors behind their existence? What are the political ideas and views advocated by these movements? What are the reasons that render these Shi’a movements at conflict with the Iraqi state on the one hand, and the authority of Shi’a ‘ulama in Najaf on the other hand?
8
Yoshimizu, Ayaka. „Unsettling Memories of Japanese Migrant Sex Workers: Carceral Mobilities of the Transpacific Underground at the Turn of the 20th Century“. TOPIA: Canadian Journal of Cultural Studies 43 (01.09.2021): 24–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/topia-43-003.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Between 1908 and 1909 and in 1912, Vancouver-based journalist Shohei Osada published a two-part series entitled “Exploration of Devil Caves” in a local Japanese language newspaper, detailing the lives of Japanese migrants involved in the sex trade in Canada. The series showcases the presence of underground networks that extended across the continent and the Pacific, or what I call the “transpacific underground.” Many characters in Osada’s series are transient migrants, who did not settle in any one specific nation but continued moving on across multiple borders seeking new opportunities, or sometimes, last resort for survival. By reading Osada’s writing closely, this article develops the notion of the transpacific underground as method to engage the history of migrant sex workers and understand it from a carceral space of migration regulated by multiple imperial and colonial forces, gendered nationalist ideologies, and human trafficking, making migrant women’s movements forced but also transgressive and open-ended.
9
Sammond, Nicholas. „Letters, Queer and Women’s Comix, and Making Community“. Feminist Media Histories 10, Nr. 1 (01.01.2024): 57–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fmh.2024.10.1.57.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This article charts the role of underground women’s and queer comics in the formation of local communities and liberation movements. It moves beyond an analysis of the comics themselves, considering the role that correspondence—between fans and editors, between artists and editors, between editors and publishers, between fans and artists—plays in crafting community through critical discourse, practical discussion, and commerce. It explores the tension between radical, sometimes anticapitalist organizing and the need of artists, publishers, and bookstore owners to make a living while supporting and being supported by their communities. Finally, it locates a tradition in the comics community of mutual support and encouragement, an “ethics of care,” that not only provided space for different and marginalized voices but saw in the production of comics a means by which to link individual and local struggles to emergent national liberation movements.
10
Briteramos, Alyssa. „Punking: How appropriation revitalised it and the role institutions play in the protection and longevity of this elusive art“. Nordic Journal of Dance 14, Nr. 2 (01.12.2023): 22–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/njd-2023-0017.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Abstract From the streets of Los Angeles in the early 1970s, a dance style named Punking emerged. This occurred at the height of the civil rights movement in the underground LGBTQ+ clubs of LA by a group of BIPOC queer men. A blend of sharp, exaggerated poses and movements borrowed from Hollywood films and pop culture became an art form that reflected their identity and encapsulated the escapism and liberation of a group of young queer people growing up in an environment where being queer was illegal and dangerous. By the late 1980s and 1990s, the dance faded, but it still influenced dance styles such as jazz, house, and even vogue. In the early 2000s, interest in the dance was reignited. However, its name and origins remained elusive, prompting an investigation into its history, shifting narratives and exclusion from dance history. In this article, I will explore how a dance form becomes lost in translation and how this dance can be preserved and introduced into institutionalised spaces to offer resources and legal protection for an art form on the verge of erasure from history.
11
Khapchaev, S. T. „The Underground Railroad: main aspects of operation“. Vestnik Majkopskogo Gosudarstvennogo Tehnologiceskogo Universiteta, Nr. 4 (10.01.2024): 38–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.47370/2078-1024-2023-15-4-38-45.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The relevance of the research topic. Wherever slavery existed, people attempted to escape, and American history is no exception. Sometimes such efforts took on organized and institutionalized forms, a notable example of which is the so-called Underground Railroad, a secret and organized system of resistance to enslavement by facilitating the escape of African Americans to northern states and other territories. In the chosen context of the research, the Underground Railroad can rightfully be considered one of the first mass movements for human rights not only in the United States, but also in the world.The purpose of the research is to reveal the main aspects of the functioning of the Underground Railroad, since this problem is extremely poorly covered by domestic science.The research is based on a scientific analysis of biographical data, literary sources, legal documents, materials from periodicals and has been carried out by applying the principle of historicism, comparative historical, problem-chronological, biographical and descriptive methods.The research results demonstrate that, in order to prevent human trafficking, individuals, families, and communities with anti-slavery attitude created preconditions for the formation of a large-scale institutionalized system that stretched from the Canadian provinces of Quebec and Ontario east to the Atlantic coast, south to Florida and the Caribbean, and west to the border enclaves of Kansas, Texas, and Mexico.On the basis of the research results, it has been concluded that the term «Underground Railroad», although it does not reflect the specifics of its activities, denotes a very real historical phenomenon. The organization and activities of the Underground Railroad became an important component in the difficult task of eradicating slavery in the United States.
12
Brown, William. „Black (W)hole Foods: Okra, Soil and Blackness in The Underground Railroad (Barry Jenkins, USA, 2021)“. Philosophies 7, Nr. 5 (14.10.2022): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/philosophies7050117.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This essay analyses the role played by okra in The Underground Railroad, together with how it functions in relation to the soil that sustains it and which allows it to grow. I argue that okra represents an otherwise lost African past for both protagonist Cora and for the show in general and that this transplanted plant, similar to the transplanted Africans who endured the Middle Passage on the way to ‘New World’ slave plantations, survives by going through ‘black holes’, something that is not only linked poetically to the established trope of the otherwise absent Black mother but which also finds support from physics, where wormholes (similar to the holes created by worms in the soil) take us through black holes and into new worlds, realities or dimensions. This is reflected in Jenkins’s series (as well as Whitehead’s novel) by the titular Underground Railroad itself, which sees Cora and others disappear underground only to reappear in new states (the show travels from Georgia to South Carolina to North Carolina to Tennessee to Indiana and so on), as well as specifically in the show through the formal properties of the audio-visual (cinematic/televisual) medium, which, with its cuts and movements, similarly keeps shifting through space and time in a nonlinear but generative fashion. Finally, I suggest that we cannot philosophise the plant or the medium of film (or television or streaming media) without philosophising race, with The Underground Railroad serving as a means for bringing together plants and plantations, soil and wormholes and Blackness and black holes, which, collectively and playfully, I group under the umbrella term ‘black (w)hole foods’.
13
Silova, Svetlana V. „The role of activity of Orthodox parish clergy in Belarus during the Nazi occupation (1941–1944)“. Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, Nr. 3 (31.07.2019): 6–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2019-3-6-14.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
On the basis of documents from various archives, little-known pages of the history of the Orthodox Church in Belarus during the Great Patriotic War are being investigated. The main directions of activity of the Orthodox clergy during the years of the Nazi occupation, previously not of interest to the national historical science, are revealed. The author reflects the role of individual priests in the normalization and development of parish life and the salvation of parishioners. The examples show the forms of interaction of the Orthodox clergy with partisan and underground movements, the problems of relations with representatives of the occupying power and collaboration.
14
Matthiesen, Toby. „Migration, Minorities, and Radical Networks: Labour Movements and Opposition Groups in Saudi Arabia, 1950–1975“. International Review of Social History 59, Nr. 3 (Dezember 2014): 473–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859014000455.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractThis article shows how ideas of Arab nationalism, socialism, and communism spread to the Arab Gulf states. It outlines how migrant workers, teachers, students returning from abroad, and the emergence of a print culture filled with Arab nationalist and leftist ideas in the 1940s created the basis for widespread political mobilization in the oil-rich Eastern Province of Saudi Arabia. After major strikes in 1953 and 1956 and a harsh crackdown, leftist activists moved underground and into exile. They continued to be active clandestinely and gathered in various capitals in the region. Members of the Shia Muslim minority in the Eastern Province played a special role in the labour movement and secular opposition groups. The latter promised the Shia inclusion in a larger political project and thus they were seen as an antidote to sectarian discrimination against this minority. The article emphasizes the importance of transnational networks, organizational resources such as libraries and social clubs, and a radicalized public sphere for political mobilization.
15
Keller, Veronika. „Between ‘Ich will Spaß’ and ‘99 Jahre Krieg’: Receptions of the ‘New German Wave’ in the United States“. European Journal of American Culture 42, Nr. 2 (01.09.2023): 231–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ejac_00094_1.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In the late 1970s a new music movement, rooted in British punk and New Wave music, emerged in West Germany. It distinctly was not only sung in German, but the lyrics played with the German language by adding Dadaistic elements or youth slang, and reflected on the political, cultural and social zeitgeist of late Cold War West Germany. Over the years this formerly underground music genre was labelled ‘Neue Deutsche Welle’ (NDW) and became a commercial success, both domestically and abroad: Artists like Peter Schilling became known in the United States, the biggest hit ‘99 Luftballons’ by the band Nena reached number 2 in the Billboard Hot 100 in 1983 in its original German version. Like many other New Wave music, NDW songs found their way to mainstream success in the United States through the club scene, radio shows and the then new music television. At the same time, coming from the then still divided Germany catapulted the bands right in the middle of the Anti-war and Anti-nuclear movements at the end of the cold war, even when NDW bands themselves oftentimes labelled their music as non-political.
16
Burns, Anthony. „Underground Movements: Modern Culture on the New York City Subway SunnyStalter-Pace. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2013.“ Journal of American Culture 39, Nr. 3 (September 2016): 383–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jacc.12605.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
17
Benetatos, Christoforos, Vera Rocca, Quinto Sacchi und Francesca Verga. „How to Approach Subsidence Evaluation for Marginal Fields: A Case History“. Open Petroleum Engineering Journal 8, Nr. 1 (28.07.2015): 214–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2174/1874834101508010214.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This paper presents the evaluation of the subsidence potentially induced by underground storage of natural gas in a marginal depleted field located in Southern Italy. The critical aspect of the study was the lack of data because economic and logistic reasons had restricted data acquisition at the regional scale to perform a geomechanical study. This limitation was overcome by accurately gathering the available data from public sources so that the geometry of a largescale 3D model could be defined and the formations properly characterized for rock deformation analysis. Well logs, seismic data and subsidence surveys at the regional scale, available in open databases and in the technical literature, were integrated with the available geological and fluid-flow information at the reservoir scale. First of all, a 3D geological model, at the regional scale, incorporating the existing model of the reservoir was developed to describe the key features of a large subsurface volume while preserving the detail of the storage reservoir. Then, a regional geomechanical model was set up for coupled mechanic and fluid-flow analyses. The stress and strain evolution and the associated subsidence induced in the reservoir and surrounding formations by historical primary production as well as future gas storage activities were investigated. Eventually, the obtained results were validated against the measurements of ground surface movements available from the technical literature for the area of interest, thus corroborating the choice of the most critical geomechanical parameters and relevant deformation properties of the rocks affecting subsidence.
18
Timofeev, V. Yu, D. G. Ardyukov, A. V. Timofeev, E. V. Boyko, M. G. Valitov, E. N. Kalish, Yu F. Stus, D. A. Nosov und I. S. Sizikov. „SOME FEATURES OF CURRENT TECHNOGENIC MOVEMENTS OF THE EARTH’S CRUST“. Geodynamics & Tectonophysics 12, Nr. 3S (19.10.2021): 776–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5800/gt-2021-12-3s-0554.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
We describe the history of studying the current crustal movements by various methods and discuss technogenic effects recorded at large water-reservoir zones and mineral deposits in Siberia. Initially, classical surveying techniques aimed to obtain high-accuracy ground-based measurements of height, tilt and direction. Modern geodesy techniques and methods for measuring absolute gravity are now available to investigate displacement, deformation, tilt and other phenomena taking place on the Earth’s surface. These methods are used to estimate kinematic parameters of the crust areas (e.g. rates of subsidence and horizontal movements) and to monitor fluid motions in mineral deposits. Such data are critical for ensuring a proper management of the mineral deposits. In this article, we analyse technogenic processes observed in the Ust Balyk oil-gas field, the Zapolyarny gas deposit, the water-reservoir zone at the Sayano-Shushenskaya hydroelectric power station (SSHPS) on the Yenisei river, and large open-pit mines in the Kuzbass basin. Our analysis is based on surface displacement rates estimated from the data collected in different periods of observations at large man-made facilities. In the study of the hydro technical objects, we estimated the displacement rates at 5.0 mm per year. In the northern areas of the West Siberian petroleum basin, subsidence rates amounted to 20–25 mm per year in the early 2000s. These estimates were supported by the high-accuracy gravity measurements showing an increase up to 6–7 microGal per year in the oil-gas field development areas. We assess a possibility of triggering effects related to weak seismicity due to a high stress accumulation rate (1 KPa per hour) in the SSHPS area. A connection between earth tides and catastrophic events, such as gas emissions in high amounts on mining sites, is discussed. Having analysed the surface monitoring records taken in South Primorye in September 2017, we conclude that underground nuclear explosions in North Korea in this period did not cause any significant displacement of the surface in this most southerly region of the Russian Far East territories.
19
Safariants, Rita. „From Pugacheva to Pussy Riot“. Canadian-American Slavic Studies 56, Nr. 2 (10.05.2022): 200–230. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/22102396-05602012.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Abstract The officially sanctioned popular music genre of Soviet estrada has traditionally been an industry where both male and female performers have been able to achieve high levels of success and public exposure. Meanwhile, within the genres of underground and unofficial popular music – rock, punk, and rap – the male-dominated gender disparity has been much more pronounced. This article investigates the reasons behind this dynamic within a Russo-Soviet context. In dialogue with Judith Butler’s notion of gender performativity as well as recent scholarship on gender in Western rock and punk movements, the present essay considers the evolution of performative strategies of female artists in Russo-Soviet popular culture. The discussion spans the Soviet, late-Soviet, and post-Soviet historical periods, focusing on the gendered performative dimensions in the musical careers of Alla Pugacheva, Yanka Diagileva, and the art-punk collective Pussy Riot, in an effort to account for the glaring dearth of female performers in traditionally “transgressive” popular genres. I present the argument that Russian and Soviet women performers working in rock, punk, and rap, or when forging new directions in estrada, have evolved to mitigate the genres’ prescriptive masculinity by relying on performing “otherness” as a conduit to mass appeal, celebrity status, and acclaim for artistic individuality.
20
Palmer, David A. „Falun Gong: The End of Days. By MARIA HSIA CHANG. [New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 188 pp. $25.00; £16.99. ISBN 0-300-10227-5.]“. China Quarterly 181 (März 2005): 181–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741005270108.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Since 1999, falun gong has been one of the most burning and sensitive political and religious issues in China, brought to the attention of the public around the world by demonstrations and media reports. Until Maria Hsia Chang's book, Falun Gong: The End of Days, was released this spring, no balanced book-length account of the facts surrounding falun gong was available. Chang's book provides the general public with an informative summary of the development of falun gong, its basic beliefs, the history of its repression by the Chinese state, and its connection with millenarian and sectarian traditions in Chinese religious history. However, the journalistic style and sources of the book underline the need for a thorough academic study of the phenomenon.Chapter one, “A religious sect defies the state,” outlines the story of falun gong from its foundation in 1992 to its continued repression today following the Zhongnanhai demonstration of 1999. In chapter two, “Chinese religions and millenarian movements,” Chang summarizes the history of Chinese religions, secret societies, and millennial and apocalyptic movements, including the Eight Trigram, Taiping and Boxer rebellions, and argues that the Chinese Communists tapped into China's millenarian tradition in order to gain power. She then stresses that falun gong, contrary to its claims that it is not a religion, draws heavily from Chinese religion, and particularly its millennial and apocalyptic strands. Falun gong teachings are described in chapter three, “Beliefs and practices,” in which falun gong's cosmology, theology and eschatology are outlined with ample reference to the writings of Li Hongzhi. The next chapter, “The state vs. falun gong,” goes through the Chinese state's charges against falun gong. Chapter five, “The persecution of other faiths,” begins with a critique of the “rule of law” purportedly called on by the CCP to deal with falun gong, and argues that the accusations made against falun gong could just as well be made against the CCP itself. It then discusses the vast social dislocations in contemporary China that create a fertile soil for the emergence of apocalyptic movements such as falun gong, and describes how the persecution of falun gong is part of a larger policy to eradicate underground religious groups, several of which are presented. Finally, Chang concludes that, in the face of widespread social dissatisfaction, the fear of millenarian uprisings is the main motivation for the CCP's fierce suppression of falun gong – but its intolerance of “heterodox” faiths only reinforces their politicization into oppositional movements, increasing the likelihood of the CCP “reaping the fate” it so dreads.
21
Szechi, Daniel, und Christopher A. Whatley. „Counting the ‘Cavaliers’: Two Contemporary Analyses of the Political Wing of the Scots Jacobite Underground in the Union Parliament1“. Parliamentary History 42, Nr. 3 (Oktober 2023): 309–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1750-0206.12703.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractUnderground movements are understandably reluctant to record the names and numbers of their adherents because any such compilation is manifestly a hostage to fortune. Hence very few lists of politically active Jacobites actually compiled by the Jacobites themselves have survived to the present day. In the French foreign ministry archives at La Corneille, however, there is a rare and previously unknown/unused example of such a list. ‘The Rolls of Parliament as they stand’, is a classic printed, marked list of all the lords entitled to sit in, and commissioners elected to, Queen Anne's Union Parliament. It identifies the political allegiances of the great majority of the sitting commissioners and peers, and in particular the Jacobites among them. Rather better known, yet hitherto seldom consulted or used, is a debriefing document describing the political alignment of a great many of those in parliament and the general political inclination of their constituents written by Captain Harry Straton for the Jacobite King James III and VIII in August 1706. These two sources are the basis of the analysis that follows. The focus is on what these two Jacobite analyses of the state of Scotland and Scottish politics can tell us about the political dynamics of the Scottish Parliament and the country more broadly on the eve of the Union debates.
22
Makarchuk, I. „THE STRUGGLE OF THE SOVIET POWER WITH THE VOLYN INSURGENT ARMY“. Intermarum history policy culture, Nr. 11 (01.12.2022): 48–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.112038.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The purpose of the article is to analyze the formation of underground cells of the anti-Bolshevik insurgent movement in Volyn after the Second Winter Campaign of the UNR army. Coverage of the measures of the Soviet authorities, aimed at the detection, intelligence development and destruction of an underground organization of an insurgent character called the Volyn Insurgent Army, which operated on the territory of the Volyn Province during 1922.
Methodology. When writing the article, the basic principles of historical knowledge were used: historicism, scientificity, objectivity. Specific search tasks of the research were solved by problem-chronological means (optimal involvement of the thematic literature and source base); historical-comparative (analysis of various sources and formation of relevant research provisions and conclusions); critical analysis (critical attitude to various sources) methods.
The scientific novelty consists in a comprehensive study of the stages of detection and liquidation by Soviet law enforcement agencies of the Volyn rebel army on the basis of unpublished sources and the available historiographical base. New source material, in particular archival documents, important for solving the problem, was introduced into scientific circulation and analyzed.
Conclusions. The unsuccessful completion of the Second Winter Campaign of the UNR army accelerated the decline of the anti-Bolshevik insurgent movement, which continued under the repressive policy of the Soviet government. Even in such difficult conditions for the local insurgents, several underground cells began to operate on the territory of Volyn, which later merged into a whole insurgent organization called the Volyn Insurgent Army. The insurgents' activation and lack of conspiracy experience on their part allowed the Soviet authorities to discover that not just ordinary partisan units, but a whole underground organization with its own structure and tasks, began to operate in Volyn. In order to eliminate all the cells and structures of the VPA as effectively as possible, the Bolsheviks decided to infiltrate the rebels with their agents under the guise of members of the anti-Soviet underground. They successfully managed to do this and the work to identify all the participants of the underground continued. The success of the insurgents in expanding their network and their preparation for the uprising forced representatives of the Soviet authorities to quickly draw up a plan to eliminate the VPA. The very liquidation of the organization was quite successful for the Bolsheviks, because most of the members of the VPA were arrested or destroyed, although the underground command staff managed to retreat abroad.
23
Vorob’ev, D. A. „The life path of G.H. Bumagin“. Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities 29, Nr. 3 (28.06.2024): 818–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2024-29-3-818-835.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Importance. In 2024, G.H. Bumagin, secretary of the Leningrad and Novgorod regional Committees of the CPSU(b), who played a very important role in many events of the Battle for Leningrad, as well as in the restoration of the Novgorod region in the first post-war years and actively studying the activities of the partisans and underground workers of the Leningrad region in the last years of his life, will turn 120 years old. Now, there are no biographical fundamental works about him, and in books and articles, researchers most often described his work during the Great Patriotic War and in the first post-war years. The purpose of the study is to examine in detail his life path. Its tasks are to establish life periods and their chronological framework, to determine the criteria for choosing chronological frameworks, to describe each life period and its features, to establish the results and contribution of G.H. Bumagin to the events that he participated in.Materials and Methods. The research is based on archival materials from the Central State Archive of Historical and Political Documents of St. Petersburg and the Novgorod Museum-Reserve. A descriptive-narrative, biographical methods, analysis and periodization are used for it.Results and Discussion. Based on archival materials, it is possible to describe the formation of G.H. Bumagin as the party leader of the Leningrad region before the outbreak of the Great Patriotic War and the development of his career path. In addition, his work on the formation of the resistance movement in the first months of the Battle for Leningrad, the leadership of the Commission of the eastern districts of the Leningrad region and the leadership of the Novgorod region in the first post-war years is described.Conclusion. G.H. Bumagin had a difficult fate. A guy from a poor family who lived almost halfstarved, made every effort to get out into the world. He decided to do this by serving in the Red Army. Thanks to her, he was able to develop a political career in Leningrad and became secretary of the Leningrad and then Novgorod Regional Party Committee. They tried to blacken his name during the Leningrad case. Even though he was imprisoned without any evidence, he endured adversity with his family and, after rehabilitation, adjusted his life. When he retired, he had another front of work – studying the Resistance movement, which he led in the first months of the war. His accumulated material and work experience were subsequently useful for compiling memoirs and reports on the history of the partisan and underground movements of the Leningrad, Novgorod and Pskov regions. He left valuable materials after his death, which formed the basis not only for this article, but also for other historical works.
24
Stepkin, Vitaliy Viktorovich, und Aleksey Aleksandrovich Gunko. „Caves in catacomb movement of the Russian Orthodox Church on the territory of the Don and the Volga Region in 1920-1940s“. Samara Journal of Science 7, Nr. 1 (01.03.2018): 197–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv201871213.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The paper examines creation and application history of cave space in catacomb movement of the Russian Orthodox Church on the territory of the Don and the Volga Region in 1920-1940s. Development of cave digging on these territories was promoted by the fact of their frontier position, allowing searching for a hiding place for the ideas, differing from the mainstream society. The caves use as shelters and places of worship in the Don Region is exemplified by the territory of Voronezh Region, where in the revolution period caves were dug in the chalk mass near the village of Karayashnik, and traditionally honored by the people loci of sacred space were used like caves in Divnogorye and on Shatrishche Mount. Caves near the village of Karayashnik were used as a place of worship by a conservative part of peasants being supporters of both the Patriarchal Church and the Fedorovtsy sect. Caves in Divnogorye were used by Joanites sect, caves on Shatrishche Mount were used by so-called True Orthodox Church. In addition to the chalk caves in the Don Region people used underground of houses as secret places of worship. Examples of such undergrounds are hidden caves in the villages of Troitskoe and Novopokrovka, equipped by one of communities of so-called True Orthodox Christians. The paper considers caves use in the Volga Region through the example of the territory of the Republic of Tatarstan, where communities of the True Orthodox Church acted, creating cult undergrounds under houses in the town of Bugulma and villages of Akkireevo, Zabugorovka, Crym-Saray Naumovka and Novoe Ilmovo. Together with territories of personal farmsteads, caves were created outside villages, usually in a forest zone. For example, near the village of Novosheshminsk there was an underground monastery, near villages of Volchya Sloboda and Elantovo there were underground temples. Activities of the underground religious communities referred to in the paper were ceased due to state punitive measures.
25
Shchipkova, L. V. „Self-Organization Processes of Orthodox Youth in the 1970s“. Orthodoxia, Nr. 4 (11.01.2024): 118–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.53822/2712-9276-2023-4-118-153.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This article explores the phenomenon of religious revival among the Orthodox youth in the Soviet Union during the 1970s. The author argues that during this period, some processes took place within a segment of the intellectual Soviet youth that could be described as the Soviet religious renaissance. This phase coincided with Brezhnev’s rise to power and a temporary easing of anti-religious persecution. In the 1960s–70s, the USSR passed several legislative acts that improved the conditions for believers and religious organizations, granting them comparatively greater rights. However, the state retained the authority to intervene in the Church’s internal affairs and rigorously control its activities, leading to a decline in the number of Orthodox parishes from year to year. Nevertheless, a religious-oriented vector was forming in the minds and souls of the thinking Soviet youth. In the 1970s, several movements emerged, actively seeking forms of spiritual life. One notable phenomenon of religious dissidence was the preaching activities of priest Dmitry Dudko. In 1974, followers of Father Dmitry organized the enlightening “Ogorodnikov Seminar”, named after one of its founders. The seminar studied theological and philosophical literature, which its participants struggled to obtain. The seminar later began publishing the journal “Obshchina” (Community). Simultaneously with the Moscow christian seminar, the religious and philosophical Goricheva-Krivulin Seminar emerged in Leningrad. The article delves into the history of Orthodox samizdat (self-published works and underground press) in the 1970s, particularly the journals “Obshchina” (Community) “Veche” (Popular Assembly), and “Moskovsky Sbornik” (Moscow Collection). The Orthodox revival of the 1970s culminated in the early 1980s due to severe repression by Soviet authorities. Typically, those representatives aligned with Russian patriotic ideologies received the longest prison sentences. The author concludes that the ideas of nationally-oriented, patriotic figures and publicists remain relevant to this day.
26
Slonecker, Blake. „“It’s with Tokens”“. Pacific Historical Review 89, Nr. 3 (2020): 402–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2020.89.3.402.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This article examines the evolving relationship between the women’s liberation movement and the underground press in Seattle between 1967 and 1970, arguing that the mixed-sex alternative media belatedly embraced feminist ideals but failed to establish robust feminist institutional cultures. Prior to 1969, the hierarchical work environment and masculine aesthetic of the Helix (1967–1970) proved inhospitable to feminist critiques. Beginning in 1969, the emergence of democratic work collectives and increasing coverage of feminism at the Helix and its successor, the Sabot (1970), provided the print space for radical women to organize and confront Movement men about toxic masculinity. By analyzing the relationship between women’s liberation and the underground press in Seattle, this article illuminates the ambivalent role of the underground press in applying feminist ideals to the cultural politics of the Movement in Seattle and nationwide.
27
Shatalov, M. M. „PROFESSOR ROMAN ROMANOVYCH VYRZHYKIVSKY. To the 130th anniversary of the birthday“. Geology and Mineral Resources of World Ocean 17, Nr. 4 (2021): 52–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/gpimo2021.04.052.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Among geologists of the 20—30 years of the twentieth century. the leading place in Ukraine was occupied by the repressed in 1937, professor Roman Romanovych Vyrzhykivsky (1891—1937). At the Kiev University of St. Vladimir, he was a very capable student of N.I. Andrusov and the famous petrographer and mineralogist, professor, later academician V.I. Luchitsky. In the history of geological science, R.R. Vyrzhykivsky entered as a researcher of the Black Sea region, and the south-west of the European part of the USSR (Ukraine, Moldova), as well as a talented organizer of geological work, a brilliant surveyor geologist, tectonist and an outstanding hydrogeologist. The scientist was the head of geological survey work in Transnistria and prepared for printing the first geological map of 10 versts scale — «Transnistria» (Dniester region). Later, this map became the basis for prospecting and exploration of mineral deposits in Transnistria. In the studied region, he first discovered numerous deposits of phosphorites, cement raw materials, kaolin, flint, building sands, sandstones, tripoli, lithographic stone and underground drinking water. At the same time, the young scientist described for the first time a unique ridge of reef limestones of Middle Sarmatian age, which he traced in the meridional direction from the lower reaches of the river Kamenka along its left bank to the north, in Podillia. In the Shargorod region of Transnistria (Dniester region), the scientist found Paleogene marine deposits, and he identified the Podolsk stage in the Miocene layers of Podolia. In a number of scientific works of Roman Romanovich, data are presented in the field of fault-block tectonics and neotectonic movements of Transnistria and the Black Sea region. R.R. Vyrzhykivsky also considered the issue of modern transgressions of the Black Sea in the most complete way. This work of the scientist was one of the first evidence of the manifestation of the latest tectonic movements in the region of the Northern Black Sea region and the Black Sea. R.R. Vyrzhykivsky rightfully belongs to the galaxy of the greatest scientists—hydrogeologists of Ukraine and Moldova. In particular, he laid the foundations for the hydrogeological zoning of the territory of Moldova for the first time. Within Moldova, he identified the Middle Sarmatian, Cretaceous and Silurian water-saturated horizons. Merits of R.R. Vyrzhykivsky in the field of hydrogeological problems of Ukraine can hardly be overestimated. He made a huge practical contribution to the water supply of large industrial cities and agglomerations of the country. In 1932 R.R. Vyrzhykivsky published the monograph «Hydrogeology» in Ukrainian, which played a huge role in the training of national hydrogeologists. In it, he for the first time presented the results of the hydrogeological zoning of the territory of Ukraine. It is important that the hydrogeological zoning scheme, with minor changes, is still being used by the hydrogeologists of our country.
28
Kuldkepp, Mart. „Revolutsiooni sidemehed: Eesti enamlikud emigrandid Kopenhaagenis 1918–1921 [Abstract: The couriers of revolution: Estonian Bolshevik émigrés in Copenhagen 1918–1921]“. Ajalooline Ajakiri. The Estonian Historical Journal, Nr. 1 (18.11.2018): 27–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/aa.2018.1.02.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Abstract: The couriers of revolution: Estonian Bolshevik émigrés in Copenhagen 1918–1921
The history of the early twentieth-century Estonian left-wing radicalism has remained a relatively neglected field in the post-1991 period; not least due to its previous institutional role as the most favoured, but also the most highly politicised subject of historical research in Soviet Estonia. This state of affairs resulted in voluminous scholarship in “party history” produced over the decades following World War II, but its findings and conclusions are almost entirely untrustworthy and thoroughly biased in favour of Soviet-style Communism.
In the last five years, however, the history of the Estonian left has attracted new attention on part of both younger scholars and senior academics – a highly positive development in light of the major role that left-wing ideas and movements have played in Estonian history from the 1905 Russian revolution onwards. Nevertheless, this newer research has the somewhat thankless task of having to re-examine the fundamentals without being able to rely on previous scholarship, which perhaps understandably limits its ability to generalise or to draw overarching conclusions.
The present article is a contribution to this burgeoning field in Estonian historical research, engaging with the little-studied history of Estonian left-wing radicalism in Western Europe (rather than in Estonia or in Soviet Russia). I am particularly focusing on four individuals among émigré Estonians in Copenhagen, Denmark: August Lossmann (1890–?), Oskar Lenk (1890–1919), Johannes Rumessen (1888–?) and Harald Triikman (1892–1964). The primary period of study is 1918–22, although reference will be made to both earlier and later years where appropriate. The study makes use of both Estonian and foreign archival materials, contemporary newspapers and, occasionally, published scholarship.
While my focus is on tracing and contextualising the activities and involvement of these four young men in both Danish and Estonian radical leftist circles, I will also propose some preliminary hypotheses relating to the radicalisation process of left-wing Estonian émigrés more generally, which in the future can hopefully be tested on a broader range of comparable subjects.
Firstly, I would suggest that the Bolshevik Russian revolution (the October Revolution) was likely a pivotal moment in the development of their views: having been the supporters of Socialist Russian revolution, the Estonian émigrés tended to distance themselves from the more sceptical Social Democratic parties of their countries of residence in its aftermath, instead moving closer to Left Socialist or Communist parties that fully embraced the new revolution. Furthermore, their distance from and relative ignorance of Estonian affairs probably left them more open to contemporary Bolshevik propaganda, which among other things depicted the Estonian War of Independence (1918–19) as a struggle between an alliance of foreign capital and the Estonian bourgeoisie on the one hand, and the Estonian proletariat on the other.
In the case of Lossmann, Lenk, Rumessen and Triikman, they were all connected to one Estonian Socialist (or Bolshevik) Group, established in 1918 and affiliated with the Danish Socialist Labour Party – the first openly Bolshevik party in Denmark. This Estonian group was headed by the remarkably well-respected Socialist Oskar Lenk, who in early 1919 was expulsed from Denmark due to his involvement in Bolshevik activities (among other things, working from the Copenhagen bureau of ROSTA, the Soviet Russian news propaganda agency). Later, he was active in Russia as a fairly prominent activist of the Estonian Communist Party, before being killed in a battle against the Whites in the autumn of the same year.
Lenk’s influence in 1918 was likely of formative importance for his comrades in Copenhagen, at least one of whom (Johannes Rumessen) also became involved in the underground transport and intelligence network of the Estonian Communist Party in 1919–20.
29
Williams, William C., und Theodore J. Bornhorst. „Controls on the Stratiform Copper Mineralization in the Western Syncline, Upper Peninsula, Michigan“. Minerals 13, Nr. 7 (11.07.2023): 927. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/min13070927.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The Western Syncline hosts reduced-facies, or Kupferschiefer-type, sedimentary rock-hosted stratiform Cu deposits (SSC) in the lowermost meters of the Nonesuch Formation, which is part of a thick section of clastic sedimentary rocks that comprise the upper fill of the Mesoproterozoic Midcontinent Rift of North America. Located in the Porcupine Mountains Cu district in Upper Peninsula, Michigan, these blind deposits were discovered in 1956, but are not yet developed, although recent renewed interest may result in near-term production. The deposits are distinguished by their relatively undeformed nature and lack of superposed hydrothermal events. Prior to lithification, chalcocite mineralization replaced diagenetic pyrite within two discrete tabular, albeit discontinuous, potential orebodies referred to as the lower Cu-bearing sequence (LCBS) and the upper Cu-bearing sequence (UCBS). The Top Cu Zone transgresses lithologic boundaries, suggesting that a limited volume of Cu-bearing fluids moved vertically upwards through the unlithified stratigraphy, since reductant pyritic rocks above this zone are essentially barren of Cu. The total Cu inventory that has a reasonable expectation of economic extraction is 3678 M lbs. of Cu with 15.3 M oz. of byproduct Ag. When a cutoff grade of 0.9% Cu over a minimum thickness of 2 m is applied to justify an underground room-and-pillar mine, the LCBS and UCBS are not continuous over the Western Syncline. Sedimentology is the first-order control of potential ore and its continuity; dark-gray shales and siltstones deposited under low-energy, anoxic conditions are preferred host rocks, whose thickness must be >2 m to be potential ore since host-rock thickness determines economic viability of extraction. Furthermore, stratigraphy influences the time constraints on mineralization as the lithification process impedes vertical permeability and thus the flow of Cu-bearing fluids upward through the unlithified section. Syn-sedimentary tectonic movements, likely along pre-existing buried faults, are a third-order control as the thickness of host rocks is enhanced under such conditions. Therefore, an understanding of the depositional and tectonic history throughout the Western Syncline is fundamental to understanding the limits of possible economic exploitation and to optimizing ore extraction.
30
Damodaran, Vinita. „Azad Dastas and Dacoit Gangs: The Congress and Underground Activity in Bihar, 1942–44“. Modern Asian Studies 26, Nr. 3 (Juli 1992): 417–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00009859.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This paper attempts to examine the nature of underground activity in Bihar in the 1940s. It outlines, for the first time, the dynamics of the Congress underground movement as it emerged after the imprisonment of Gandhi and the established Congress leadership in 1942. No historian has, to my knowledge, attempted to study the nature of the underground activity and its implications for the Congress organization in Bihar, or elsewhere, in this period. Most of the studies of the Quit India movement examine only the few days in August when the mass movement erupted with full force and then neglect the more significant following period. This includes the studies of Stephen Henningham and Max Harcourt who have examined the nature of popular protest in Bihar in some detail. This neglect is surprising, for the underground movement was very active and proved to be a major ‘law and order’ problem to the British well into 1944. As an underground activist, Havildar Tripathi, told me in an interview in Patna in March 1986, ‘The mass movement lasted for only 2 weeks in August, we carried it much beyond that’.
31
TERRETTA, MEREDITH. „CAMEROONIAN NATIONALISTS GO GLOBAL: FROM FOREST MAQUIS TO A PAN-AFRICAN ACCRA“. Journal of African History 51, Nr. 2 (Juli 2010): 189–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853710000253.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
ABSTRACTThis article reassesses the political alternatives imagined by African nationalists in the ‘first wave’ of Africa's decolonization through the lens of Cameroonian nationalism. After the proscription of Cameroon's popular nationalist movement, the Union des Populations du Cameroun (UPC), in the mid-1950s, thousands of Cameroonian nationalists went into exile, most to Accra, where they gained the support of Kwame Nkrumah's Pan-African Bureau for African Affairs. The UPC's external support fed Cameroon's internal maquis (as UPC members called the underground resistance camps within the territories), rooted in culturally particular conceptions of freedom and sovereignty. With such deeply local and broadly international foundations, the political future that Cameroonian nationalists envisaged seemed achievable: even after the Cameroon territories' official independence, UPC nationalists kept fighting. But, by the mid-1960s, postcolonial states prioritized territorial sovereignty over ‘African unity’ and Ghana's support of the UPC became unsustainable, leading to the movement's disintegration.
32
Aronson, Arnold. „Playing Underground: A Critical History of the 1960s Off-Off-Broadway Movement (review)“. Modern Drama 48, Nr. 3 (2005): 611–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mdr.2006.0001.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
33
Gavrilov, Sergey V., und Irina A. Gavrilova. „“Kind Advice of a Competent Writer-Scientist and Warm Compassion of a Kind Sympathetic Person”: V. D. Ulrich’s Letters to V. I. Semevsky (1893–1905) as a Historical Source“. Herald of an archivist, Nr. 4 (2022): 1107–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2022-4-1107-1124.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article publishes letters of the Riga Social Democrat, publicist and translator Vasily D. Ulrich addressed to the prominent Narodnik historian and public figure Vasily I. Semevsky. They are of considerable interest to researchers. They help to trace with an unbiased eye the specifics of interpersonal communication between a Marxist and a Narodnik during active discussions that unfolded between these movements in the 1890s and were identified in the Soviet historiographical tradition as an ideological defeat of the Narodniks. Alongside with the principle of historicism, the authors have applied the method of biographical analysis, which made it possible to explore the life paths of the correspondent and his addressee. The archeographic method has permitted to compile a historical description of the archival collection and to publish a number of letters dating 1893?1905. The letters are kept in the personal provenance fond of the Narodnik historian in the Archive of the Russian Academy of Sciences located in Moscow. The beginning of the correspondence dates back to May 17, 1893; it ended on December 30, 1905. The archive file includes 20 letters from Ulrich to Semevsky (51 sheets). Reasons for termination of the correspondence are unknown. It could have been Ulrich’s going underground as a member of the Riga committee of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party or his loss of utilitarian interest in the addressee. Chronologically, the correspondence can be divided into three periods: prior to the correspondent’s arrest, during Ulrich’s exile to Ilimsk, and after his return to the European part of Russia. The letters cover such issues as writing opinions and reviews on Ulrich’s works on the liberation of the Ostsee peasants; problem of early Marxists’ materialistic approach to history; joining the “Union of Mutual Assistance of Russian Writers” and discussing the its Charter; sending books to Ulrich in his exile and petitioning the authorities to improve his life conditions; seeking additional earnings; representing his interests in the censorship commission; functioning of the Literary Fund; describing the provincial socio-cultural atmosphere; Semevsky’s lobbying for publication of translated Marxist literature. The letters show great tact and benevolent attitude of the convinced Riga Marxist to his addressee. Ulrich’s letters to Semevsky are a valuable source of personal provenance, reflecting nature, forms, and specifics of non-public communication between the representatives of Marxism and Populism at the turn of the 20th century and awaiting its researcher and publisher.
34
Siewierski, Tomasz. „Historycy na łamach „Krytyki”“. Wolność i Solidarność 15 (2024): 38–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25434942ws.23.003.19654.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article discusses the main threads of interest among historians publishing in the underground journal “Krytyka” during the years 1978–1989. It highlights the most important topics in contemporary history that, due to censorship reasons, either did not exist or were distorted in the official historiography of the People’s Republic of Poland (PRL). These topics included the history of the Polish armed anti-communist underground, the crimes of the security apparatus, the history of the Polish Socialist Party, Polish-Ukrainian, and Polish-Jewish relations, as well as key issues in post-war political history, such as the events of March 1968. The article devotes considerable attention to the authors of articles that aimed to restore memory and supplement knowledge about these issues. It also attempts to reflect on their involvement in the opposition movement in the context of their previous professional and political experiences.
35
ZASHKILNYAK, Leonid. „History at Ukrainian Underground University (1921–1925)“. Наукові зошити історичного факультету Львівського університету / Proceedings of History Faculty of Lviv University, Nr. 23 (08.06.2022): 179–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/fhi.2022.22-23.3610.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article considers and analyzes the origin and the activity of Ukrainian Secret University (USU) in Lviv through 1919–1925 and presents its significance for the development of Ukrainian national culture after the defeat of the Ukrainian liberation struggle in 1917–1921. Special attention focused on the reconstruction of historical studies at this university. General features of the USU history represented today in a number of essays and articles wrote by Ukrainian authors. This article offers new facts about the activities of USU teachers from unpublished materials of historians Myron Korduba and Ivan Krypiakevych, in particular about the organization and conduct the historical studies, conditions of teaching and learning. USU was established in Lviv in 1919 after the capture of the city and Eastern Galicia by Polish troops as a result of the Polish-Ukrainian war of 1918–1919 and the Polish administration introduction there. The defeat of the Ukrainian national liberation movement led to a policy of repression and persecution by the Polish authorities. There was a threat of liquidation the Ukrainian national life due to the lack of opportunities for national professionals training. The Ukrainian intelligentsia sought to use the organizational and cultural-scientific potential accumulated in the previous period to preserve and develop national culture and education, contrary to the prohibitions of the Polish administration. In 1919, Ukrainian scientists, united in the Shevchenko Scientific Society and with the support of leading Galician politicians, created “university courses”, which in 1921 were transformed into a Ukrainian university. Under the conditions of bans and persecution by the Polish authorities, the activities of the university took place semi-legally, and the institution itself in journalism and literature was soon called a “secret university”. Despite the persecution and repression USU went down in history as a powerful factor in the consolidation and mobilization of Ukrainian society after the defeats in the struggle for national statehood. During the existence of UTU more than 1,300 students studied there, and 55 professors and associate professors taught them. The Faculty of Philosophy of USU managed to create a “history department”, which in different years studied from 20 to 50 students, and teaching was conducted by famous Ukrainian historians Myron Korduba, Ivan Krypiakevych and some others. The article lists the subjects they taught, as well as the high level of history teaching. In particular, for the first time in Ukrainian historiography, the courses “Methodology of History” by M. Korduba, “Ukrainian Historiography” and “History of the Ukrainian State of the XVII-XVIII centuries” by I. Krypyakevych were read and later published here. The Polish authorities created constant obstacles for the work of USU and historians, used attacks, pogroms and arrests of participants, did not allow the creation of scientific societies, in particular the Ukrainian Historical Society in 1924. Despite the generally modest results of the Ukrainian Secret University in Lviv in 1919–1925, it was noted that what was done by the efforts of USU teachers in the scientific and didactic spheres was worthy of respect. The creation of the national higher school foundations in the conditions of the defeat of the national-state building and in spite of the power of the occupying state was a bright manifestation of the high patriotic consciousness and moral qualities of the Ukrainian Galician intelligentsia. The responsible attitude of the representatives of Ukrainian historical science to the fulfillment of their civic and professional duty deserves special mention. They were able to create the professional historical studies, through which many figures of national science and culture have passed. Historians who have made a great contribution to the preservation of the national consciousness and culture of the Ukrainian population of Galicia in the unfavorable conditions of the defeat of the liberation struggle, have managed to preserve and later increase the historical capital of national history. They continued to build a network of national public scientific, cultural, and educational organizations and societies in Poland, which replaced state institutions and thus ensured the further development of the Ukrainian cause.
36
Kolin, Philip C. „Playing Underground: A Critical History of the 1960's Off-Off-Broadway Movement (review)“. Theatre Journal 57, Nr. 4 (2005): 780–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tj.2006.0031.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
37
Ivanov, V. A. „The struggle of the Saki underground organization against the Nazi occupiers. 1942–1944“. Omsk Scientific Bulletin. Series Society. History. Modernity 8, Nr. 1 (2023): 16–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.25206/2542-0488-2023-8-1-16-25.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In the article, based on both previously unknown and published documents, there is considered the history of the underground struggle of Valentin Vyacheslavovich Kamler in the territory of the city of Saki of the Crimean ASSR. The author used materials from: the funds of the State Archive of the Republic of Crimea, the archival department (municipal archive) of the administration of the city of Saki, the museum of local history and mud therapy of the city of Saki. The actions of the underground workers are analyzed, including the following aspects: anti-fascist propaganda and agitation; collection, manufacture and storage of ammunition, military equipment; intelligence activities; the attraction of personnel from Nazi-allied foreign military contingents to the side of the Soviet government. In this work for the first time since the end of the Great Patriotic War, the names of the provocateurs who extradited V. V. Kamler and his associates to the Nazi special services and the police, are named. The publication is addressed primarily to researchers of the underground resistance movement, local historians and publicists
38
HAZIZOVA, Olena. „"BLOOD ROSES". LIFE AND CREATIVITY OF LYUDMILA FOY - LEGENDS OF THE UKRAINIAN LIBERATION MOVEMENT“. Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, Nr. 33 (2023): 18–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2023.33.2.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In Ukraine, under the conditions of military aggression by the Russian Federation, the role of women in the heroic struggle of the Ukrainian people against the aggressor is increasingly growing. In this aspect, gender history is important - a field that examines the history of women in different periods. The most relevant today is the study of the history of the Ukrainian liberation movement, in particular the participation of Ukrainian women in it, which makes it possible to reveal the gender component of the national liberation struggles of the Ukrainian people from a new, sometimes unexpected side. As scientists note, women made a significant contribution to the development and activity of the Ouniv underground, their practical activity in the Ukrainian national liberation movement was extremely multifaceted. The study is focused on highlighting the role of Ukrainian women in the Ukrainian liberation movement in the 1940s and 1950s. on the example of the life and creative path of one of the most mysterious figures of the Ukrainian liberation movement, Lyudmila Foya (1923–1950), a liaison underground of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (Bandera) in Kyiv during the Second World War, a prisoner of the internal prison of the NKGB of the Ukrainian SSR, a participant armed struggle of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army in Volyn and Polissia. Reading the works of L. Foya will allow us to return the name of this unique writer to Ukrainian literature. Her works are aimed at the formation of patriotic values of a young person, who is in constant dynamic development of the value-emotional sphere, acts as a driving force, on whose views the development of Ukrainian statehood depends.
39
Machovec, Martin. „Czech Underground Musicians in Search of Art Innovation“. East Central Europe 38, Nr. 2-3 (2011): 221–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/174552411x600103.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractThe Czech underground culture of the 1970s and 1980s has so far been widely acknowledged for its contribution to the development of the human rights movement in the country, especially as a predecessor and fellow-traveller of Charta 77. So have been some of the underground rock musicians (The Plastic People of the Universe) and some of the poets and writers (e.g. Egon Bondy, I. M. Jirous, Pavel Zajíček, Jáchym Topol). However, as a result of vivid cooperation within the underground “ghetto” between poets, writers, philosophers, musicians and representatives of fine arts, the underground rockers created performances to be appreciated in terms of visual arts, literature and contemporary music—which has so far remained rather underresearched. The article brings forth some evidences of this creativity by locating the phenomenon of Czech underground music in the broader cultural and aesthetic context of the time.
40
Roversi, Valentina, Alessandra Cavallo und Daniel Barenco mello contage. „creare i sensi della terra: il respiro naturale della comunità di indagine“. childhood & philosophy 18 (28.11.2022): 01–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/childphilo.2022.66131.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The earth is the archetypal image of the origin of humanity, but throughout the history of Western culture it has given way to other, more heavenly allegories. Enlightenment as a paradigm of knowledge consolidated itself in Western philosophical thought in a very convincing way as a production of meanings. Through this rereading of the first Greek metaphysics, thought gradually distanced itself from its materiality, from its humanity, from the possibility of admiring the concrete world, getting closer and closer to the need to create abstract objects, which, as ethical limits, political, aesthetic and epistemological, we end up meeting again in our lives. Visibility seems to be the basis of a Western mental habitus: recognition, officiality, legitimacy and certainty become visible signs with which we compare and validate our own experiences. The earth, as a less transparent element, with greater ability to hide, occult, encrypt represents, however, an image that is better suited to the discussion plan proposed in this text. The relationship with reality, in terms of visibility and invisibility, requires a new perception of the world: the underlying structure no longer assumes a transcendent level, but is understood as a plane of immanence, in which meaning is interior, produced by compositions; an amalgam of networks that intertwine in an imperceptible, invisible underground plane. What we propose here is not a vertical perspective, but a horizontal one like the ground. It is from this earthly thought that we want to reflect on what happens in philosophy and childhood; in philosophy with childhood and in the childhood of philosophy. In the present attempt of an ecophilosophy of education, the discussion plan requires a deviation from the guiding images with which we learn to do research. The intention of the following investigation is to look for another type of map: a kind of subterranean cartography, which pays attention not to what we can see, which has well-defined names and categories, but to what is hidden and inhabits a plane that is muddy, earthly, indistinguishable and absolutely alive. According to the Lipmanian model of Philosophy for Children, the subterranean and rhizomatic processes of the research community will be examined, comparing them to other collective movements that characterize the vegetable communities of plants that inhabit the natural world. Finally, three concepts considered relevant to escape the limits found in some contemporary pedagogical postures will be illustrated, suggesting other paths in the relationship between philosophy, childhood and education: reciprocity, passivity and invisibility.
41
Potoczny, Boguslaw. „Poland's Underground Opposition in the 1980s: The breakdown of the “Solidarity” Movement“. Debatte: Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe 18, Nr. 1 (April 2010): 89–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09651561003732538.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
42
Efrati, Noga. „COMPETING NARRATIVES: HISTORIES OF THE WOMEN'S MOVEMENT IN IRAQ, 1910–58“. International Journal of Middle East Studies 40, Nr. 3 (August 2008): 466a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808081373.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The history of the women's movement in Iraq before 1958 has received little attention in contemporary scholarly literature published in English. Moreover, when surveying the brief accounts in secondary sources, one is struck by their inconsistency. Upon closer examination, two historiographical approaches emerge. One primarily follows the development of women's activities sanctioned by the regime, focusing on organizations and activists associated with the Iraqi Women's Union, established in 1945. The second approach traces developments and organizations linked with the underground League for the Defense of Women's Rights, founded in 1952. This essay argues that members of the rival union and league constructed two competing narratives in presenting the history of the women's movement in pre-1958 Iraq. The article unpacks these two different narratives as they were originally articulated by activists in order to piece together a more elaborate portrayal of the evolution of the early Iraqi women's movement. The essay also explores how scholars have reproduced these narratives, arguing that both activists and researchers were active participants in a “war of narratives” that left women's history the unfortunate casualty
43
Nash, Andrew. „Zen Communist: Breyten Breytenbach’s view from underground“. Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 46, Nr. 2 (09.11.2017): 11–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-9070/tvl.v.46i2.3412.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In an interview after his release from prison, Breyten Breytenbach describes himself, at the time he became involved in underground politics, as a Zen Communist. He returns occasionally to this interaction of Marxist ideas of social revolution and Buddhist ideas of non-attachment, but never attempts to explain the resulting synthesis systematically. Indeed, for Breytenbach, being a Zen Communist is to resist systematic positions, to accept contradiction as a constant source of surprise and invention disruptive of all systematic thought. This paper examines how this interaction of Marxist and Buddhist ideas and practices has informed Breytenbach’s politics in three contexts: his initial exploration of a radical philosophy of history in his poetry (“Bruin reisbrief”, “Brown travel letter”); his role in the underground politics of Okhela in the 1970s; his reflections on politics and social change in his prison and prison-related writings. Key words: Zen communism, anti-apartheid movement, liberation, dialectic.
44
Savchenko, Viktor. „The Anarchist Movement in Ukraine at the Height of the New Economic Policy (1924-25)“. East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 4, Nr. 2 (19.09.2017): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/t2ck78.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This paper examines a virtually unknown period of the development of the anarchist movement in Ukraine, ignored by both Soviet and post-Soviet historians, for whom the history of anarchism in the Soviet Union ended in 1921. The author,basing his information on archival materials,including the archives of the Soviet secret police agencies (ChK, GPU, OGPU), extends the life of the anarchist movement through the mid-1920s. This was a period of revitalization of the movement, especially among students, young workers, and the unemployed in the cities of Eastern and Southern Ukraine (Kharkiv, Kyiv, Odesa, Dnipropetrovsk, and Poltava). Despite repression by the government, the anarchist movement in the USSR in the 1920s was able to sustain itself by going underground.
45
Black, Alex W. „“A New Enterprise in Our History”: William Still, Conductor of The Underground Rail Road (1872)“. American Literary History 32, Nr. 4 (2020): 668–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/ajaa029.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Abstract This article presents the formal and material innovations of The Underground Rail Road (1872) and its author and publisher, William Still. Before the Civil War, Still chaired the Philadelphia Vigilance Committee, which assisted hundreds of fugitives from slavery in making their way to freedom. After the Civil War, Still wrote a book based on his records of their stories. The discrimination Black writers and readers experienced from the publishing business convinced Still to start his own. Still’s publishing business, like the movement his book documented, was the work of a collective. He called on family members, allies in reform, and friends in Black periodical publishing to produce and distribute the book. Still promoted the book and the business as an extension of the liberation movement. The labors of the fugitives he had helped, and of the booksellers he employed, would stimulate the economic progress, and protect the political and social gains, for which African Americans were striving. Still, a race man and a businessman, proposed a solution to the inequitable production and distribution of Black books. “The time has come,” he declared, “for colored men to be writing books & selling them too.”
46
Thomas, Patricia. „The Other Side of History: Underground Literature and the 1951 Waterfront Dispute“. Back Story Journal of New Zealand Art, Media & Design History, Nr. 3 (01.12.2017): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/backstory.vi3.27.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In February 1951, industrial discord between New Zealand watersiders and British ship-owners led to a dispute that was seen by each as a lockout and a strike respectively. Throughout the duration of the dispute, the Trades Union Congress and Wellington Waterside Workers’ Union Action Committee produced and distributed substantial amounts of printed material to stiffen the struggle among its members, vilify strike-breakers and the National Government – whose ultimate aim it was to crush the Union –and to ridicule the police – who were the instruments ofenforcement against the newly-minted Waterfront StrikeEmergency Regulations. In defiance of Regulation 4(d),which banned the production and distribution of ‘seditious’literature, a steady stream of illegal leaflets, pamphlets,lino-cut illustrations and cartoons emerged from theGestetners and small presses in the homes of membersand supporters of the watersiders. While printed materialis touched upon in the documented examination of thedispute as a political and industrial struggle, it is never thefocus of discussion. This article examines the multi-modalrhetoric of the underground literature to form a pictureof one side of the story of what was, arguably, the mostdisruptive and divisive 151 days in the history of the NewZealand labour movement.
47
Ivanov, Vyacheslav A. „The Struggle of Soviet Prisoners of War Against the Nazi Occupiers of Sevastopol in 1943–1944“. Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, Nr. 1 (01.03.2024): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v317.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The paper deals with one of the little-studied issues in the history of the resistance movement during the Great Patriotic War, namely, the participation of Soviet prisoners of war in the anti-fascist struggle in the ranks of the Communist underground organization in occupied Sevastopol in 1943–1944. The purpose of this article was to study the formation and structure of the aforementioned organization, as well as the involvement in the antifascist struggle of Soviet prisoners of war, and to identify the effect of their activities on the general course of the anti-Hitler struggle in occupied Crimea. The objects of the research are the underground group headed by Nikolai Ignatyevich Tereshchenko (pseudonym Mikhailov), which was part of the Communist underground organization, and the places where it carried out its anti-fascist operations: camps for Soviet prisoners of war around Sevastopol and in the city itself, especially after Tereshchenko’s escape from German captivity. The study was performed within the framework of the large-scale All-Russian educational project “Without Statute of Limitations” aimed at preserving historical memory. Along with providing insights into the tragedy of the civilian population of the USSR during the Great Patriotic War, the paper highlights the heroic deeds of the anti-fascist resistance movement in the temporarily occupied territory of the Soviet Union and demonstrates the contribution of individuals and groups to the defeat of Nazi Germany and its satellites. The author used documents that were declassified in the course of this project by the Federal Security Service Office for the Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol and transferred to the Sevastopol Archives. The analysis revealed a significant feature of the Sevastopol underground: prisoners of war were one of the most important components of the Communist underground organization, performing risky and dangerous tasks deep behind enemy lines. According to the plan, in the event of a Black Sea Fleet landing, it was the prisoners of war who were supposed to be the striking force and spark an armed uprising in the occupied city. Consequently, it is concluded that Soviet prisoners of war were one of the combat weapons teams of the Sevastopol underground movement, which carried out various operations: reconnaissance, agitation and propaganda, as well as sabotage and subversion deep behind enemy lines.
48
Hausmann, E. „Book: `Merciful Release': The History of the British Euthanasia Movement * Angels of Death: Exploring the Euthanasia Underground“. BMJ 325, Nr. 7360 (17.08.2002): 396. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.325.7360.396.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
49
Amar, Nathanel. „‘We come from the underground’: grounding Chinese punk in Beijing and Wuhan“. Popular Music 41, Nr. 2 (Mai 2022): 170–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143022000046.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractThe history of the Chinese punk scene in the scientific literature or in retrospective testimonies is traditionally dominated by a Beijing-centric approach, which stresses the importance of Beijing punk bands in the 1990s for the formation of this youth subculture. However, at the same time another punk scene was emerging in Wuhan, and no convincing argument has been provided to explain how, at the same time, in two Chinese cities, a punk movement appeared. Relying on ethnographic fieldwork, interviews and collection of data, this article aims to explain how in the mid-1990s young Chinese succeeded into territorialising a foreign subculture in two different Chinese cities.
50
Ponypalyak, Oleksandr. „Cooperation of the OUN with the USA and Great Britain IN 1945–1955 (based on Soviet materials)“. Ethnic History of European Nations, Nr. 67 (2022): 92–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2022.67.11.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In this article, the author explores the issue of cooperation between the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and Great Britain and the United States of America in the first postwar decade. The object of the author’s study is the Ukrainian liberation movement, the subject of study is the cooperation of Ukrainian nationalists with the special services of Western countries in the context of the confrontation with the Soviet Union in the early stages of the Cold War. The sources of the study are internal documents of the Soviet security services, reports, orders of the Ministry of State Security and the Committee of State Security of the USSR and protocols of interrogations of participants and leaders of the Ukrainian underground. In this context, the interrogation reports of V. Okhrymovych, the head of intelligence of the Ukrainian liberation movement abroad, who was trained in intelligence at the school of spies and in 1951 was landed in Soviet-controlled territory, were discovered and arrested by the KGB. The author analyzed the peculiarities of the geopolitical situation in Ukraine and the entire region of Central and Eastern Europe in the postwar period. Separately, the researcher studied the specifics and features of cooperation of Ukrainian nationalists with the intelligence agencies of the United States and Great Britain. The author analyzed the documents available in the archives of Ukraine for evidence of cooperation and coordination of efforts of the Ukrainian liberation movement abroad with representatives of special services of foreign states to gather intelligence in the USSR anti-Soviet sentiments, etc. The analysis of the facts in the documents showed the complexity of the situation of the Ukrainian liberation movement at the final stage of the armed struggle on the territory of Ukraine. In fact, Western special services were in dire need of intelligence from the Soviet Union, while centers of the Ukrainian movement abroad needed support in weapons, equipment, radio, new methods of sabotage and intelligence, and financial support. OUN members also had to study and learn about parachuting abroad, as illegal land routes were blocked by socialist countries. The transfer of Ukrainian underground was carried out illegally on American or British planes, from which landings were carried out over the territory of Ukraine together with walkie-talkies and equipment. The overthrown had to get in touch with the underground in Ukraine and renew the line of communication with the network of the Ukrainian liberation movement in the USSR. This article will be of interest to researchers of the history of Ukraine, the Soviet Union, the United States and the European continent of the ХХ century, specialists in military affairs, intelligence and the Ukrainian liberation movement, students and anyone persons interested in history.