Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „History of Spain Political atrocities“
Um die anderen Arten von Veröffentlichungen zu diesem Thema anzuzeigen, folgen Sie diesem Link: History of Spain Political atrocities.
Geben Sie eine Quelle nach APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard und anderen Zitierweisen an
Machen Sie sich mit Top-50 Zeitschriftenartikel für die Forschung zum Thema "History of Spain Political atrocities" bekannt.
Neben jedem Werk im Literaturverzeichnis ist die Option "Zur Bibliographie hinzufügen" verfügbar. Nutzen Sie sie, wird Ihre bibliographische Angabe des gewählten Werkes nach der nötigen Zitierweise (APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver usw.) automatisch gestaltet.
Sie können auch den vollen Text der wissenschaftlichen Publikation im PDF-Format herunterladen und eine Online-Annotation der Arbeit lesen, wenn die relevanten Parameter in den Metadaten verfügbar sind.
Sehen Sie die Zeitschriftenartikel für verschiedene Spezialgebieten durch und erstellen Sie Ihre Bibliographie auf korrekte Weise.
1
Calleja, Eduardo González. „The Spanish Civil War: New Approaches and Historiographic Perspectives“. Contemporary European History 29, Nr. 3 (August 2020): 264–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777320000235.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The bibliography on the Spanish Civil War is almost unattainable, but the matter continues to elicit such interest that it remains open to new historiographic trends. For example, the ‘classic’ military history of the conflict, cultivated prominently in recent years by Gabriel Cardona, Jorge Martínez Reverte and Anthony Beevor, does not renounce the microhistory or cultural perspective. These constitute the theoretical framework of the New Military History and its corollary the New Combat History, which combine philological, anthropological, psychological and historiographical perspectives to various degrees. In the specific field of the war experiences pioneered by George L. Mosse, the concepts of brutalisation, barbarisation and demodernisation of military operations, coined by Omer Bartov to describe the particularities of the Eastern campaign during the Second World War, are being used by Spanish historians dedicated to the study of the violence and atrocities of the civil war and post-war. Focusing on the field of political history, government management or diplomacy has been studied almost exhaustively, but this is not the case for the principal phenomenon of political violence in the 1930s in Europe, namely paramilitarisation. It is surprising that the latest studies on the issue at the European level (Robert Gerwarth, John Horne, Chris Millington and Kevin Passmore) do not include any essays on the enormous incidence of paramilitary violence in Spain before, during and after the civil war.
2
Vrančić, Frano. „Le catholique Bernanos face à la guerre civile espagnole“. Studia Romanistica 20, Nr. 2 (November 2020): 97–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.15452/sr.2020.20.0013.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This paper analyses the political‑religious reflection developed by the great French novelist Georges Bernanos (1888-1948) during his Majorcan stay in the course of the Spanish Civil War. Indeed, it was in Palma de Mallorca, where this writer stayed from 1934 to 1937 to escape the anger of his Parisian creditors, that he wrote most of his masterpiece The Diary of a Country Priest as well as A New History of Mouchette. Fundamentally Catholic and monarchist, at the very beginning of the Francoist military uprising against the Popular Front in the summer of 1936, Bernanos became enthusiastic about the “glorioso Movimiento”. This is due not only to his son Yves, who actively participated in the rebellion, but also and above all to his virulent anticommunism and his youth’s fascination for the ideas of Hello and Maurras. However, after seeing the atrocities committed against the civilian population by the partisans of Franco, as a good Catholic, Bernanos raises his voice and denounces the blessing of Francoist war crimes by part of the Spanish clergy in his famous non‑fiction book The Great Cemeteries Under the Moon (1938). Contrary to what one might believe, this explosive essay is not a leftist manifesto, since Bernanos does not justify the crimes committed by the socialists and communists who came to Spain so as to fight against Franco and his Italian and German allies, but a warning addressed to the French political elites, especially to his old friends of the conservative Action Française, against the fascist temptation. Finally, this striking work is still relevant in a Europe whose political classes sometimes tend to minimize the destructive effects of the three deadly ideologies of the past century for electoral purposes, which exacerbates memory wars and thus damages the living‑together.
3
Hoffmann, Stanley, John Horne und Alan Kramer. „German Atrocities, 1914: A History of Denial“. Foreign Affairs 81, Nr. 2 (2002): 188. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033121.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
4
Serfaty, Meir. „Political Pragmatism in Spain“. Current History 85, Nr. 514 (01.11.1986): 377–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1986.85.514.377.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
5
Reilly, James. „CHINA'S HISTORY ACTIVISTS AND THE WAR OF RESISTANCE AGAINST JAPAN: History in the Making“. Asian Survey 44, Nr. 2 (März 2004): 276–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2004.44.2.276.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Abstract In China over the past two decades, a group of ““history activists”” has maximized its professional independence, social credibility, academic resources, and international connections to usurp many traditional roles of the state in building new institutions and engaging in activism aimed at documenting and disseminating information on Japan's wartime atrocities.
6
Peral, Germán Asensio, und José Francisco Fernández Sánchez. „‘Irishmen could suffer in spirit with Spain’: Mairin Mitchell’s Storm over Spain, Ireland, and the Spanish Civil War“. Irish University Review 53, Nr. 2 (November 2023): 263–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/iur.2023.0615.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Storm over Spain (1937), by Mairin Mitchell, is a rare case in the bibliography of the Irish in the Spanish Civil War. This travelogue, which narrates the journey of the author around Andalusia in the months before the beginning of the conflict, has received scant critical attention by historians, literary critics and cultural analysts working on Irish and Hispanic Studies, despite offering a first-hand account of the atmosphere of tension and fear that preceded the Spanish Civil War. This essay pays attention to her book Storm over Spain with the aim of reassessing its merits as a powerful narrative, as a reliable source of information on the Spanish Civil War, and as an example of the pervasive influence of Irish history as a methodological approach to explain social structures in other cultures. In particular, it examines Mitchell's position on the Spanish conflict in the travelogue by looking at her discussion of a number of events and atrocities that took place during the war.
7
Torres, Pedro-Ruiz. „Political Uses of History in Spain“. Mediterranean Historical Review 16, Nr. 1 (Juni 2001): 95–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714004574.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
8
Gaudenzi, Bianca. „Competing memories? The Holocaust and colonial atrocities in German history“. PASSATO E PRESENTE 41, Nr. 118 (Januar 2023): 18–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2023-118002.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
A new controversy has been polarising German history and public memory since 2020. Dubbed Historikerstreit 2.0 in reference to the 1986 debate on the uniqueness of the Holocaust, the dispute revolves around the memory politics of the Holocaust and of German colonial-era atrocities, but it is also very much about how Germany deals with its xenophobic present and its attitude to Israel's current settlement poli¬cies. This discussion forum takes a broader view in order to contextualise the debate within the wider scope of contemporary German historiography and memory culture and introduce a nuanced assessment of the issues at stake to the Italian public, in a country which still struggles to own up to its antisemitic past, let alone its skewed post-colonial memory and racist present.
9
Hanara, Desi. „Safeguarding Freedom of Religion or Belief to Prevent Conflicts and Mass Atrocities in Southeast Asia: the Role of Parliamentarians“. Journal of International Peacekeeping 26, Nr. 2-3 (02.11.2023): 97–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-26020002.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Abstract Southeast Asia is vulnerable to conflicts and has a long history and present dealings with various forms of human rights violations and atrocities. At the same time, the region lacks a strong human rights mechanism to ensure protection, redress, and accountability. This paper thus argues that parliamentarians should vitalise their roles and enhance synergies with existing asean mechanisms and entities to strengthen the protection of freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) and the prevention of conflicts and mass atrocities in the region. This paper proposes the establishment of a network of parliamentarians to support atrocity prevention and promote the responsibility to protect (R2P) in Southeast Asia. The network will amplify various parliamentary roles to support atrocity prevention, including legislative action on atrocity prevention, sharing of best practices on the establishment of national mechanisms for atrocity prevention, and capacity building for parliamentarians in preventing mass atrocities from occurring in the future.
10
McGarry, Fearghal. „Irish newspapers and the Spanish Civil War“. Irish Historical Studies 33, Nr. 129 (Mai 2002): 68–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400015510.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Early in life I had noticed that no event is ever correctly reported in a newspaper, but in Spain for the first time, I saw newspaper reports which did not bear any relation to the facts, not even the relationship which is implied in an ordinary lie. I saw great battles reported where there had been no fighting, and complete silence where hundreds of men had been killed.George Orwell (1943)The Spanish Civil War was one of the most controversial conflicts of recent history. For many on the left, it was a struggle between democracy and fascism. In contrast, many Catholics and conservatives championed Franco as a crusader against communism. Others felt Spain was the beginning of an inevitable conflict between fascism and communism which had increasingly threatened the stability of inter-war Europe. Spain has remained a battleground of ideologies ever since. Many supporters of the Spanish Republic attribute its defeat to the failure of other democratic states to oppose fascism, a policy of appeasement which ultimately led to the Second World War; for others on the left, including Orwell, Spain came to symbolise the betrayal of socialism by the Soviet Union — a disillusioning suppression of liberty repeated in subsequent decades in Hungary, Czechoslovakia and elsewhere. Ireland was no less drawn to Spain than other European nations. Within months of the war breaking out, close to one thousand Irishmen were fighting among the armies of both sides on the frontlines around Madrid. But for most Irish people, influenced by the Catholic church and sensational newspaper reports of anticlerical atrocities, the ideological conflict was perceived to be between Catholicism and communism rather than left and right. The outbreak of the war was followed by an immense outpouring of popular sympathy for Franco’s Nationalists. During the autumn of 1936 the Irish Christian Front organised mass pro-Franco rallies which attracted the support of opposition politicians, clergymen and much of the public. The dissenting voices of support for the Spanish Republic emanating from the marginalised Irish left were ignored or, more often, suppressed. De Valera’s Fianna Fáil government expressed its support for Spain’s Catholics while, somewhat awkwardly, adopting a position of neutrality for reasons of international diplomacy.
11
Krestiannikov, Evgenii Adol'fovich. „Preliminary investigation into the case of the tomsk pogrom of 1905 and siberian justice“. Российская история, Nr. 2 (15.04.2023): 84–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s2949124x23020074.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article is devoted to one of the cruelest atrocities in the history of late imperial Siberia and the circumstances of its investigation by the justice authorities. Tomsk survived the pogrom, which was characterized by an aggravation of political confrontation, the intensification of criminal elements, numerous acts of murder and robbery. The preliminary investigation of the crimes committed was carried out slowly, experiencing numerous obstacles and influences. This was dictated by the scale of the atrocities, the peculiarities of the investigative situation, the limited resources of the judiciary, the interest of the authorities, various groups, and individuals to hide traces of their involvement in the escalation of bloodshed.
12
Rudolph, Christopher. „Constructing an Atrocities Regime: The Politics of War Crimes Tribunals“. International Organization 55, Nr. 3 (2001): 655–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/00208180152507588.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
From the notorious “killing fields” of Cambodia to programs of “ethnic cleansing” in the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, the grizzly nature of ethnic and identity-centered conflict incites horror, outrage, and a human desire for justice. While the drive to humanize warfare can be traced to the writing of Hugo Grotius, current efforts to establish an atrocities regime are unparalleled in modern history. Combining approaches in international relations theory and international law, I examine the role political factors (norms, power and interests, institutions) and legal factors (precedent and procedure) play in the development of an atrocities regime. International tribunals have convicted generally low-level war criminals in both Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia, but they have had much more limited success in achieving their more expansive goals—deterring atrocities and fostering national reconciliation in regions fraught with ethnic violence. This analysis reveals additional institutional modifications needed to construct a more effective regime and highlights the importance of placing this new regime within a comprehensive international strategy of conflict management.
13
Maddox, Kelly. „An Island of Killing and Slaughter: Anti-Guerrilla Warfare and Civilian-Targeted Violence in Panay, 1943“. Journal of Contemporary History 55, Nr. 3 (28.08.2019): 535–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419843313.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Between July and December 1943, Japanese forces in Panay, the Philippines, perpetrated large-scale and widespread atrocities that deliberately targeted the civilian populace of the island. Houses were burned, crops destroyed, livestock slaughtered, and thousands of civilians of all ages and genders were killed. These atrocities were employed strategically as part of an anti-guerrilla campaign designed to compel civilians to give up their support for a guerrilla resistance movement which had flourished in Panay since the surrender of USAFFE troops in May 1942. The conduct of Japanese troops during this campaign was a drastic departure from earlier anti-guerrilla efforts which had avoided attacks against the civilian population in favour of pacification policies. In this article, I draw on Japanese, Philippine and US sources to reconstruct the history of anti-guerrilla warfare and civilian-targeted violence in Panay, a case that has received limited scholarly attention, to build a more complete picture of the context in which Japanese strategy shifted so dramatically in 1943. I explore the circumstances in which Japanese commanders decided to employ violence against civilians and offer some insights into the factors that shaped the radicalisation of military strategy useful for understanding atrocities perpetrated by Japanese forces in other contexts.
14
Berg, Matthew Paul. „Challenging Political Culture in Postwar Austria: Veterans' Associations, Identity, and the Problem of Contemporary History“. Central European History 30, Nr. 4 (Dezember 1997): 513–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900015648.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This observation, registered by Marianne Enigl and Herbert Lackner, points to an incontestable and compelling feature of contemporary Austrian political culture: during the 1980s and 1990s, the first meaningful steps toward an Austrian Vergangenheitsbewältigung developed out of a discussion of Austrians' military service during the Nazi era and its highly problematic association with wartime atrocities and genocide. Exploration of this important theme had been avoided throughout the period of the Second Republic by a carefully cultivated expression of public memory. The inherent tension between the internationally sanctioned notion of Austrian victimization during the Nazi years and the pride of many Austrian veterans in having performed their soldierly duties (Wehrpflichterfüllung) had been a taboo subject.
15
Redeker Hepner, Tricia, und Daniel Rezene Mekonnen. „“Justice Futures”: Forensic Investigation and the Potential for Transformation in Eritrea“. Modern Africa: Politics, History and Society 10, Nr. 1 (25.08.2022): 117–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.26806/modafr.v10i1.414.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This article addresses the role of the dead and disappeared and the potential for forensic investigation of atrocities in the context of an evolving transitional justice debate and framework for Eritrea. As one possible component of transitional justice, forensic investigation represents an especially potent modality to document the physical evidence of atrocities, help establish truth and accountability, and catalyse deeper conversations about justice, reconciliation, repair, access to resources, and socio-political transformation. This discussion is especially relevant as human rights proponents continue to debate the implications of findings by the Human Rights Council that Eritrean authorities have committed or enabled crimes against humanity and whether these should culminate in a referral to the International Criminal Court.
16
Form, Wolfgang. „Justice 30 Years Later? The Cambodian Special Tribunal for the Punishment of Crimes against Humanity by the Khmer Rouge“. Nationalities Papers 37, Nr. 6 (November 2009): 889–923. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990903230827.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
After a two-year tug-of-war between the US, the UN, and Phnom Penh, the Cambodian government, supported by massive international intervention, brought some of those accused of committing Khmer Rouge atrocities to trial before an independent court. The atrocities, which verged on genocide, were perpetrated between 1975 and 1979. The plan was to create a special tribunal consisting of both indigenous and foreign judges to try the perpetrators. Newspapers from 2002 reported that the first indictment would be issued some time during that year. As we know today, this proved to be a rosily optimistic prediction.
17
BABEROWSKI, JÖRG. „Once and for all: The encounter between Stalinism and Nazism. Critical remarks on Timothy Snyder'sBloodlands“. Contemporary European History 21, Nr. 2 (29.03.2012): 145–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777312000082.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Twenty years ago it would have been unthinkable for a historian to combine the National Socialists’ murderous excesses and programme of extermination with Bolshevik atrocities in a single history. He would have been accused of ‘relativising’ one set of murderous crimes by relating it to the other. The comparison does indeed have a relativising effect in that it puts the events in a new light and so makes them, for the first time, comprehensible. But at that time, when historians still treated all historical questions as moral ones, nobody wanted to anything to do with that comparison because it ran counter to the political will. You could compare anything with anything, except the Holocaust, which had to remain unique. Nobody could write about the excesses of Stalinist violence without acknowledging that the Nazi murder programme was unique. Nonetheless everybody knew, even then, that uniqueness cannot be established without comparisons and contrasts.1Since then, a view that used to be considered shocking has become a self-evident: no examination of state atrocities is now possible without a comparative element. But this change can also serve political ends: the Holocaust has become the sole yardstick for measuring state-organised crimes of violence. It seems that such crimes can only be taken seriously if they are comparable to Nazi atrocities.2
18
Anikeeva, N. E. „Political history of Spain (2016–2020): overcoming the crisis“. Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 9, Nr. 1 (06.11.2021): 102–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-1-102-113.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In this article the author analyses the development of political process in Spain between the two crises of 2015–2016 and 2019–2020, highlighting the strong suits and problem issues of the domestic political debate, including the Catalan issue, as well as the problem related to the migration aspect. An overview of the evolution of the country’s foreign policy agenda is presented, including the foreign policy course towards the Russian Federation. The author analyzes political and economic aspects after the general parliamentary elections of June 26, 2016, which resulted in overcoming the governmental crisis that began in Spain in December 2015 and establishing Mariano Rajoy the head of the Popular Party (PP) government. The latest cabinet of the PP government was approved in November 2016. Rajoy himself had been serving as a Prime Minister of Spain from December 2011 to June 2018. Soon, a new stage in the political history of the Spanish state began, which was associated with the rise to power of the Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE) led by Pedro Sánchez since 2018. PSOE thus won the parliamentary elections in Spain on April 28, 2019. The next elections in 2019 were held on November 10 and turned out to be much more complex and unpredictable than the previous one. PSOE stroke a similar political balance of power to that of April. Confirmation of Pedro Sánchez as a Prime Minister of Spain in January 2020 ended a protracted political crisis in the country, when the Spanish government had been in an acting status for some eight months.
19
Quijada, Móónica. „From Spain to New Spain: Revisiting the Potestas Populi in Hispanic Political Thought**“. Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 24, Nr. 2 (2008): 185–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2008.24.2.185.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This work studies the configuration in Hispanic political thought of the principle that true political legitimacy is based on the consent of the community and on the contractual nature of the origin of political power. The goal is to recover viewpoints that have been obscured by a Hispanist historiography, that is, a historiography of those whose work on the Hispanic world, which has focused on some authors and excluded others who were as significant and as influential. Moreover, this work seeks to highlight the unique aspects of that tradition in light of how historiography classifies diverse expressions of modern political thought in relation to their conservative or radical potential which, in the end, foreshadow their relation with, and influence on, the political changes of modernity. This article argues that the development of the principle of potestas populi within Hispanic political thought forms part of the long tradition of ““radical ideas”” that nourished modern revolutions and that this tradition was taken even further when it was applied to——the then recently discovered, that is, conquered——American populations. Finally, this work maintains that political thought should be reconsidered from a viewpoint that is not focused on a world of readers and academic learning——in which ideas, references, and texts are passed among individuals or groups of individuals——but on a more flexible notion and a wider scope: the concept of imaginaire, that is, how societies represent and perceive themselves. The reality of imaginaires resides in their very existence, their impact on mentality and behaviour, and in their capacity to influence decision-making processes. En este trabajo se estudia la configuracióón, en el pensamiento políítico hispáánico, del principio segúún el cual toda legitimidad políítica se basa en el consentimiento de la comunidad y en la naturaleza contractual del origen del poder. Uno de sus objetivos es recuperar planteamientos que han sido oscurecidos por la excluyente atencióón que la historiografíía interesada en los procesos hispáánicos ha prestado a algunos autores, por encima de otros igualmente significativos e influyentes. Se trata ademáás de resaltar los singulares matices de dicha tradicióón textual, a la luz de la clasificacióón que la historiografíía suele asignar a las distintas expresiones del pensamiento políítico moderno en funcióón de su potencial conservador o radical; lo que, en úúltima instancia, prefigura sus relaciones e influencias sobre los cambios polííticos de la modernidad. Se sostiene aquíí que el desarrollo del principio de la potestas populi en el pensamiento políítico hispáánico forma parte de la larga tradicióón de ““ideas radicales”” que alimentaron las revoluciones modernas, que fueron incluso llevadas a extremos no corrientes en la éépoca al ser aplicadas a las poblaciones que habíían sido recientemente descubiertas y que eran por tanto poblaciones de conquista. Finalmente, este trabajo mantiene que el pensamiento políítico debe ser reconsiderado desde una perspectiva que no se centre en un mundo de lectores y conocimiento acadéémico en que ideas, referencias y textos son transmitidos entre individuos o grupos de individuos, sino a partir de una nocióón máás flexible amplia: el concepto de imaginario, es decir, el conjunto de representaciones que las sociedades producen y desde las cuales se perciben a síí mismas; y cuya realidad reside en su propia existencia, en su impacto sobre las mentalidades y comportamientos y en su capacidad de influir sobre la toma de decisiones.
20
Swaminathan, Srividhya. „Reporting Atrocities: A Comparison of theZongand the Trial of Captain John Kimber“. Slavery & Abolition 31, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2010): 483–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0144039x.2010.521336.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
21
Wiebel, Jacob. „Atrocities in Revolutionary Ethiopia, 1974-79: Towards a Comparative Analysis“. Journal of Genocide Research 24, Nr. 1 (28.10.2021): 134–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14623528.2021.1992928.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
22
Kirschenbaum, Lisa A. „The Meaning of Resilience: Soviet Children in World War II“. Journal of Interdisciplinary History 47, Nr. 4 (Februar 2017): 521–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_01053.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
During World War II, the Soviet media depicted children suffering as well as children actively participating in the war effort and mothers making sacrifices for them. Such mixed messages served clear political purposes, publicizing Nazi atrocities while deflecting attention from the Soviet state’s failure to protect its children. Historians have tended to approach such images and stories within a framework of trauma that validates stories of children’s suffering, despite their political purposes, while also discounting wartime accounts and postwar (and post-Soviet) reminiscences that highlight children’s strength and recovery. The concept of resilience, as developed in psychology, psychiatry, and anthropology, however, allows historians to understand such material as authentic and vital components of survivors’ understandings and memories of the war.
23
Radcliff, P. B. „Redefining Politics and the Political in Twentieth-Century Spain“. Radical History Review 1993, Nr. 55 (01.01.1993): 190–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-1993-55-190.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
24
COBLE, PARKS M. „Writing about Atrocity: Wartime Accounts and their Contemporary Uses“. Modern Asian Studies 45, Nr. 2 (10.02.2011): 379–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000035.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractIn today's China, public memory of the War of Resistance against Japan, 1937–1945, is more visible than ever. Museums, movies, television programmes, and commemorations focus heavily on the victimization of the Chinese people at the hands of the Japanese invaders. Japanese atrocities, particularly the Nanjing Massacre, are at the centre of much of this remembering. But what of the wartime period? How did journalists and writers discuss Japanese atrocities? This paper finds that most wartime writing stressed the theme of ‘heroic resistance’ by the Chinese rather than China's victimization at the hands of Japanese. Exceptions to this approach included efforts to publicize Japan's action to Western audiences in the hope of gaining support for China's cause, and a related focus on the bombing of the civilian population by the Japanese. This paper suggests major differences between the current approach to remembering the war and to writing during the war itself.
25
Richards, Michael. „Agrarian History and Rural Sociology in Spain“. South European Society and Politics 4, Nr. 1 (März 1999): 160–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13608740408539564.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
26
Girard, Marion. „Political Decisions and Britain’s Chemical Warfare Challenge in World War I: Descend to Atrocities?“ Defence Studies 8, Nr. 1 (März 2008): 105–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14702430701812019.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
27
Fernández Espinosa, Verónica. „HISTORY OF EDUCATION REFORMS IN SPAIN“. Analele Universităţii din Craiova seria Istorie 27, Nr. 1 (15.07.2022): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.52846/aucsi.2022.1.01.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This work provides a succinct historical overview of the history of the Spanish education system from 1812, date of the first Spanish Constitution, until 1970 at the end of the Francoist era in Spain, highlighting the legislative milestones and contextualising them within the larger political landscape in which they took place. The paper will go on to describe the basic legislation which has regulated the Spanish education system since 1970 describing some of their most significant aspects, from the General Education Law (LGE) of 1970 to the Organic Law Modifying the Organic Law for Education (LOMLOE) which came into force in 2020.
28
Riedel, Dirk. „A ‘Political Soldier’ and ‘Practitioner of Violence’: The Concentration Camp Commandant Hans Loritz“. Journal of Contemporary History 45, Nr. 3 (Juli 2010): 555–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009410366703.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This article builds on the growing body of literature on SS perpetrators. It explores the career of Hans Loritz, one of the most influential commandants of the pre-war nazi camps (and, from 1936, commandant of Dachau). The present article explores Loritz’s career within the small network of senior camp officials — many of whom would become key players of nazi extermination policy in the second world war — that emerged before the war. In addition, the article places Loritz into his social context: in spite of his responsibility for major atrocities, he led a perfectly ‘normal’ life and was not stranded on the margins of society.
29
Easat-Daas, Amina. „The role of ‘European Islam’ in motivating Muslim women’s political participation in France“. French Cultural Studies 28, Nr. 1 (30.01.2017): 17–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957155816678594.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Against the background of an allegedly ever-growing disconnect between France and some of her Muslim communities, particularly apparent in the atrocities carried out in Paris in 2015, this article begins by offering an insight into the largely theorised academic notion of ‘European Islam’ and speculates about the extent to which it may contribute to motivating Muslim women’s political participation in France. The article draws on findings from interviews conducted with women who self-identify as Muslim and participate in both formal and informal politics in France, to examine the effects of ‘European Islam’ on their political motivations. It reveals the influence of French contextual specificities on the way in which the Muslim women interviewed articulate their understanding of ‘European Islam’ and continues by offering an explanation of how Muslim women negotiate religion and political participation in France, and their implications for French society today.
30
Aksamitowska, Karolina. „Digital Evidence in Domestic Core International Crimes Prosecutions“. Journal of International Criminal Justice 19, Nr. 1 (01.03.2021): 189–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jicj/mqab035.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Abstract The conflicts in Syria and Iraq, being some of the most documented in history, have also led to one of the largest influxes of refugees to Europe in recent years. Many of the asylum seekers arriving in European cities identified themselves, or have been identified, as victims, witnesses or perpetrators of atrocities. Consequently, criminal investigations have been initiated by the local police with the aim of prosecuting those responsible for genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in Syria and Iraq. With an increasing number of war crimes prosecutions in European domestic courts relating to the atrocities committed, documented and shared by returning fighters, domestic authorities are compelled to find ways to effectively collect, process, analyse and share the user-generated data. This article discusses the ways in which digital evidence related to the conflicts in Syria and Iraq, particularly online open source materials, are being litigated and judicially evaluated in the domestic jurisdictions of Germany, Finland, Sweden and the Netherlands. Finding parallels between these approaches, with the aim of distilling best practices in evidence collection, processing and analysis, should inform future prosecutions of international crimes in domestic jurisdictions worldwide.
31
Quinton-Brown, Patrick. „The South, the West, and the meanings of humanitarian intervention in history“. Review of International Studies 46, Nr. 4 (21.07.2020): 514–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210520000236.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractAs it has been written, the history of humanitarian intervention is all too Whiggish and all too white. By conceptualising humanitarian intervention in the way that they do, orthodox histories should be seen as entangled in debates about the origins of human rights but also, perhaps more crucially, debates about the various formations and reinventions of human rights. Alternative codifications of rights reveal the historical possibility of a Southern practice of what we would almost certainly call ‘humanitarian intervention’. The record of a radical Third World practice to save strangers from the atrocities of colonialism and extreme racism is also a record of Western states playing staunchly sovereigntist roles, of the West's late devotion to Westphalia. To sketch out such a counterhistory is to argue the following: at a threshold moment in the international-political life of the Responsibility to Protect, it is the terms, range, and domain of the intervention debate that must be re-formulated and re-evaluated.
32
Watson, William E. „Muslim Spain and Portugal: A Political History of al-Andalus“. History: Reviews of New Books 26, Nr. 1 (Oktober 1997): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1997.10525300.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
33
Coope, Jessica A., und Hugh Kennedy. „Muslim Spain and Portugal: A Political History of al-Andalus“. American Historical Review 103, Nr. 3 (Juni 1998): 861. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650591.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
34
Graham, Helen. „On Historicising the War in Spain“. Contemporary European History 29, Nr. 3 (01.07.2020): 268–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777320000247.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In the early 2000s a popular British history magazine commissioned me to write a historiographical essay on the war of 1936–9 in Spain, only then to say that they wouldn't be able to publish my text because their readers ‘wouldn't recognise in it the war they knew’. The essay I'd written analysed the conflict in 1930s Spain in the context of the many cognate ones catalysed across continental Europe by the war of 1914–8. All these conflicts were, in one way or another, conflicts between those who wanted to preserve the hierarchical social and political structures of the pre-1914 European world, already shaken by the First World War, and those who sought to effect some form of levelling social and political change, whether by reformist or revolutionary means. Everywhere, including in Spain, such conflicts arose from a common hinterland of accelerating urbanisation, industrialisation and, crucially, from the accompanying processes of increasing migration from countryside to city.
35
Kamen, H. „Queenship and Political Power in Medieval and Early Modern Spain“. English Historical Review CXXI, Nr. 493 (01.09.2006): 1174–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cel231.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
36
Framke, Maria. „Political humanitarianism in the 1930s: Indian aid for Republican Spain“. European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire 23, Nr. 1-2 (02.01.2016): 63–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2015.1117421.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
37
Jedlicki, Jerzy. „Historical memory as a source of conflicts in Eastern Europe1“. Communist and Post-Communist Studies 32, Nr. 3 (01.09.1999): 225–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(99)00010-0.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Memory of collective wrongs and atrocities suffered in the past from another nation or ethnic group often burdens a present conflict with strong resentment and makes it appear as a historical repetition or redress. There are many examples in recent history of Eastern Europe, the Balkans included, when vivid and deliberately inflamed historical reminiscences make it virtually impossible to negotiate a compromise solution of a crisis. Only when national memory has been “cooled” and sacrosanct historical places and symbols has lost some of their mobilizing force, may human relations between the enemy communities be restored.
38
Wood, Mark J. „Applying Pillar Three of the Responsibility to Protect in Sudan“. Global Responsibility to Protect 15, Nr. 4 (28.09.2023): 295–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875984x-20230013.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Abstract With a prolonged war being played out in Sudan at the expense of civilian lives it is time to revisit the framework of the Responsibility to Protect and assess its merits in the new Sudan context. This article argues that through the structures of the United Nations, the Responsibility to Protect framework, the African Union and the African Union Constitutive Act, legal instruments can and should be implemented to stop the atrocities occurring. It provides examples from recent history that serve as a reference for deploying a peacekeeping stabilisation force in Sudan.
39
Edwards, John. „Why the Spanish Inquisition?“ Studies in Church History 29 (1992): 221–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400011311.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
It seems quite extraordinary that an important European country should apparently have wished to go down in history as the originator of calculated cruelty and violence against members of its civil population. Yet the writers of the famous sketches inMonty Python’s Flying Circuswere far from being the first to introduce ‘the Spanish Inquisition’ as a cliché to represent arbitrary and yet calculated tyranny. By the late sixteenth century, Christian Europe, both Catholic and Protestant, had already formed the image of Spain which has become known as the ‘Black Legend’. Just as many Spaniards distrusted Italy, because Jews lived freely there, and France because Protestants were in a similar condition in that country, so Italian opposition to the forces of Ferdinand the Catholic and his successors, together with the ultimately successful Dutch rebels, created, with the help of growing knowledge of Spain’s atrocities against the inhabitants of the New World, a counter-myth, in which the Spaniards themselves appeared as heardess oppressors, but also, ironically, as crypto-Jews (marranos). Erasmus wrote that France was ‘the most spotless and most flourishing part of Christendom’, since it was ‘not infected with heretics, with Bohemian schismatics, with Jews, with half-Jewishmarranos’, the last term clearly referring to Spain. Not surprisingly, there is also a Jewish story of what happened in Spain before, during, and after 1492, which may best be summed up, in general outline, in the words, written in 1877, of Frederic David Mocatta’s study of Iberian Jews and the Inquisition.
40
Laraña, Enrique. „Social Movements in Spain“. Tocqueville Review 15, Nr. 1 (Januar 1994): 119–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.15.1.119.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Until recent years, the term "movement" had a peculiar meaning in Spain since it referred to an aggregate of political forces that supported the military coup against the Republic and got the victory after three years of Civil War in 1939. The "Movimiento Nacional" does not fit into most current conceptions of social movements, and was mainly a political instrument for the unification of these forces under the rule of general Franco (Tusell 1992). Its authoritarian principles were the legal basis for the Regime until 1975, when the former died and a peaceful process of democratic transition took place.
41
Munawar, Amna, Noman Javed und Zia Ur Rehman. „Human Cost of War: Examining Atrocities and Human Rights Violations“. Global Legal Studies Review VII, Nr. IV (30.12.2022): 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/glsr.2022(vii-iv).04.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
War crimes not only cause immense suffering to individuals and communities but also undermine the very principles of humanity. The article provides an examination of some of the most heinous war crimes against humanity in recent history. The cases of the Holocaust, the Bosnian war, the Rwandan genocide, the Syrian war, the Palestine-Israel conflict, and the ongoing human rights violations in Kashmir are discussed in detail. These case studies highlight the devastating impact of war crimes on individuals, communities, and entire nations, and serve as a stark reminder of the importance of ensuring that the principles of international humanitarian law are upheld during the conflicts. By studying these case studies, the research gives an understanding of the complexities of war and how human rights violations can arise during times of conflict. Ultimately, this article serves as a call to action, urging all nations and individuals to work together to guard the rights of all people, regardless of their race, religion, or political beliefs.
42
Semenenko, I., und I. Labinskaya. „World. Global Crisis Challenges. Spain“. World Economy and International Relations, Nr. 7 (2013): 38–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-7-38-53.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The next in the series of essays dealing with trends and prospects of social/political transformation of the West is the analysis of problems in Spain, prepared by the Center of Comparative Social-Economic and Social-Political Studies of IMEMO. The first to speak was S. Khenkin, Dr. Sci. (History), from MGIMO-University (Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs) who stressed the systemic character of the political community crisis in Spain. I. Prokhorenko, Cand. Sci. (Political Science), dealt with possible directions of Spanish development underlining risks of the nation’s return to a periphery status within the EU. A. Avilova, Cand. Sci. (Economics), analyzed Spanish economics in the time of crisis. A. Kozhanovskii, Cand. Sci. (History), from the Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology (Russian Academy of Sciences), P. Yakovlev, Dr. Sci. (Economics), Head of Center for Iberian Studies at the Institute of Latin America (Russian Academy of Sciences), E. Ermol'eva, Cand. Sci. (Economics), researcher at IMEMO also took part in the discussion.
43
Gratz, Dennis. „Elitocide in Bosnia and Herzegovina and its impact on the contemporary understanding of the crime of genocide“. Nationalities Papers 39, Nr. 3 (Mai 2011): 409–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2011.565318.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In my paper I will present and discuss the theoretical concept of elitocide (a systematic elimination of leading figures of a society or a group) and its impact on the crime of genocide on the example of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina 1992-1995. A systematization and scientific classification of elitocide as a sociological phenomenon bears great importance to the field of study on genocide, mass murder and human rights abuses. The scientific elaboration of new or hitherto neglected occurrences of organized violence has a significant impact on the understanding of the phenomenon of systematic war crimes and mass atrocities in modern war conflicts. In order to better understand how genocide or potentially genocidal mass murders emerge and how they can be prevented, it is necessary to modify and redevelop their conventional theoretical framework. Since the premises of modern war have changed, the science is obliged to adapt its approach to this new reality. This paper is a contribution to making the causes and consequences of mass atrocities practically cognizable and theoretically comprehensive.
44
Hoffmann, Tamás. „Crimes against the People – a Sui Generis Socialist International Crime?“ Journal of the History of International Law / Revue d’histoire du droit international 21, Nr. 2 (27.06.2019): 299–329. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718050-12340113.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Abstract Crimes against humanity is one of the core crimes in international criminal law, whose existence is treated as a natural reaction to mass atrocities. This idea of linear progress is challenged by this article, which demonstrates that in post-Second World War Hungary an alternative approach was developed to prosecute human rights violation committed against civilian populations. Even though this concept was eventually used as a political weapon by the Communist Party, it had long-lasting effects on the prosecution of international crimes in Hungary.
45
VUSHKO, IRYNA. „Historians at War: History, Politics and Memory in Ukraine“. Contemporary European History 27, Nr. 1 (14.12.2017): 112–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000431.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The on-going military conflict in eastern Ukraine has revitalised historical discussion and history battles in the country rendering history more relevant than ever before. Since 2014 different sides in the conflict have used historical references, specifically to the Second World War, to validate their actions. Moscow most notably claimed to be protecting the population of eastern Ukraine from Ukrainian ‘fascists’: the story of a three-year Russian boy allegedly crucified by Ukrainian nationalists on Russian state television was enhanced by references to atrocities that Ukrainian nationalists allegedly perpetrated during the Second World War. It is not, of course, the first time a regime has used history as a justification for military aggression or territorial annexation. Across Europe in the twentieth century, history has been used to defend political goals, and politics has been used to write history. The bellicose politicisation of history became the norm in Ukraine in 2014.
46
Porshneva, Olga S. „THE CONCEPT OF A JUST WAR IN RUSSIAN SOCIO-POLITICAL DISCOURSE (1914–1916)“. Ural Historical Journal 76, Nr. 3 (2022): 112–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.30759/1728-9718-2022-3(76)-112-120.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article analyzes the representations of the Russian socio-political discourse of 1914–1916, dedicated to the justification of the First World War as a just war on the part of Russia and its Allies. It considers the role of the factors that shaped the image of a just war in the minds of the European political and intellectual elite and the younger generation, as well as the emergence of the idea of “spirituality” of war as the basis for its legitimation. The author stresses the influence of the international conventions on the laws and customs of war on the image of a just war in Russia as well as the specifics of the socio-cultural situation at the turn of the 20th century, which made it difficult to conduct ideological and psychological preparation for world clash that could affect the mass consciousness. The image of a just war began to take shape in Russia after the country entered the conflict and was based on the idea of a defensive war against an external aggressor. The fact that Germany was the first to declare war on Russia, the realities of bloody confrontation contributed to the formation and broadcast the ideas about the “Second Patriotic War”. The concept of the “Second Patriotic War”, which appealed to historical memory, became the embodiment of the idea of a just war in the 1914–1915 Russian socio-political discourse. An important component of the image of a just war in Russia was the notions of the spiritual and religious sense of confrontation. They were embodied in ideas about the implementation of the sacred mission of liberating Europe and the world from “Germanism”, the protection of the Slavs, the “struggle for truth”, the affirmation of the renewed ideal of “Holy Russia”. The ideas of a “holy war against Germanism” got embedded in the discourse of the press into the system of ideas about the fairness of the goals and objectives of the Allies. Another basis for the legitimacy of war was the concept embodied in the slogan “the war to end all wars”. The influential concept of Entente propaganda received a wide response in the Russian liberal and democratic press, which interpreted the meaning of the world conflict in a political and legal terms. The war was seen as a way to establish a new system of international relations based on the rule of the “force of law” as opposed to the “law of force” personified by Germany. Illusions about the possibility of establishing “eternal peace” after the war were widely broadcast in the press, becoming an element of ideas about a just struggle for a better future of mankind. The notions about “German atrocities” widely broadcast by propaganda in the Entente countries were important element of the justification of violence against the enemy and legitimization of the war. In Russia, despite the enemy’s violation of international conventions governing conducting the war and the presence of this topic in the press, the image of “German atrocities” did not play the significant role in socio-political discourse in comparison with the Entente countries.
47
Baram, Amatzia. „Saddam’s Word: Political Discourse in Iraq. By Ofra Bengio. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998. 266p. $49.95.“ American Political Science Review 95, Nr. 2 (Juni 2001): 491–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401532025.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Ofra Bengio's book is a scholarly and methodical endeavor to analyze the way in which Ba`thi Iraq (1968-present) has been using (or misusing) the Arabic language, symbolism, history, and myths in order to legitimize its rule and policies. Bengio demonstrates how language has been twisted and manipu- lated in an attempt to terrorize political enemies, paralyze and enchant the vast majority of the Iraqis, induce them to perform or tolerate atrocities, and risk their lives in battle for leader and country. Sometimes, the regime is entrapped in its own rhetoric. The book shows how discourse, art, and symbols have been used to construct a cult of personality for Saddam Husayn, unmatched in the contemporary Middle East.
48
Smith, Roger W. „Unconscionable Crimes: How Norms Explain and Constrain Mass Atrocities Paul Morrow“. Holocaust and Genocide Studies 35, Nr. 3 (01.12.2021): 489–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcab040.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
49
Bruce, Gary. „From Perpetrator to Cold-War Pawn: The Atrocities and Trial of Heinz Barth“. Holocaust and Genocide Studies 29, Nr. 3 (Dezember 2015): 374–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcv045.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
50
BAUER, YEHUDA. „IS THE HOLOCAUST EXPLICABLE?*“. Holocaust and Genocide Studies 5, Nr. 2 (01.01.1990): 145–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/5.2.145.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Abstract In the discussions about the Holocaust, an increasing number of commentators — theologians, writers, as well as historians — argue that ultimately the Holocaust is a mystery, an inexplicable event in human history. Various expressions are used, such as ‘tremendum’, with its theological connotations, or ‘abyss’, and many others. They all indicate a measure of final incomprehension that such a horrible event could have occurred in the midst of a supposedly civilized European society. Nazi atrocities are usually referred to as ‘beastly’, or ‘bestiality’, and very commonly as ‘inhuman’. The present paper tries to evaluate the explicability of the Holocaust from the standpoint of an historian.