Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Historians Great Britain Correspondence“
Um die anderen Arten von Veröffentlichungen zu diesem Thema anzuzeigen, folgen Sie diesem Link: Historians Great Britain Correspondence.
Geben Sie eine Quelle nach APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard und anderen Zitierweisen an
Machen Sie sich mit Top-50 Zeitschriftenartikel für die Forschung zum Thema "Historians Great Britain Correspondence" bekannt.
Neben jedem Werk im Literaturverzeichnis ist die Option "Zur Bibliographie hinzufügen" verfügbar. Nutzen Sie sie, wird Ihre bibliographische Angabe des gewählten Werkes nach der nötigen Zitierweise (APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver usw.) automatisch gestaltet.
Sie können auch den vollen Text der wissenschaftlichen Publikation im PDF-Format herunterladen und eine Online-Annotation der Arbeit lesen, wenn die relevanten Parameter in den Metadaten verfügbar sind.
Sehen Sie die Zeitschriftenartikel für verschiedene Spezialgebieten durch und erstellen Sie Ihre Bibliographie auf korrekte Weise.
1
Labutina, Tatiana L. „“Two-Faced Janus”: Was Chancellor Alexey Bestuzhev-Ryumin in the Service of the British?“ Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, Nr. 3 (19.07.2024): 28–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0130386424030035.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Reviewing the policy pursued by a prominent Russian statesman, head of the foreign policy department during the reign of Empress Elizaveta Petrovna, Chancellor Alexey Bestuzhev-Ryumin, the author assesses his relations with the British ambassadors in the period between 1746 and 1756 somewhat differently compared to other historians. Great Britain, which was actively participating at that time in the War of the Austrian Succession (1740–1748), and then, preparing for the Seven Years’ War (1756–1763), negotiated the lease of the Russian auxiliary military corps in exchange for the payment of cash subsidies. Alexey Bestuzhev-Ryumin played an active role in the negotiation process. However, whose interests was he protecting and was his service in a high public office entirely selfless? From the analysis of diplomatic correspondence between British ambassadors and the Secretary of State, the author concludes that Alexey Bestuzhev-Ryumin supported the British more often than not, as he was in the secret service of the British government. This is confirmed by the actions of the Chancellor, aimed at accelerating negotiations on subsidies in the interests of Great Britain, seeking to reduce their size, supporting the privileges of English merchants to the detriment of Russian interests, as well as supplying ambassadors with secret information about the armed forces of the country. The biography of the Chancellor, containing a number of dubious facts, such as documents forged by his father to prove the English ancestry of his family, an unusual acquaintance with the future King George I of Great Britain and service under him, receiving a permanent pension and expensive gifts from the British, suggests that Alexey Bestuzhev-Ryumin was recruited by the British while in the service of King George I, and therefore frequently acted in the interests of Great Britain.
2
JACKSON, IAN. „APPROACHES TO THE HISTORY OF READERS AND READING IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY BRITAIN“. Historical Journal 47, Nr. 4 (29.11.2004): 1041–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04004091.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The history of reading can link intellectual and cultural developments with social or political change in the eighteenth century. Historians of the book increasingly argue that an understanding of historical reading practices is essential if we are to understand the impact of texts on individuals and on society as a whole: textual evidence alone is inadequate. Recent work on eighteenth-century readers has used sources including book trade records, correspondence, and diaries to reconstruct the reading lives of individuals and of groups of readers. Such sources reveal the great variety of reading material many eighteenth-century readers could access, and the diversity and sophistication of reading practices they often employed, in selecting between a range of available reading strategies. Thus, any one theoretical paradigm is unlikely to capture the full range of eighteenth-century reading experience. Instead, we can trace the evolution of particular reading cultures, including popular and literary reading cultures, the existence of cultures based around particular genres of print, such as newspapers, and reading as a part of social and conversational life. There is now a need for a new synthesis that combines the new evidence of reading practice with textual analysis to explain continuity and change across the century.
3
Sabău, Nicolae. „„Sok szíves üdvözlettel régi barátos…”. Colegamenti di amicizia di Coriolan Petranu con storici magiari“. Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Historia Artium 65, Nr. 1 (31.12.2020): 107–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbhistart.2020.06.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
"„Sok szíves üdvözlettel régi barátos...” (“With kind regards, your old friend...”). Coriolan Petranu’s Friendly Connections to the Hungarian Historians. Coriolan Petranu is the founder of modern art history education and scientific research in Transylvania. He had received special education in this field of study that is relatively new in the region. He started his studies in 1911 at the University of Budapest, attending courses in law and art history. During the 1912-1913 academic year he joined the class of Professor Adolph Goldschmiedt (1863-1944) at the Friedrich-Wilhelm University in Berlin. The professor was an illustrious personality from the same generation as art historians Emil Mâle, Wilhelm Vögte, Bernard Berenson, Roger Fry, Aby Warburg, and Heinrich Wölfflin, specialists who had provided a decisive impetus to art historical research during the twentieth century. In the end of 1913, Coriolan Petranu favored Vienna, with its prestigious art historical school attached to the university from the capital of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. There he completed and perfected his education under the supervision of Professor Josef Strzygowski (1862-1941). The latter scholar was highly appreciated for his contributions to the field of universal art history by including the cultures of Asia Minor (Syria, Mesopotamia, Armenia, and Persia), revealing the influence that this area had on proto-Christian art, as well as by researching ancient art in Northern Europe. In March 1920 the young art historian successfully defended his doctoral dissertation entitled Inhaltsproblem und Kunstgeschichte (”Content and art history”). He thus earned his doctor in philosophy title that opened him access to higher education teaching and art history research. His debut was positively marked by his activity as museographer at the Fine Art Museum in Budapest (Szepműveszeti Muzeum) in 1917-1918. Coriolan Petranu has researched Romanian vernacular architecture (creating a topography of wooden churches in Transylvania) and his publications were appreciated, published in the era’s specialized periodicals and volumes or presented during international congresses (such as those held in Stockholm in 1933, Warsaw in 1933, Sofia in 1934, Basel in 1936 and Paris in 1937). The Transylvanian art historian under analysis has exchanged numerous letters with specialists in the field. The valuable lot of correspondence, comprising several thousands of letters that he has received from the United States of America, Great Britain, Spain, France, Switzerland, The Netherlands, Denmark, Sweden, Norway, Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Czechoslovakia, Austria, Hungary, Poland, the USSR, Serbia, Bulgaria, and Egypt represents a true history of the stage and development of art history as a field of study during the Interwar Period. The archive of the Art History Seminary of the University in Cluj preserves one section dedicated to Hungarian letters that he has send to Hungarian specialists, art historians, ethnographers, ethnologists or colleagues passionate about fine art (Prof. Gerevich Tibor, Prof. Takács Zoltán, Dr. Viski Károly, Count Dr. Teleki Domokos). His correspondence with Fritz Valjavec, editor of the “Südostdeutsche Forschungen” periodical printed in München, is also significant and revealing. The letters in question reveal C. Petranu’s significant contribution through his reviews of books published by Hungarian art historians and ethnographers. Beyond the theoretical debates during which Prof. Petranu has criticized the theories formulated by Prof. Gerevich’s school that envisaged the globalization of Hungarian art between the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Period and that also included in this general category the works of German masters and artists with other ethnic backgrounds, he has also displayed a friendly attitude and appreciation for the activity/works of his Hungarian colleagues (Viski Károly and Takács Zoltán). The previously unpublished Romanian-Hungarian and Hungarian-Romanian set of letters discussed here attest to this. Keywords: Transylvania, correspondence, vernacular architecture, reviews, photographs, Gerevich Tibor, Dr. Viski Károly "
4
Лабутина, Т. Н. „ENGLISH AMBASSADOR ED. FINCH ON THE OVERTHROW OF E.I. BIRON (BASED ON DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE)“. Британские исследования, Nr. VIII(VIII) (07.06.2024): 119–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2024.viii.viii.015.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
В статье в рамках известного направления в современной исторической науке – имагологии освещаются события, связанные с арестом фаворита российской императрицы Анны Иоанновны – Э.И. Бирона, ставшие известными английскому послу Эд. Финчу. Чрезвычайный посол Великобритании прибыл ко двору российской императрицы в мае 1740 г. с поручением заключить оборонительный договор с Россией. Свою миссию дипломат выполнил успешно: российско-британский союзный договор был подписан в 1741 г., однако его реализация замедлилась из-за дворцового переворота, в результате которого к власти пришла дочь Петра I- Елизавета Петровна. Так волей случая Финч оказался свидетелем этого события, а также предшествующего ему свержения бывшего фаворита Анны Иоанновны. О случившемся посол подробно информировал в своих депешах госсекретаря Великобритании лорда Гаррингтона. Хотя биография и деятельность Бирона основательно изучены отечественными историками, дипломатическая переписка Финча, в котором описывались указанные события, привлекалась учеными лишь фрагментарно В своей статье автор предпринял попытку восполнить существующую лакуну, обращаясь к анализу свидетельств дипломата. Учитывая, что секретная информация собиралась и передавалась послом в Лондон по заданию короля Великобритании, можно предположить, что она носила по большей степени объективный характер и отличалась достоверностью. По сути дела, сведения Финча сделались одними из первых достоверных источников о свержении Бирона, и в этом их безусловная историческая ценность. The article, within the framework of a widespread trend in modern historical science - imagology, highlights the events associated with the arrest of the favorite of the Russian Empress Anna Ioannovna - E.I. Biron, who became known to the English ambassador Ed. Finch. The British Ambassador Extraordinary arrived at the court of the Russian Empress in May 1740 with instructions to conclude a defensive treaty with Russia. The diplomat completed his mission successfully: the Russian-British alliance treaty was signed in 1741, but its implementation was slowed down due to a palace coup, as a result of which the daughter of Peter I, Elizaveta Petrovna, came to power. So, by chance, Finch turned out to be a witness to this event, as well as the previous overthrow of the former favorite Anna Ioannovna. The ambassador informed the British Secretary of State Lord Harrington in detail about what had happened in his dispatches. Although Biron's biography and activities have been thoroughly studied by Russian historians, Finch's diplomatic correspondence, which described these events, was attracted by scientists only fragmentarily. In his article, the author attempted to fill the existing gap by turning to the analysis of the diplomat's evidence. Considering that secret information was collected and transmitted by the ambassador to London on the instructions of the King of Great Britain, it can be assumed that it was largely objective and reliable. In fact, Finch’s information became one of the first reliable sources about the overthrow of Biron, and this is their unconditional historical value.
5
Hanagan, Michael, und Behrooz Moazami. „Introduction to a 1995 Conversation with Eric Hobsbawm“. International Labor and Working-Class History 83 (2013): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547913000057.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Eric Hobsbawm, who died on October 1, 2012, was one of a handful of extraordinary labor historians who emerged from the British Communist Party Historians' Group in the 1940s and 1950s. Today he is widely acknowledged as one of the great historians of our era. His influence is truly international. For a long time, a significant limitation on the extent of his renown was the USSR where, during the era of “actually-existing socialism,” his works were never translated or published. This was ironic since he was a card-carrying member of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) from 1936 until its dissolution in 1991.
6
Fair, John D. „Recent Historians of Great Britain: Essays on the Post-1945 Generation“. History: Reviews of New Books 20, Nr. 3 (April 1992): 107–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1992.9949650.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
7
Sigsworth, Michael, und Michael Worboys. „The public's view of public health in mid-Victorian Britain“. Urban History 21, Nr. 2 (Oktober 1994): 237–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926800011044.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
What did the public think about public health reform in mid-Victorian Britain? Historians have had a lot to say about the sanitary mentality and actions of the middle class, yet have been strangely silent about the ideas and behaviour of the working class, who were the great majority of the public and the group whose health was mainly in question. Perhaps there is nothing to say. The working class were commonly referred to as ‘the Great Unwashed’, purportedly ignorant and indifferent on matters of personal hygiene, environmental sanitation and hence health. Indeed, the writings of reformers imply that the working class simply did not have a sanitary mentality. However, the views of sanitary campaigners should not be taken at face value. Often propaganda and always one class's perception of another, in the context of the social apartheid in Britain's cities in the mid-nineteenth century, sanitary campaigners' views probably reveal more about middle-class anxieties than the actual social and physical conditions of the poor. None the less many historians still use such material to portray working-class life, but few have gone on to ask how public health reform was seen and experienced ‘from below’. Historians of public health have tended to portray the urban working class as passive victims who were rescued by enlightened middle-class reformers. This seems to be borne out at the political level where, unlike with other popular movements of the 1840s and after, there is little evidence of working-class participation in, or support for, the public health movement.
8
Suzdaltsev, Ilya A. „THE CUBAN MISSILE CRISIS IN EVALUATIONS BY CONTEMPORARY ENGLISH-SPEAKING HISTORIANS“. RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, Nr. 2 (2023): 23–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2023-2-23-33.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article is devoted to the analysis of the present-day Englishlanguage historiography of the 1962 Caribbean Crisis. The article presents the opinions of the historians from the USA, Canada, Great Britain and Australia. The paper discusses the points of view of the “traditionalists” who criticize the actions of N.S. Khrushchev, and the “revisionists” who negatively assess the US foreign policy during that period – the policy that, in their opinion, mainly contributed to the unleashing of the crisis. The article also highlights a number of other issues related to the Caribbean Crisis: the participation in the events of Great Britain, Canada, Australia, the role of UN Secretary General U Thant in resolving the conflict, the need to expand the chronological framework of the crisis. The author comes to the conclusion that the discussion of the Caribbean Crisis in historiography should encourage an increase in the number of publications and inspire the solution of the previously insufficiently studied issues related to the conflict that happened 60 years ago.
9
Sergeenkova, I. F. „THE PROBLEM OF RELATIONS BETWEEN BIG BUSINESS AND NAZISM IN THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE UNITED STATES AND GREAT BRITAIN“. Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 5, Nr. 1 (25.03.2021): 100–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-1-100-119.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article presents an analysis of the works of American and English historians devoted to one of the key problems in the history of Nazism - the problem of relations between the NSDAP and big business during the Weimar Republic. The collapse of the first democratic republic and the rise of the Nazis to power were a great tragedy for world history. What forces destroyed the Weimar Republic, and who is responsible for it, this question has always aroused the interest of historians. The literature on this topic is very large, so the main attention is paid to the works of the most famous American and English specialists. The article traces the evolution of historians' assessments of the role of the monopolistic bourgeoisie for the rise of the Nazis to power from the 1930s to the present day, highlights the stages in the development of American and English historiography, due to the change of research paradigms and generations of historians. Most American and British historians reject the definition of fascism given at the XIII Plenum of the ECCI on fascism as an open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, most chauvinistic and most imperialist elements of financial capital. However, in most of the works, the responsibility of the business elite for the collapse of the Weimar Republic is more or less recognized. The article draws conclusions about the prospects and directions of further study of this problem.
10
Van Hartesveldt, Fred. „Arnstein, Ed., Recent Historian Of Great Britain - Essays On The Post-1945 Generation“. Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 17, Nr. 1 (01.04.1992): 29–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.17.1.29-30.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
It is not surprising that historians, more than most professionals, are interested in their own antecedents. Scholars delving into uncharted waters must know what has been done previously, and the history and impact of historical scholarship has a fascination of its own. In the modern era varying methodologies have produced controversy and a history of their own. Ultimately the historian becomes grist for his own mill.
11
Mott, Morris. „Canadian Sports History: Some Comments to Urban Historians“. Perspectives on Sports and Urban Studies 12, Nr. 2 (23.10.2013): 25–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1018954ar.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In the last ten or fifteen years a considerable number of publications on the history of Canadian sport have appeared. The bulk of these items are of little consequence to serious scholars. A few, however, are useful and informative to urban historians. The existence of several exemplary studies on the history of sport and leisure in Great Britain and the United States, together with the current acceptance of the idea that good sports history can be good social or cultural history, should encourage more and better studies of Canadian sporting developments.
12
Sewell, Mike. „Political Rhetoric and Policy-Making: James G. Blaine and Britain“. Journal of American Studies 24, Nr. 1 (April 1990): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875800028711.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
James Gillespie Blaine has been seen by his contemporaries and historians alike as the archetypal late nineteenth-century politician. Acclaimed by supporters as the “Plumed Knight” and derided by opponents as the “continental liar from the state of Maine,” his political career was impressive. He was Speaker of the House of Representatives, Senator from Maine, came within 2,000 New York votes of winning the Presidency in 1884, and was twice Secretary of State. But his reputation endures mainly as a corrupt and unscrupulous politico. Historians have labelled him immoral, demagogic and “openly anti-British.” They have depicted him as a spokesman for a “seething” late nineteenth–century Anglophobia who was “excessively political, notably in his penchant for cultivating the Irish at Great Britain's expense.” This aspect of Blaine's reputation has been misinterpreted. However, he can still stand as the personification of politics at a time when the spread-eagle rhetoric of campaigns co-existed with pragmatism in policy formulation.
13
Daddow, Oliver J. „Euroscepticism and History Education in Britain“. Government and Opposition 41, Nr. 1 (2006): 64–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2006.00171.x.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractThis article examines the role played by national history in generating and sustaining the popularity of British Eurosceptic arguments. The core argument advanced is that the modernist approach to history prevalent among British historians and the society in which they work has to be considered the key reason for Euroscepticism retaining such a popular appeal in Britain. The overly reverential attitude to recent martial history on the part of the British, and an almost total neglect of the peacetime dimensions of modern European history since 1945, both serve to exaggerate the tendency in the country to fall back on glib images of Britain as a great power with a ‘special relationship’ across the Atlantic and Europe as a hostile ‘other’ to be confronted rather than engaged with constructively.
14
Zherlitsina, Natalia. „French and English Methods of Colonial Expansion in the Maghreb on the Example of the Franco-Moroccan Crisis of the Late 1840s — Early 1850s“. ISTORIYA 14, S23 (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840025637-9.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article is devoted to the Franco-Moroccan crisis of the late 1840s — early 1850s, in which Great Britain was directly involved. This historical event is not covered at all in Russian/Soviet historiography and only in the few works of French and English scientists. The research is based on the study of published documents of archives and works of historians of France and Great Britain of the late 19th — early 20th centuries — the heyday of European colonial empires. The analysis of the causes, course and consequences of the crisis allows the author to compare the methods of colonial expansion used by France and Great Britain when creating their colonial empires in the 19th century. The article shows that both European empires were interested in subjugating the sultanate, but if France sought to include Morocco in its colonial empire, then Britain, using economic and political pressure, gradually turned the North African country into its obedient puppet. The author concludes that Morocco's loss of independence was only a matter of time — when France and Britain could agree on the terms of this seizure. Thus, the fact that the sultanate of Morocco remained independent throughout the 19th century was explained by the conflicting interests of European empires in this region, and not by the success of the policy of the authorities of this country.
15
Kibalnik, Sergei A. „The Second international scientific conference “Russian Writers and Medicine: Two Hundred Years Together (1820–2020)”“. Philological Sciences. Scientific Essays of Higher Education, Nr. 3 (Mai 2023): 121–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.20339/phs.3-23.121.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
On September 19–21, 2022 the Second International Conference “Russian Writers and Medicine: Two Hundred Years Together (1820–2020)” was held at the Institute of Russian Literature of the Russian Academy of Sciences. Historians of literature and medicine took part in its work. Researchers from Belarus, Hungary, Great Britain, Germany and France, as well as from various regions of Russia — from St. Petersburg to Blagoveshchensk — read 50 reports.
16
ROODHOUSE, MARK. „Lady Chatterley and the Monk: Anglican Radicals and the Lady Chatterley Trial of 1960“. Journal of Ecclesiastical History 59, Nr. 3 (Juli 2008): 475–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046907002473.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The trial of Penguin Books for publishing an unexpurgated edition of D. H. Lawrence's novel Lady Chatterley's lover is a symbolic episode in histories of 1960s Britain, used to illustrate changes in social attitudes. However, historians have not appreciated the impact of the trial on Anglican attitudes towards contemporary society. Using correspondence in the papers of the Mirfield father and literary critic Martin Jarrett-Kerr, this article reveals the tensions within a loose coalition of Anglican radicals just as their views began to receive attention in the media. Jarrett-Kerr and fellow liberal Anglo-Catholics found themselves in an uneasy alliance with Liberal Anglicans, whose views were conflated with those of the radicals.
17
Mashevs’kyi, Oleg, und Myroslav Baraboi. „Anglo-Canadian Historiography Genesis of the French Canadian Nationalism“. European Historical Studies, Nr. 7 (2017): 64–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.07.64-83.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article investigates the genesis of the French-Canadian nationalism in the Anglo-Canadian historiography. The essence of debate that arose among English-Canadian historians about the conquest of New France (Quebec) by Great Britain as one of the main causes of the French-Canadian problem is analyzed. In particular, as opposed to the pro-British point of view, which considers this conquest as a progress and benefit for the residents of French Canada, its opponents considered the issue as a tragedy for the French Canadians. Particularly the attention is drawn to the changes of the historiographical paradigm after the Second World War, when even pro-British historians had to reconsider their attitude to conquest Canada by Great Britain and recognize its consequences for the French Canadians. Special attention is paid to the reflection of the Anglo-Canadian historiography upon the uprising in 1837-1838 in Quebec on as one of the first manifestations of the radical French-Canadian nationalism. The basic approach in the Anglo-Canadian historiography about members of radical and liberal leaders of French-Canadian nationalism (H. Bourassa, L. Groulx, J. P Tardivel, H. Mercier), which contributed to the institutionalization and politicization of French-Canadian nationalism have been disclosed. The article also clarifies the position of the Anglo-Canadian historiography about the genesis of the “Quiet revolution” in Quebec as of the highest expression of French-Canadian nationalism.
18
Thompson, J. A. „The Historians and the Decline of the Liberal Party“. Albion 22, Nr. 1 (1990): 65–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050257.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The dramatic collapse of the Liberal party during the second decade of the twentieth century has long fascinated academic historians, but only in the past twenty years has it become one of their major preoccupations. Every history of modern Britain now has a discussion of the causes and course of the Liberal collapse, and the specialized literature on the subject is voluminous, much of it highly technical and sophisticated.It is easy to see why the Liberal decline appeals to historians. It has personal drama: the contest between Herbert Asquith, “the last of the Romans,” and David Lloyd George, “the Welsh Wizard.” There is the larger drama associated with the collapse of a great party and the rise of another. There are the large silent “revolutions” historians have found behind the political changes: the rise to maturity of the working classes, the evolution of British capitalism, and a vast cultural shift ushered in with the First World War.
19
Buchenau, Jürgen. „Introduction“. Anuario de Historia de América Latina 54 (27.12.2017): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/jbla.54.17.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
One hundred years after its promulgation, it seems appropriate to take stock of the formulation and impact of the Constitution of 1917, a document soon thereafter eclipsed by the much more radical constitution of the Soviet Union and therefore the subject of relatively few scholarly analyses, especially with regard to transnational perspectives. Written by eminent historians from Canada, Germany, Great Britain, and Mexico, the six essays in this special section bring together different perspectives on the constitution and its international impact.
20
Chandler, Alfred D. „Scale and Scope: A Review Colloquium - Scale and Scope: The Dynamics of Industrial Capitalism. By Alfred D. ChandlerJr., with Takashi Hikino · Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1990. xix + 860 pp. Charts, figures, tables, appendixes, notes, and index. $35.00.“ Business History Review 64, Nr. 4 (1990): 690–735. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3115503.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In Scale and Scope, Alfred D. Chandler, Jr., sets out a complex and sustained interpretation of “the dynamics of industrial capitalism.” His work, the culmination of decades of study, spanning three major economies (the United States, Great Britain, and Germany) from the 1880s to the 1940s, will undoubtedly be a central point of reference for all business historians for a very long time to come. More than that, it also makes contributions to, and has wide implications for, a great variety of fields of scholarship, research, and debate. It is hard to imagine any single book review that could do justice to the scale and the scope of Chandler's work.
21
Port, Andrew I. „Holocaust Scholarship and Politics in the Public Sphere: Reexamining the Causes, Consequences, and Controversy of the Historikerstreit and the Goldhagen Debate“. Central European History 50, Nr. 3 (September 2017): 375–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938917000826.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Last year marked the thirtieth anniversary of the so-called Historikerstreit (historians’ quarrel), as well as the twentieth anniversary of the lively debate sparked by the publication in 1996 of Daniel J. Goldhagen's Hitler's Willing Executioners: Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust. To mark the occasion, Central European History (CEH) has invited a group of seven specialists from Australia, Germany, Great Britain, and the United States to comment on the nature, stakes, and legacies of the two controversies, which attracted a great deal of both scholarly and popular attention at the time. To set the stage, the following introduction provides a brief overview of the two debates, followed by some personal reflections.
22
Brundage, Anthony. „History, Historians, and Conservatism in Britain and America: From the Great War to Thatcher and Reagan“. Britain and the World 2, Nr. 1 (September 2009): 138–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2009.0109.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
23
Ritschel, Daniel. „History, Historians, and Conservatism in Britain and America: From the Great War to Thatcher and Reagan“. Britain and the World 2, Nr. 1 (September 2009): 142–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2009.0110.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
24
Soffer, Reba. „History, Historians, and Conservatism in Britain and America: From the Great War to Thatcher and Reagan“. Britain and the World 2, Nr. 1 (September 2009): 147–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2009.0111.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
25
Clinton, David. „History, Historians, and Conservatism in Britain and America, From the Great War to Thatcher and Reagan“. International History Review 33, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2011): 752–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2011.634224.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
26
Bentley, M. „History, Historians, and Conservatism in Britain and America: From the Great War to Thatcher and Reagan“. English Historical Review CXXV, Nr. 514 (27.05.2010): 784–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceq113.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
27
MacLeod, Roy. „Margaret Mary Gowing CBE FBA. 26 April 1921 — 7 November 1998“. Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society 58 (Januar 2012): 67–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsbm.2012.0027.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
If some historians are born great, few achieve greatness. But some have greatness thrust upon them. This was certainly true of Margaret Mary Gowing, civil servant, archivist, and Britain’s first official historian of the nuclear age. From modest origins, but armed with a good education, and favoured by the circumstances of Britain at war, Gowing met and seized opportunities that led her eventually to occupy a position of national prominence that few historians—and, at the time, few women historians—could have anticipated, and which even fewer achieved. Her greatest, lasting scholarly contribution takes the form of two books, which in their mastery of official records laid the foundations of archival research upon which later generations of scholars have built. But her progress was never easy, nor were her successes complete. Ever entwined, her personal and her professional lives were deeply touched by moments of acute stress, tinged with tragedy, that came to affect not only her academic performance but also the lives of family, friends, colleagues and students.
28
Dingman, Roger. „The Diplomacy of Dependency: The Philippines and Peacemaking with Japan, 1945–52“. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 17, Nr. 2 (September 1986): 307–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400001077.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Historians have examined the Japanese peace settlement of 1951 in a variety of ways. A few have treated it as an episode in the ongoing evolution of the structure of international relations in the Pacific and East Asia. Most have focused on the interaction between the principal victor, the United States, and vanquished Japan, weighing the negotiating successes and failures of each and assessing the impact of the settlement on subsequent Japanese-American relations. Recently still other historians have exploited newly available archival materials to analyze the role middle-range powers such as Australia and Britain played in shaping the 1951 peace treaty. While this research has revealed a great deal about the San Francisco peace settlement, it has left unexplored the part small powers played in a major restructuring of the Pacific/East Asian international order.
29
فيصل عبد الوهــــــــــــــــــاب, رغد. „بريطانيا دراسة في الأوضاع السياسية والاقتصادية الداخلية 1964-1970“. Journal of Education College Wasit University 1, Nr. 29 (16.01.2018): 194–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.31185/eduj.vol1.iss29.151.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Britain has a great political and economic weight among the European nations. This importance increased since the end of World War II for several reasons in this period. In fact the field of research and according to many historians is the richest in historical writings. This study deals with the political and economic situation in Britain. A study of historical period between (1964- 1970) is an attempt to discuss these developments of an era, since it did not take the appropriate position in academic studies, this study is to fill part of this void. The British labor party took control from 1964 to 1970, which represents an important era under Harold Wilson. Britain went through a political and economic setbacks under the Conservative Party which to withdraw from the cabinet and by 1964 he became the Labor Party’s prime minister. .Things did not go as planned by the organizers of power in Britain and the economic crisis worsened for over six years,
which had already been the focus of a test for politicians in Britain .This forced the Labor Party to loose elections in 1970 and the Conservatives regained power again.
30
Ashton, Nigel John. „The hijacking of a pact: the formation of the Baghdad Pact and Anglo-American tensions in the Middle East, 1955—1958“. Review of International Studies 19, Nr. 2 (April 1993): 123–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500118996.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The creation of the Baghdad Pact, a regional defence organization linking Britain to Iraq, Turkey, Iran and Pakistan, in 1955, has been surrounded by historiographical confusion. Much of this is explicable in terms of the impact of rapid international changes on long-term strategy, the importance of which has tended to be neglected by historians of the pact. So, one school of thought focuses on the American promotion of the ‘Northern Tier’ concept during the period 1953–4, and on the British preference for an organization based on her Suez Canal Zone Base in Egypt.1 Applyingthis concept to the year 1955, the Baghdad Pact can become ‘the United States’ final victory over Great Britain during the Cold War, a victory which the Suez Crisis of 1956 served to confirm.
31
Mashevskyi, Oleh. „NEW PRIORITIES OF GREAT BRITAIN’S FOREIGN POLICY DURING TONY BLAIR’S PREMIERSHIP“. European Historical Studies, Nr. 24 (2023): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.4.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article analyzes the state and perspectives for the further investigation of the foreign policy of the Prime Minister Tony Blair (1997–2007). It is noted that the attention to the problem is caused both by Great Britain’s support of Ukraine in resisting russian full-scale invasion, and by the high level of activity of T. Blair and his Institute for Global Change, which are actively engaged in the development of concepts regarding a new vision of the place of post-Brexit Great Britain in the world. At the same time, they support Ukraine, actively analyze the importance and impact of russia’s war against Ukraine on the international world and security situation. The work outlines the traditional and new investigations of foreign historians who multifacetedly have scrutinized and continue to research the problems of the foreign policy of Great Britain during the prime ministership of Tony Blair. The formed scientific discourse on the relations of Great Britain with the USA and the EU countries, the problem of Great Britain’s participation in the Iraq war is highlighted. This discourse is marked by a reassessment of observed events, the formation of non-conventional approaches to problems, which is of particular interest and provides prospects for further research. Ukrainian historians continue to research issues of Great Britain’s foreign policy. Emphasis in works devoted to T. Blair’s foreign policy is usually placed on issues of Great Britain’s relations with the USA and the EU, Great Britain’s participation in the Iraq War and a number of military conflicts. The urgent need to form a scientific discourse, systematic, active scientific discussion at conferences and round tables is stressed. The author reveals the aspects of the British foreign policy which have to be investigated in the Ukrainian historiography: the cooperation with the Latin American countries (economic and political motives and interests, for instance, his visit to the states of the region, he was the first British Prime Minister who visited Argentina since the Falklands War), Blair`s interest in the time of his premiership towards the African countries (the creation of the Commission for Africa in 2004) and, especially, his lobbying of the initiatives during his heading in the G8. The article emphasizes the active use of a number of tools of public diplomacy, mass media by T. Blair, his understanding of the world’s globalization trends, and active support of these trends through economic, political and other levers. Moreover, the aspects for the further investigation are mentioned and characterized.
32
Morse, Michael A. „Craniology and the Adoption of the Three-Age System in Britain“. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 65 (1999): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0079497x00001924.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The development of the three-age system in Scandinavia has been of great interest to historians of archaeology, but the system's spread to the British Isles has received little attention, leaving a false impression that its importance has always derived from the revolutionary methodology of C.J. Thomsen. It was not Thomsen's method of putting artefacts in a chronological series, however, that first appealed to British researchers in the mid 19th century. Instead, early British researchers, working mainly in the science of ethnology, used the system to establish a sequence of races for Britain's past based on cranial types. This initial use of the three-age system as a means of creating a racial sequence left a mark on British archaeology that outlasted even the craniological ethnology that formed its first scholarly context.
33
Labutina, Tatyana. „Great Britain and Russia on the Way to Restoring Diplomatic Relations (1720–1731)“. Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, Nr. 4 (2021): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016152-5.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article deals with the process of restoring diplomatic relations between Great Britain and Russia in the first third of the 18th century. England was the first country with which Russia established diplomatic relations 465 years ago. During this time, the countries have passed a difficult and thorny path of interaction. Often there were open military conflicts between them, and sometimes it simply came to the severance of diplomatic relations. One of these events occurred in the reign of Peter I on 14 December in 1720 year. Although diplomatic relations were interrupted, trade between the states continued to develop. The trade volume was reduced due to political tensions, which caused significant damage to the economy of England. In this regard, the British began to take active steps to establish diplomatic relations. The analysis of the correspondence between two British diplomats, T. Ward and C. Rondeau, and the Secretary of State of Great Britain, first undertaken in historical science, the author concludes that it was England that initiated the restoration of diplomatic relations, primarily to strengthen the position of the English merchants in Russia. The analysis of the ambassadors' dispatches gives valuable insights as to the strategy and tactics of the British Foreign Office in relation to Russia during the reign of Anna Ioannovna, as well as the motives that guided the diplomats involved in the preparatory process of establishing relations between the countries. The correspondence of the diplomats provides an opportunity to get acquainted with both their official and “secret” intelligence activities, which allows the author identify the true intentions of British diplomacy: to comprehensively study a potential rival which the British imagined Russia to be. It is also of great interest to learn more about how their mission went, what impressions they got from their visit to our country, what assessments they made about the top officials in the administration of the Russian Empire, as well as about the Russian people in general.
34
SOWERBY, SCOTT. „GROUP HUNTING: RELIGION, POLITICS, AND IDEOLOGY IN LATER STUART BRITAIN“. Historical Journal 58, Nr. 4 (29.10.2015): 1191–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x15000072.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Early modern groups did not necessarily proclaim themselves. When they did, they were not necessarily groups. The historian must decide when to analyse people as separate individuals and when their commonalities were great enough that they should be considered together. These judgements have been the source of frequent debate. At times, the disagreement has been over the proper label for a group – whether, for instance, ‘puritans’ should instead be called ‘the godly’. In other cases, the very existence of a group has been called into question, with some doubting whether there was a ‘Ranter’ movement in the 1650s. Often, historians debate the coherence of a group, with one prominent scholar questioning whether the first whigs in the late 1670s were organized enough to deserve the appellation of a ‘party’. The vigour of these debates suggests that some of our most important intellectual labours are done when we assign people to groups.
35
Markovich, Slobodan. „Activities of Father Nikolai Velimirovich in Great Britain during the Great War“. Balcanica, Nr. 48 (2017): 143–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1748143m.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Nikolai Velimirovich was one of the most influential bishops of the Serbian Orthodox Church in the twentieth century. His stay in Britain in 1908/9 influenced his theological views and made him a proponent of an Anglican-Orthodox church reunion. As a known proponent of close relations between different Christian churches, he was sent by the Serbian Prime Minister Pasic to the United States (1915) and Britain (1915-1919) to work on promoting Serbia and the cause of Yugoslav unity. His activities in both countries were very successful. In Britain he closely collaborated with the Serbian Relief Fund and ?British friends of Serbia? (R. W. Seton-Watson, Henry Wickham Steed and Sir Arthur Evans). Other Serbian intellectuals in London, particularly the brothers Bogdan and Pavle Popovic, were in occasional collision with the members of the Yugoslav Committee over the nature of the future Yugoslav state. In contrast, Velimirovich remained committed to the cause of Yugoslav unity throughout the war with only rare moments of doubt. Unlike most other Serbs and Yugoslavs in London Father Nikolai never grew unsympathetic to the Serbian Prime Minister Pasic, although he did not share all of his views. In London he befriended the churchmen of the Church of England who propagated ecclesiastical reunion and were active in the Anglican and Eastern Association. These contacts allowed him to preach at St. Margaret?s Church, Westminster and other prominent Anglican churches. He became such a well-known and respected preacher that, in July 1917, he had the honour of being the first Orthodox clergyman to preach at St. Paul?s Cathedral. He was given the same honour in December 1919. By the end of the war he had very close relations with the highest prelates of the Church of England, the Catholic cardinal of Westminster, and with prominent clergymen of the Church of Scotland and other Protestant churches in Britain. Based on Velimirovich?s correspondence preserved in Belgrade and London archives, and on very wide coverage of his activities in The Times, in local British newspapers, and particularly in the Anglican journal The Church Times, this paper describes and analyses his wide-ranging activities in Britain. The Church of England supported him wholeheartedly in most of his activities and made him a celebrity in Britain during the Great War. It was thanks to this Church that some dozen of his pamphlets and booklets were published in London during the Great War. What made his relations with the Church of England so close was his commitment to the question of reunion of Orthodox churches with the Anglican Church. He suggested the reunion for the first time in 1909 and remained committed to it throughout the Great War. Analysing the activities of Father Nikolai, the paper also offers a survey of the very wide-ranging forms of help that the Church of England provided both to the Serbian Orthodox Church and to Serbs in by the end of the Great War he became a symbol of Anglican-Orthodox rapprochement. general during the Great War. Most of these activities were channelled through him. Thus, by the end of the Great War he became a symbol of Anglican-Orthodox rapprochement.
36
Brown, Callum G. „Did urbanization secularize Britain?“ Urban History 15 (Mai 1988): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926800013882.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
There are few issues in British history about which so much unsubstantiated assertion has been written as the adverse impact of industrial urbanization upon popular religiosity. Urban history undergraduates are plied each year with the well-worn secularizing interpretation of urban growth which emanated with the Victorians (mostly churchmen) and which has since been reassembled by modern investigators in forms suitable for digestion in ecclesiastical history, social history (Marxist and non-Marxist), historical sociology, and historical geography. This ‘pessimist’ school of thought has reigned virtually unchallenged since the nineteenth century, giving rise in its endless repetition to simplistic historiographical myths. Arguably, systematic inquiry has suffered because modern urban society has been regarded as inimical to religion.An important start to disentangling the web of confusion has already been made by Jeff Cox in his admirable but underrated The English Churches in a Secular Society, a study of Lambeth between 1870 and 1930. 'In the first and final chapters of that book, Cox commenced the assault on the ‘pessimist’ school, pointing out in necessarily blunt language the illogicality and empirical weakness in the arguments of many historians and sociologists of religion. That book should have a reserved space on every reading list dealing with this issue. The present article attempts to expand on what might be called the ‘optimist’ school of thought concerning the impact of urbanization upon religion: that the churches survived urbanization in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. While Cox adduced from his research on the 1870–930 period that the great decline of the churches had not occurred before then, the following pages shift the focus to a reassessment of of the evidence on the preceding 100 years.
37
Gambles, Anna. „Free Trade and State Formation: The Political Economy of Fisheries Policy in Britain and the United Kingdom circa 1780–1850“. Journal of British Studies 39, Nr. 3 (Juli 2000): 288–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386221.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
It is striking that historians of the early nineteenth century have been relatively reluctant to consider relationships between economic policy and the consolidation of the British state. In today's context, the economic and political challenges posed by both European integration and resurgent nationalism have generated hotly contested controversies on the political economy of state formation. From the perspective of the United Kingdom, the prospect of political and administrative devolution has forced us to address the implications of political decentralization for regional economic development (and vice versa) and to consider in turn the impact of these dynamics on the political integrity of a multinational state. For Britain, the period between circa 1780 and 1850 was characterized by unprecedented economic growth, imperial crisis and acquisition, and political consolidation. In a metropolitan sense the most dramatic feature of this process was, of course, the creation of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in 1800. Insofar as historians of early nineteenth-century Britain have examined the relationship between “state formation” and economic policy, however, they have tended to focus on the ideas, politics, and pressures surrounding the retreat of the state from economic intervention. Thus in more general accounts it became axiomatic that the nineteenth-century state shrank progressively from social and economic intervention, liberating commerce, and resting the fiscal system on secure but modest direct taxation.More recently, the relationship between the concept of “laissez-faire” and British state formation has been dramatically revised and refined by Philip Harling and Peter Mandler.
38
Baranov, Nikolay N., und Olga S. Porshneva. „THE CULTURAL HERITAGE AND THE MEMORY OF THE GREAT WAR IN GREAT BRITAIN. CONTEMPORARY ANGLO-SAXON HISTORIOGRAPHY“. Ural Historical Journal 71, Nr. 2 (2021): 25–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.30759/1728-9718-2021-2(71)-25-35.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The First World War is called “Great” only among the British. This circumstance underlines its enduring importance for British spiritual, political and everyday culture. The conceptualization of historical events as an act of forming cultural memory, a form of presenting a significant past and its cultural heritage is considered in this article on the basis of the methodology of memory studies and heritage studies, its new direction — critical heritage studies. Within the framework of the latter, cultural heritage is interpreted as a process of permanent rethinking and redefinition of the cultural values of the past, which includes various social actors. The influential participants in this process are researchers: culturologists, historians, literary scholars, sociologists, who not only influence collective ideas about the events of the past, but also interpret their contemporary significance. Accordingly, from a huge number of works devoted to the Great War memorialization the authors of the article focus on those that consider the interaction of various forms of memory and their influence on the evolution of the collective memory of the British; they are created in the mainstream of the historical science of culture and distinguished by a pronounced historical and anthropological approach. The article identifies several conceptual approaches in the development of the problems of the cultural heritage and the memory of the war, analyzes the achievements in a comparative study of the image of war and its evolution in the cultural memory of the British, in studying the interaction of the official and popular, collective and individual forms of war memory, general and specific features of the British and foreign traditions of memory about the First World War. It also interprets the significance of the revisionist historiography in changing the notions of the Great War heritage.
39
Power, Gerald. „Education, Culture and the British Position in the Arabian Gulf: Establishing the British Council in Kuwait, 1952–1955“. Britain and the World 15, Nr. 1 (März 2022): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2022.0381.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Connections between Great Britain and the countries of the Arabian Gulf during the era of the Cold War and decolonisation have been the subject of close examination by historians in recent years. However, no historian has addressed with any profundity the cultural dimension of Britain's dealings with the Gulf states. The intent of this article is to confront this question and to show that cultural change in the Arabian Gulf was a major preoccupation of the UK government, particularly when it was associated with the expansion of education then unfolding across the region, most intensely in Kuwait. There was especial anxiety that Arab Nationalism and anti-Western sentiment were penetrating local societies and thus undermining an already precarious British influence in the region. The British Council was widely championed as the best instrument at Britain's disposal to counter this threat. It was envisaged that the Council would allow increased cultural contact between Arabs and Britons, offer an alternative vision of Britain to Gulf residents and provide an additional channel through which Britain could influence Gulf governments.
40
Hoppit, Julian. „Attitudes to Credit in Britain, 1680–1790“. Historical Journal 33, Nr. 2 (Juni 1990): 305–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00013340.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The history of economic ideas in Britain is dominated by a great tradition which in its early stages focuses on Adam Smith. For the century before the publication of the Wealth of nations in 1776, economic ideas are most often studied in relation to the ‘arrival’ of Smith and commented on with regard to the degree to which they may be considered precursors of his ideas. Though this imposes a sense of order and establishes some principles with which to select from the vast range of economic writings, the dangers of certain whiggishness in this approach are readily apparent. Writers can appear to be winners or losers depending on the extent to which their ideas were denied, adapted or adopted by Smith and the other classical economists.1 Such problems have been acknowledged by many historians, not least by those who have fruitfully examined the political and philosophical bases of the emergence of political economy, particularly with regard to the Scottish enlightenment. Despite this, the force of the great tradition remains very strong. The authors and ideas that are examined are the ‘major’ ones, that is to say contributions that were, or attempted to be, either comprehensive or clearly attached to what, with hindsight, were the main strands of development. The emphasis has been upon theories or systematic explanations of the economic order. Not surprisingly the unsystematic and more casually formulated reflections of non-economists and ‘amateurs’, such as Defoe, are often swept under the carpet, even if their ideas on economic matters were more widely disseminated (and perhaps more influential) at the time. Consequently, our perception of economic ideas between the Restoration and the Wealth of nations continues to be highly and perhaps atypically selective.
41
Dellas, Harris, und George S. Tavlas. „Retrospectives: On the Evolution of the Rules versus Discretion Debate in Monetary Policy“. Journal of Economic Perspectives 36, Nr. 3 (01.08.2022): 245–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.36.3.245.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Episodes of macroeconomic upheaval associated with monetary policy failure have provided the stage for important debates on rules versus discretion. We discuss the main features, results, commonalities, and differences in the debates that emerged after three such episodes. The modern debate was born during the Great Inflation of the 1970s and focused on both rules versus discretion and the properties of alternative rules. The middle debate originated with Henry Simons and the Chicago School during the Great Depression in the 1930s and focuses on policy uncertainty. The earliest systematic debate involved the Currency and Banking Schools in Britain in the 1820s, but, in spite the views of many of its participants and doctrinal historians, it seems to have primarily been about the degree of activism under a single rule—that of the gold standard.
42
WALE, MATTHEW. „Editing entomology: natural-history periodicals and the shaping of scientific communities in nineteenth-century Britain“. British Journal for the History of Science 52, Nr. 3 (05.04.2019): 405–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087419000050.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractThis article addresses the issue of professionalization in the life sciences during the second half of the nineteenth century through a survey of British entomological periodicals. It is generally accepted that this period saw the rise of professional practitioners and the emergence of biology (as opposed to the older mode of natural history). However, recent scholarship has increasingly shown that this narrative elides the more complex processes at work in shaping scientific communities from the 1850s to the turn of the century. This article adds to such scholarship by examining the ways in which the editors of four entomological periodicals from across this time frame attempted to shape the communities of their readership, and in particular focuses upon the apparent divide between ‘mere collectors’ and ‘entomologists’ as expressed within these journals. Crucially, the article argues that non-professional practitioners were active in defining their own distinct identities and thereby claiming scientific authority. Alongside the periodicals, the article makes use of the correspondence archive of the entomologist and periodical editor Henry Tibbats Stainton (1822–1892), which has hitherto not been subject to sustained analysis by historians.
43
Kelly, James. „The origins of the act of union: an examination of unionist opinion in Britain and Ireland, 1650-1800“. Irish Historical Studies 25, Nr. 99 (Mai 1987): 236–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400026614.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
It has long become commonplace to observe that the act of union of 1800, which abolished the Irish parliament and established the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, has since its enactment exerted a formative influence on Irish history and remained the dominant issue in Anglo-Irish relations. In view of this, it is surprising that so little notice has been afforded the development of unionist sentiment in Britain and Ireland in the century and a half to 1800, and that the origins of and background to the union have received such cursory attention. There is, of course, an obvious historical and historiographical reason for this. Generations of Irish nationalists, and all too frequently their historians, have perceived the union as a malign termination of the constitutional arrangement known grandly but misleadingly as Grattan’s parliament and, consequently, have been little interested in investigating or understanding its origins.
44
Racine, Karen. „“This England and This Now”: British Cultural and Intellectual Influence in the Spanish American Independence Era“. Hispanic American Historical Review 90, Nr. 3 (01.08.2010): 423–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2010-002.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Abstract This essay argues that Great Britain provided the strongest and most relevant contemporary model for the Spanish American independence leaders. Over the course of two eventful decades, 1808 to 1826, over 70 patriot leaders made the long and difficult journey to London to seek political recognition, arms, recruits, and financial backing for their emancipation movements. Countless others remained at home in Spanish America but allied themselves with Britain through their commercial ventures, their ideological affiliation, or their enthusiastic emulation of British institutions, inventions, and practices such as the Lancasterian system of monitorial education, trial by jury, freedom of the press laws, steam engines, and mining technology. This generation of independence leaders carried on a purposeful correspondence with famous British figures such as abolitionist William Wilberforce, prison reformer Elizabeth Fry, utilitarian philosophers Jeremy Bentham and James Mill, scientist Humphrey Davy, and vaccination proponent Edward Jenner. Their conscious choice to draw closer to Great Britain, rather than Napoleonic France or the early republican United States, reveals much about the kind of cultural model the Spanish American independence leaders admired and their vision of the countries they wanted to create.
45
Sidorova, Tamara A. „The Women-Historians in F.W. Maitland’s Scientific School: Mary Bateson“. IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, Nr. 1 (209) (30.03.2021): 78–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2021-1-78-88.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Women-historians make up a small part of the scientific school of the outstanding British historian and lawyer F.W. Maitland (1850-1906). The gender profile of F.W. Maitland’s school was not the subject of special study. The women’s coming in the historical science of Great Britain in 1880-1890s was the result of a broad suffragist movement, granting women equal rights with men in higher education in national universities. The formation of “female” medieval studies was influenced by F.W. Maitland as a scholar and a professor of Cambridge University - his methodological approach, relevance with archival records as the main base of the historical studies, his fruitful publishing activities. Three prominent women-medievalists - Mary Bateson (1850-1906), Helen Maud Cam (1885-1968) and Bertha Haven Putnam (1872-1960), specialized in different spheres of the English medieval history, but in line with the teacher’s methodology, represented F.W. Maitland’s scientific school the most clearly. The scientific activity of Mary Bateson, a recognized and direct student of F.W. Maitland, one of the most famous British scientists in the field of medieval studies, is being investigated.
46
Devereux, David R. „State Versus Private Ownership: The Conservative Governments and British Civil Aviation 1951–62“. Albion 27, Nr. 1 (1995): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000018536.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Studies of post-1945 Britain have often concentrated upon political and foreign policy history and are only just now beginning to address the question of the restructuring of the British economy and domestic policy. Civil aviation, a subject of considerable interest to historians of interwar Britain, has not been given a similar degree of attention in the post-1945 era. Civil aviation policy was, however, given a very high priority by both the 1945-51 Labour government and its Conservative successors. Civil aviation represented part of the effort to return Britain to a peacetime economy by transferring resources from the military into the civil aircraft industry, while at the same time holding for Britain a position of pre-eminence in the postwar expansion of civil flying. As such, aviation was a matter of great interest to reconstruction planners during World War Two, and was an important part of the Attlee government's plans for nationalization.Civil aviation was expected to grow rapidly into a major global economic force, which accounted for the great attention paid it in the 1940s and 1950s. Its importance to Britain in the postwar era lay in the value of air connections to North America, Europe, and the Empire and Commonwealth, and also in the economic importance of Britain's aircraft industry. In a period when the United States was by far the largest producer of commercial aircraft, the task of Labour and Conservative governments was to maintain a viable British position against strong American competition. What is particularly interesting is the wide degree of consensus that existed in both parties on the role the state should play in the maintenance and enhancement of this position.
47
SUONPÄÄ, MIKA. „FINANCIAL SPECULATION, POLITICAL RISKS, AND LEGAL COMPLICATIONS: BRITISH COMMERCIAL DIPLOMACY IN THE BALKANS, c. 1906–1914“. Historical Journal 55, Nr. 1 (10.02.2012): 97–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x11000537.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
ABSTRACTBefore 1914, a more intimate relationship started to develop between overseas commercial activity and foreign policy. This occurred as a consequence of the politicization of international business relations that came about when other great powers began increasingly to challenge Britain's global commercial, political, and imperial supremacy. Britain had traditionally followed alaissez-faireline when it came to supporting or protecting British overseas business enterprise. In the mid-1880s, Britain was compelled to review its policy. After this, the British government was prepared to offer limited assistance to British firms, but this often took place only in regions which were significant in terms of overall policy interest, including Turkey, Iran, and China. This article examines British commercial diplomacy in the Balkans, a region which has not received much attention from historians in this framework. British commercial diplomacy there followed the general line of limited intervention and support was offered mostly on legal grounds. Local political troubles and great power politics also played a role in diplomatic decision-making as did negative cultural perceptions, but to a considerably lesser degree. In most cases, the British government refrained from supporting British business enterprise in the Balkans on account of fears about financial speculation.
48
Murray, Edmundo, und Edward Walsh. „The Correspondence of Fr Matthew Gaughren OMI (1888-1890)“. ABEI Journal 24, Nr. 1 (01.02.2023): 83–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2595-8127.v24i1p83-120.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In mid-1888, Fr Matthew Gaughren (1843-1914) was sent to Argentina by his superior, the O.M.I. provincial in Great Britain, on a “begging expedition”, which aimed at collecting money among the Irish settlers to lessen the debt upon the church of Our Lady of Grace at Tower Hill. However, Gaughren changed the priorities of his mission in South America and appealed to the English-speaking community to support the Irish immigrants who arrived in Buenos Aires in February 1889 on the Dresden steamer ship from Cork and were sent to an ill-fated Irish Colony in Napostá, near the port of Bahía Blanca. His thinking and his struggle are revealed in the following letters, collected from various archival sources, which are now being published, most of them for the first time, in their complete form.
49
Paull, John, und Joan Harvey. „Marna Pease (1866-1947): Founder of Biodynamics for the English-Speaking World“. Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 10, Nr. 5 (03.06.2023): 272–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.105.14747.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Marna Pease (1866-1947) was the founder of Biodynamic farming in Britain. The ‘Anthroposophical Agricultural Foundation’ (AAF) was inaugurated at the ‘World Conference on Spiritual Science and its Practical Applications’ (WCSS), London, July 1928, with Marna as the Honorary Secretary. Under the auspices of the AAF, Marna shepherded the fledgling Anglo Biodynamic (BD) movement through the turbulent times of the Great Depression (1929-1939), the Great Anthroposophy Purge (1935), and World War II (1939-1945). Marna stepped down in 1946. By that time there were reportedly over 400 members of the AAF. With Dr Carl Alexander Mirbt, she produced the first BD preparations in Britain at her home, Otterburn Tower, Northumberland. She took up the role of Honorary Secretary of both the AAF and the ‘Experimental Circle of Anthroposophical Farmers and Gardeners’. The AAF initially operated out of Otterburn (315 miles north of London, 74 miles south of Edinburgh). Marna was a member of the Executive Council of the Anthroposophical Society in Great Britain. She relocated to the Old Mill House at Bray-on-Thames (30 miles west of London) in 1930. Marna typed, bound, and despatched copies around the world, of the English translation of Rudolf Steiner’s ‘Agriculture Course’, to those who joined the Experimental Circle. She edited the first Biodynamics journal in English: ‘Anthroposophical Agricultural Foundation Notes and Correspondence’. Marna provided members with the BD preparations and she published BD pamphlets. She established a showcase Biodynamic garden and apiary at Bray-on-Thames. She recruited members, hosted visitors, and maintained an international correspondence with enquirers and members. Marna hosted Carl Mirbt (aka Mier) and his family, first at Otterburn and then at Bray. She hosted Dr Eugen Kolisko, Lilly Kolisko, and their daughter at Bray. Lilly’s ‘Biologisches Institut am Goetheanum’ (Biological Institute at the Goetheanum) relocated from Stuttgart to Bray in 1935. Marna was fluent in German and she translated Steiner’s ‘Nine Lectures on Bees’ (published 1933) and Lilly’s ‘The Moon and the Growth of Plants’ (published 1938). Marna’s legacy continues with the Biodynamic Agricultural Association (BDAA) in Britain, and with BD agriculture in the Anglo-sphere presently accounting for 30% of global BD agriculture.
50
Curry, Lisa. „`My Dear Nephew': letters to a student priest“. Innes Review 59, Nr. 1 (Mai 2008): 49–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0020157x08000152.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The following compilation of letters date from between 1845 and 1854; they form part of a larger collection of papers relating to Christina Gordon and her descendants, which are currently in the author's possession.1 The bulk of the letters included in this article were written by a Scottish priest, Donald Carmichael, to his great-nephew and namesake whilst the latter was a seminarian in Europe and are full of kindly advice and news from home for the young student.2 also offer a fascinating snapshot of Scottish religious and social history in the 1840s and 1850s. The correspondence is fundamentally a personal and family based one, reflecting as it does the mentoring relationship of great-uncle to his protégé. However, there is also much to interest historians in the post-emancipation but pre-reestablishment of the Scottish Catholic hierarchy era.