Inhaltsverzeichnis
Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „History of the French elites in the XVIth century“
Geben Sie eine Quelle nach APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard und anderen Zitierweisen an
Machen Sie sich mit den Listen der aktuellen Artikel, Bücher, Dissertationen, Berichten und anderer wissenschaftlichen Quellen zum Thema "History of the French elites in the XVIth century" bekannt.
Neben jedem Werk im Literaturverzeichnis ist die Option "Zur Bibliographie hinzufügen" verfügbar. Nutzen Sie sie, wird Ihre bibliographische Angabe des gewählten Werkes nach der nötigen Zitierweise (APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver usw.) automatisch gestaltet.
Sie können auch den vollen Text der wissenschaftlichen Publikation im PDF-Format herunterladen und eine Online-Annotation der Arbeit lesen, wenn die relevanten Parameter in den Metadaten verfügbar sind.
Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "History of the French elites in the XVIth century"
1
FORREST, ALAN. „French urban elites“. Urban History 30, Nr. 1 (Mai 2003): 98–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096392680300107x.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In France, as in the Anglo-Saxon world, social history has undergone a sea change in recent years with the growth of interest in issues of culture and representation, with the result that historians have come to ask rather different questions about cities and their social fabric. The change was not, of course, achieved overnight: since the 1930s the Annalistes have been opening up new approaches to the analysis of power and status, while in the development of micro-history Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie's Montaillou occupies an honoured place. In this the lingering influence of a Marxist model has played an important part. For decades Marxist theory provided the key which opened up issues of social power and class division, the methodology which led to a widespread study of urban structures and social dominance. And though in some hands it might be criticized for leading to an over-arching concern with the urban economy and the growth of the industrial city, the same Marxist perspective also encouraged studies of such questions as the identity of urban elites, the extent of social mobility within cities and the development of suburbs. More recently French historians have been among the most innovative in exploring the culture of urban life in a variety of different contexts, whether – and here I shall simply cite representative examples – by the study of individual professions (Christophe Charle), of dress and public appearance (Daniel Roche), or of the appropriation of urban space (Bernard Lepetit). The three books under review here all, in their different ways, contribute to our understanding of that urban culture and of the changes which it has undergone. Yannec Le Marec takes up Charle's arguments through a micro-history of the professional development of lawyers and doctors in the south Breton city of Nantes during the nineteenth century. Natacha Coquery, looking at the eighteenth century, explains the representation of social power implicit in the transfer of sumptuous Paris hôtels from private use to that of government ministries and their fast-multiplying staff. And Claude Petitfrère presents an edited collection of papers, emanating from a conference organized by the highly influential Centre d'histoire de la ville moderne et contemporaine in his own university at Tours, which illuminates across time and place the ways in which an urban patriciate was first constructed, then reproduced and represented to contemporaries. Taken together the three volumes go far to illustrate current developments in historiography and offer an overview of the present state of urban social history in France.
2
MURPHY, JANE H. „Locating the sciences in eighteenth-century Egypt“. British Journal for the History of Science 43, Nr. 4 (11.10.2010): 557–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087410001251.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractIn the last years of the eighteenth century, Egypt famously witnessed the practice of European sciences as embodied in the members of Bonaparte's Commission des sciences et des arts and the newly founded Institut d'Egypte. Less well known are the activities of local eighteenth-century Cairene religious scholars and military elites who were both patrons and practitioners of scientific expertise and producers of hundreds upon hundreds of manuscripts. Through the writings of the French naturalist Etienne Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire (1772–1844) and those of the Cairene scholar and chronicler ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Jabartī (1753–1825), I explore Egypt as a site for the practice of the sciences in the late eighteenth century, the palatial urban houses which the French made home to the Institut d'Egypte and their role before the French invasion, and the conception of the relationship between the sciences and social politics that each man sought. Ultimately, I argue that Geoffroy's struggle to create scientific neutrality in the midst of intensely tumultuous political realities came to a surprising head with his fixation on Paris as the site for the practice of natural history, while al-Jabartī’s embrace of this entanglement of knowledge and power led to a vision of scientific expertise that was specifically located in his Cairene society, but which – as Geoffroy himself demonstrated – could be readily adapted almost anywhere.
3
Cathala, François. „Emblèmes et devises de la maréchaussée à la Gendarmerie nationale“. Revue Historique des Armées 240, Nr. 3 (2005): 54–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rharm.2005.5736.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Crests and mottoes from Marchalsea to the state police force ; The evolution of the crests and mottoes attributed to the Marchalsea of the old regime then to its heiress, the state police force from 1791, indicates the great steps of French History. The members of this police with a military status represent “the arms of the law” which is named under the old Regime the “judges with boots”. This force remains subordinate directly to the Power in place or to its representatives all along History. This is through the evolution of crests and mottoes of this authority that its history is gone over. This one is crossed with the process involved by the traditional heraldry from the XVIth century and which finds expression in a growing simplification of signs of recognition of the prominent characters. This trend is followed by two great steps. The French revolution gives birth to the sign of recognition of a Nation whereas the Empire lays the foundations of the regimental crests such as we know them nowadays.
4
PRICE, MUNRO. „VERSAILLES REVISITED: NEW WORK ON THE OLD REGIME“. Historical Journal 46, Nr. 2 (Juni 2003): 437–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x03003005.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Over the last thirty years, the absolute monarchy in France has been a subject of much controversy among historians. The traditional view, which can be traced back to Tocqueville, sees it primarily as an ‘administrative monarchy’, an essential step in the formation of a centralized French state. More recently, this approach has come under sustained attack from (mostly Anglo-American) scholars, who have emphasized in contrast the limits of absolutism, and in particular the persistent power of local and central elites in relation to the crown. In the light of these disputes, this article argues that the French absolute monarchy was above all a political compromise, in which neither crown nor elites had the definitive upper hand, but which could only function effectively through the co-operation of both sides. An aspect that has not sufficiently been stressed, however, is the fragility of the arrangement: it was ambiguous in practice if not in theory, and ultimately unable to deliver the resources necessary to sustain France's great-power status in the eighteenth century.
5
DeNipoti, Cláudio. „“The Vile Gallicisms, which Today Make Ugly Many Translations”: The Influence of the French Language on Iberian Translations from the Turn of the Eighteenth to the Nineteenth Century“. Revista Brasileira de História 43, Nr. 92 (April 2023): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1806-93472023v43n92-07-i.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
ABSTRACT From the final decades of the Eighteenth century, in the speeches of Iberian literate elites, we can notice a systematic effort to diminish or avoid the influence of the French language on texts written in Portuguese and Spanish, originals or translations from French, particularly what is defined as “Gallicism”. Considering the enormous editorial volume of written, printed or translated books into French in the second half of the century, Iberian censors, translators, editors and commentators point to the presence of “French” words and constructions in the Portuguese and Castilian printed word. This study tries to see this issue in the light of the use of Gallicisms as part of the neologisms necessary to understand the advances in science and the arts in the Iberian Peninsula of the period.
6
Hornung, Johanna, und Nils C. Bandelow. „The programmatic elite in German health policy: Collective action and sectoral history“. Public Policy and Administration 35, Nr. 3 (13.09.2018): 247–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952076718798887.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Do biographies of policy elites make a difference for the policy process and output? Leading theories of the policy process focus on other explanations that mostly have been derived from peculiarities of American politics. This article transfers a French approach to the study of policy processes in German health policy. It emphasizes how this French perspective presents an added value in the form of the programmatic action framework. At its core, the programmatic action framework proposes that programmatic elites in policy sectors form on the basis of shared biographical intersections and connect to a joint program. Applying the programmatic action framework to the German case of a programmatic elite in health policy that dominated the last quarter-century of major reforms, the analysis reveals the explanatory power of the programmatic action framework in other political contexts. A transfer of the programmatic action framework to other countries and policy issues, however, must respect the specificities of the political system and policy subsystem. In Germany, the specific role of self-governance enhances the analytical categories of the programmatic action framework, moving beyond the traditional conflict between custodians and austerians of state.
7
van der Linden, David. „Memorializing the Wars of Religion in Early Seventeenth-Century French Picture Galleries: Protestants and Catholics Painting the Contested Past“. Renaissance Quarterly 70, Nr. 1 (2017): 132–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/691832.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractThis article examines how Protestant and Catholic elites in early seventeenth-century France memorialized the Wars of Religion in purpose-built picture galleries. Postwar France remained a divided nation, and portrait galleries offered a sectarian memory of the conflict, glorifying party heroes. Historical picture galleries, on the other hand, promoted a shared memory of the wars, focusing on King Henry IV’s successful campaign against the Catholic League to unite the kingdom. This article argues that postwar elites made a sincere effort to manage religious tensions by allowing partisan memories to circulate in private while promoting a consensual memory in public.
8
EARLE, REBECCA. „‘Padres de la Patria’ and the Ancestral Past: Commemorations of Independence in Nineteenth-Century Spanish America“. Journal of Latin American Studies 34, Nr. 4 (November 2002): 775–805. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x02006557.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This article examines the civic festivals held in nineteenth-century Spanish America to commemorate independence from Spain. Through such festivals political leaders hoped, in Hobsbawm's words, ‘to inculcate certain values and norms of behaviour by repetition, which automatically implies continuity with the past’. But when did the ‘past’ begin? If in nineteenth-century France the French Revolution was the time of history, in Spanish America there was no consensus on when history began. The debates about national origins embedded within the nineteenth-century civic festival not only suggest how political elites viewed their Patrias but also shed light on the position of indigenous culture (usually separated hygienically from indigenous peoples themselves) within the developing national histories of post-independence Spanish America.
9
Sharman, Nick. „The impact on Spain of Anglo-French informal imperialism in the colonization of Morocco, 1898–1914“. International Journal of Iberian Studies 37, Nr. 1 (01.03.2024): 45–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis_00121_1.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In the decade before the First World War, Spain failed in its attempt to establish an independent role in the fierce competition between the French, British and German Empires for influence in the Western Mediterranean. The exercise of informal power by France and Britain forced Spain’s Restoration elites to conform to British and French imperial interests in France’s colonization of Morocco. The article suggests Spain’s governing parties were unable to manage the essential mediating role for collaborating elites in informal empires, as defined by Ronald Robinson, between the demands of the imperial powers and the political pressures arising from changing social forces within the country. Spain’s dilemma was an early example of the conflict that faced many newly independent colonies later in the twentieth century: how to reconcile the growing aspirations for national self-determination in a world dominated by competing imperial powers, themselves increasingly facing internal contradictions and crises.
10
Sert, Hugo. „Du Paria à l’Émigré : une typologie des vagabonds post-révolutionnaires“. Quêtes littéraires, Nr. 4 (30.12.2014): 18–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/ql.4568.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The « great detention » analysed by Michel Foucault shows the fear societies have of wanderers and tramps. During the wholeclassical period, political and religious elites try to lock up people who don’t have neither home nor work, thinking that they are a danger to society’s order. Arts and literature represent this threat, reinforcing the negativity of wandering and mobility in minds. However, there is a time in French history leading to question this doxa. A political revolution turns these representations round. The French Revolution changes the camp of suspicion towards wandering. Starting from 1789, old elites, ironically, find themselves out in the streets with nothing. These people, the Émigrés, are the ones creating literature during the revolutionary period. This phenomenonaffects writing at this time, and arises ethical and aesthetic questions. The texts written in exile trying to answer these questions create a new sensibility which is going to influence the minds of the 19th century.
Bücher zum Thema "History of the French elites in the XVIth century"
1
Beale, Marjorie A. The modernist enterprise: French elites and the threat of modernity, 1900-1940. Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 1999.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle finden
2
The Social Worlds of Male and Female Children in the Nineteenth Century French Educational Systems: Youth, Rituals, and Elites (Mellen Studies in Education). Edwin Mellen Press, 1999.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle finden
3
Bannister, Mark, Elizabeth Woodrough, Elizabeth Woodrough und Keith Cameron. Ethics and Politics in Seventeenth Century France. University of Exeter Press, 2015.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle finden
4
(Editor), Keith Cameron, und Elizabeth Woodrough (Editor), Hrsg. Ethics and Politics in Seventeenth-Century France: Essays in Honour of Derek a Watts. University of Exeter Press, 1996.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle finden
5
Todd, David. A Velvet Empire. Princeton University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691171838.001.0001.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
After Napoleon's downfall in 1815, France embraced a mostly informal style of empire, one that emphasized economic and cultural influence rather than military conquest. This book is a global history of French imperialism in the nineteenth century, providing new insights into the mechanisms of imperial collaboration that extended France's power from the Middle East to Latin America and ushered in the modern age of globalization. The book shows how French elites pursued a cunning strategy of imperial expansion in which conspicuous commodities, such as champagne and silk textiles, together with loans to client states, contributed to a global campaign of seduction. French imperialism was no less brutal than that of the British. But while Britain widened its imperial reach through settler colonialism and the acquisition of far-flung territories, France built a “velvet” empire backed by frequent military interventions and a broadening extraterritorial jurisdiction. The book demonstrates how France drew vast benefits from these asymmetric, imperial-like relations until a succession of setbacks around the world brought about their unravelling in the 1870s. It sheds light on France's neglected contribution to the conservative reinvention of modernity and offers a new interpretation of the resurgence of French colonialism on a global scale after 1880. It also highlights the crucial role of collaboration among European empires during this period and cooperation with indigenous elites in facilitating imperial expansion and the globalization of capitalism.
6
Conversi, Daniele. Cultural Homogenization, Ethnic Cleansing, and Genocide. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.139.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Cultural homogenization is understood as a state-led policy aimed at cultural standardization and the overlap between state and culture. Homogeneity, however, is an ideological construct, presupposing the existence of a unified, organic community. It does not describe an actual phenomenon. Genocide and ethnic cleansing, meanwhile, can be described as a form of “social engineering” and radical homogenization. Together, these concepts can be seen as part of a continuum when considered as part of the process of state-building, where the goal has often been to forge cohesive, unified communities of citizens under governmental control. Homogenizing attempts can be traced as far back as ancient and medieval times, depending on how historians choose to approach the subject. Ideally, however, the history of systematic cultural homogenization begins at the French Revolution. With the French Revolution, the physical elimination of ideological-cultural opponents was pursued, together with a broader drive to “nationalize” the masses. This mobilizing-homogenizing thrust was widely shared by the usually fractious French revolutionary elites. Homogenization later peaked during the twentieth century, when state nationalism and its attendant politics emerged, resulting in a more coordinated, systematic approach toward cultural standardization. Nowadays, there are numerous methods to achieving homogenization, from interstate wars to forced migration and even to the more subtle shifts in the socio-political climate brought about by neoliberal globalization.
Buchteile zum Thema "History of the French elites in the XVIth century"
1
Diaz-Andreu, Margarita. „Informal Imperialism beyond Europe: The Archaeology of the Great Civilizations in Latin America, China, and Japan“. In A World History of Nineteenth-Century Archaeology. Oxford University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199217175.003.0014.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This chapter examines two very different examples of informal imperialism. The first takes place in Latin America, an area colonized by the Europeans for three centuries and politically independent from the 1810s and 1820s (see map 1). There the ancient Great Civilizations were mainly concentrated in Mexico and Peru, extending to a limited extent to other countries such as Argentina, Belize, Bolivia, and Ecuador. These countries provide the focus for the following pages, whereas a description of developments in the others is reserved for the discussion of internal colonialism in Chapter 10. As mentioned in Chapter 4, after an initial use of monumental archaeology at the time of the Latin-American independence, the emergence of racism led to a process of disengagement: elites only extended their interest in the origins of the nation back to the period of the arrival of the Europeans in the area. The local scholarly pride for the pre-Hispanic past re-emerged, mainly from the 1870s, timidly at first but soon gained sufficient strength to allow indigenous elites a novel rapprochement with their native monuments. Only when this happened would the tension between the national past and the discourse of inferiority advocated by the informal colonial powers be felt. The latter had been formed by explorers, collectors and scholars from the Western world. These were, to start with, mainly French and British, and later also scholars from the US and Germany. A few of them would diverge from the line taken by the majority, and Mexico City was chosen, in the early twentieth century, to undertake a unique experiment: the creation of an international school to overcome the effects of imperialism. The political circumstances, however, unfortunately led to the failure of this trial. The other case discussed in this chapter is located in East and Central Asia, in China and Japan and, by extension, in Korea. These countries had been able to maintain their independence in the early modern era mainly through the closure of their frontiers. In the second half of the nineteenth century, however, they were politically compelled to open up to the Western world.
2
Golubkov, Andrey V. „Hesiod’s dream: the History of World Literature in the Novel of French Précieuse (“Clélie, l’histoire romaine” by Madeleine de Scudéry)“. In “The History of Literature”: Non-scientific sources of a scientific genre, 705–52. A.M. Gorky Institute of World Literature of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/978-5-9208-0684-0-705-752.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The research focuses on the annotated translation into Russian language of the Hesiod’s Dream, large fragment from the 2nd book of the 8th volume of the novel “Clélie, l’histoire romaine” of the French writer of the middle of the 17th century Madeleine de Scudéry, which is a consistent narration about the world history of the literature in Ancient Greece, Ancient Rome, Renaissance Italy, as well as in France from the late Middle Ages up to the 1650’s. The introductory article analyzes the metatextual nature of the narrative (it is presented as the reading of a manuscript by the heroes of the novel, which tells about Hesiod, to whom the muse of poetry Calliope tells the future development of literature), as well as the context of the creation of an episode that reflected the influence of ancient and renaissance poetics and rhetoric. In the course of the research, it is demonstrated that Scudéry builds the logic of the evolution of Western literature in the context of the idea of “progress”: the ancient and Renaissance Italian tradition appears as a stage that prepared the flowering of gallant poetry in France; such an understanding of the logic of the development of Western literature, leading to an emphasis on the role of women and focusing on light love poetry (Catullus, Petrarca) to the detriment of the philosophical tradition (Dante) is the result of the cultural policy of Superintendent Nicolas Fouquet, who was considered by a significant part of the French elites as a new “Patron of the Arts”.
3
Ollion, Étienne. „Down with Career Politicians!“ In The Candidates, herausgegeben von Katharine Throssell, 23–51. Oxford University PressNew York, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197665954.003.0002.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Abstract The book opens with a brief history of the term “career politicians.” The chapter shows that worries over “political professionalization” are consubstantial with the rise of democracy from its inception, in Europe as well as in the United States. In the 19th century, as hereditary claims to political office gave way to popular suffrage, more and more candidates could not afford to perform their duties without pay. Disputes over the legitimacy of financial remuneration for political service continued into the next century. The controversy would eventually quiet, but it bequeathed a nagging suspicion that politicians are motivated by monetary gain. This chapter traces the arc of the history of opposition to career politicians, from the right-wing criticism against workers entering politics to the stylized opposition between the people and the elites that took hold in the latter half of the 20th century. But why did this rhetoric acquire such resonance at that particular moment? And how did such a pure product of the French establishment as Macron manage to pass as an “outsider”? Drawing on an original, extensive data set, it identifies the central transformations of the political field since the 1970s, and in particular the closure of the French political field.