Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Harvard University. Debating Council“

The findings of the comparative study of documents representing the process of supporting the academic ethical values in students' information activities are presented. The empirical data were obtained as a result of analysis of 24 ethical codes of Russian universities and documentation of the Harvard University Honor Council. The documents indicating the practice of ethical regulation in the field of students' work with information loaded to the official websites of Russian universities are studied. The procedures of the Harvard Honor Council are discussed, the statistics of violations of academic integrity examined by the Honor Council is analyzed. The author concludes that Russian universities are at the initial stage of implementing full-fledged system of ethical regulation of the university community activities, and their initiatives aimed at approval of their ethical codes are primarily of the declarative nature. Based on the study of documented practice of the Harvard Honor Council, it is demonstrated how a well-developed ethical regulation mechanism provides for efficient control over the observance of the principles of academic integrity that are postulated in Harvard's Code of Honor. The conclusion about the high degree of influence of the “Codes of Honor” on the US university community is made.

Stephen M. Kosslyn is Professor of Psychology at Harvard University and an Associate Psychologist in the Department of Neurology at the Massachusetts General Hospital. He received his B.A. in 1970 from UCLA and his Ph.D. from Stanford University in 1974, both in psychology, and taught at Johns Hopkins, Harvard, and Brandeis Universities before joining the Harvard Faculty as Professor of Psychology in 1983. His work focuses on the nature of visual mental imagery and high-level vision, as well as applications of psychological principles to visual display design. He has published over 125 papers on these topics, co-edited five books, and authored or co-authored five books. His books include Image and Mind (1980), Ghosts in the Mind's Machine (1983), Wet Mind: The New Cognitive Neuroscience (with 0. Koenig, 1992), Elements of Graph Design (1994), and Image and Brain: The Resolution of the Imagery Debate (1994). Dr. Kosslyn has received numerous honors, including the National Academy of Sciences Initiatives in Research Award, is currently on the editorial boards of many professional journals, and has served on several National Research Council committees to advise the government on new technologies.

John W. O’Malley, a member of the Society of Jesus, is currently a university professor in the Theology Department of Georgetown University, Washington, DC. He holds a PhD in history from Harvard University. His specialty is the religious culture of early modern Europe. O’Malley has written and edited a number of books, eight of which have won best-book awards. The First Jesuits (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993), perhaps his best-known work, received both the Jacques Barzun Prize for Cultural History from the American Philosophical Society and the Philip Schaff Prize from the American Society for Church History. It has been translated into twelve languages and its publication opened a new era in the study of the Society. Since then, the Jesuits have attracted greater attention from scholars of all disciplines on an international basis. O’Malley has continued to write about early Jesuits and the subsequent history of the Jesuits: his main essays on Jesuit history are now collected in the first volume of Brill’s Jesuit Studies series, Saints or Devils Incarnate?: Studies in Jesuit History (Leiden, 2013). In the last few years, O’Malley published with Harvard University Press a trilogy on the three last councils in the history of the Catholic Church: What Happened at Vatican ii (2008), Trent: What Happened at the Council (2012), and Vatican I: The Council and the Making of the Ultramontane Church (2018). A comparative view of the three councils is offered now in his most recent book, When Bishops Meet: An Essay Comparing Trent, Vatican I, and Vatican ii (2019). O’Malley has lectured widely around the world to both professional and general audiences. He is past president of the Renaissance Society of America and the American Catholic Historical Association. He holds the Johannes Quasten Medal from The Catholic University of America for distinguished service in religious studies. In 1995, he was elected to the American Academy of Arts and Sciences; in 1997, to the American Philosophical Society; and in 2001, to the Accademia Ambrosiana, Milan. He holds lifetime achievement awards from the Society for Italian Historical Studies, the Renaissance Society of America, and the American Catholic Historical Association. At the origin of the following interview there are three conversations Emanuele Colombo had with O’Malley in Chicago, in 2017 and 2018, as a follow-up of a lecture he gave on his life, “My Life of Learning,” now published in The Catholic Historical Review. 1

Bing graduated from the Medical Faculty at Erasmus University in Rotterdam, The Netherlands in 1988. He then completed a PhD in Medical Sciences (University of Calgary), internship (University of Regina) and surgical residency (University of Western Ontario) and post-residency clinical fellowships (University of Toronto and Harvard University) followed by a research post-doctoral fellowship (Department of Cell Biology, University of Toronto). Bing has been with the Roth | McFarlane Hand and Upper Limb Centre at St. Joseph’s Health Centre since 1998. He is a Professor of Surgery and Medical Biophysics at Western University. His clinical practice focuses on hand and wrist surgery, microsurgical reconstruction and complex wound reconstruction, with a particular clinical and research interest in patients with Dupuytren’s contracture. He is also interested in other fibrosing conditions, such as hypertrophic scarring. Bing was a Canadian Society for Clinical Investigation (CSCI) Member of Council 2004-2011and CSCI President 2009-2011.

This study seeks to highlight the best of the Western models in the field of university endowments. It is a model that has been ensconced at the top of the educational pyramid in the United States and Europe for decades. This is due to the management, the investment methodologies and board policies adopted in this model regarding its holdings, investments and disbursements during the past decade. The exemplar of this model is Harvard University, one of the strongest scientific and academic universities in the United States of America; in fact, in the world. It is renowned for its academic strength and financial independence thanks to its endowments, which continue to manifest clear, strong growth. There is no doubt that the approach adopted by the University during the past decade has been very clear, especially in the area of protecting its endowment assets and in reducing expected losses in the area of investments of its endowment assets. This has been done by adopting the investment methodology and performance policies of the Governing Council, in addition to the exceptional performance of its arm for attracting new endowment assets and donations over the last decade. To discuss this experience, the research looks at the financial sustainability criteria adopted by the University to preserve its endowment assets and how the University deals with the risks that beset them. It has itself suffered several investment losses in its endowment assets, as is evident from the company's annual investment management reports. In addition, the University's endowment governance structure with regard to transparency, governance, and internal and external monitoring of its financial assets are discussed. There is no doubt that Harvard’s endowment experience has been pursuant to the endowment activity that has prevailed in several American and European universities, as well as those of Canada, Japan, Singapore and other countries. However, the most prominent and best in performance and investment are the American universities, which have benefited from the legislation in the United States in support of the phenomenon of endowments for the benefit of university education. The study will be limited to Harvard University, while taking into consideration the practical factors that led to the rise of the educational endowment phenomenon in the American university sector in the last two decades. This is approached through two subtopics. The first comprises the most prominent indicators of financial safety of endowment entities. The second is Harvard University Endowments as a model for financial sustainability.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

This chapter looks at Dan Porat's important book, Bitter Reckoning: Israel Tries Holocaust Survivors as Nazi Collaborators (2019). The focus of Porat's book is the so-called kapo trials that were conducted in Israel between 1951 and 1972. Many of the defendants were not alleged former kapos in Nazi concentration camps but rather former Judenrat (Jewish Council) members and Jewish policemen in ghettos. The legislative authority for the kapo trials derived from the Nazi and Nazi Collaborators (Punishment) Law promulgated by the Knesset in 1950. This is the law on the basis of which Adolf Eichmann was tried and convicted in Jerusalem in 1961. But, as Porat points out, when the Knesset debated and then passed the legislation, first and foremost in legislators' minds were survivors in Israel who were suspected of cooperation with the Nazis. Unlike the proceedings in Jewish honor courts, which resorted to deontological criteria — that is, whether the accused had a duty to refrain from lending a hand to the Nazis' persecution and murder of other Jews — the Israeli trials, conducted under state authority, were bound by the rules of criminal law to determine the guilt or innocence of the accused.

Many governments are actively seeking solutions to address the economic crises bedeviling their countries. University/college towns have proven to be successful models of opportunities for attracting investments for economic development while at the same time promoting optimal health outcomes. Harvard, MIT and Newcastle universities provide examples of successful models of universities aiding in spatial design and planning of towns or neighborhoods where they are located to yield sustainable development. The Government of Jamaica has supported the proposal from the University of Technology, Jamaica, (UTech, Jamaica Ja.) to redesign the Papine area in St. Andrew into a university town, given its proximity to the two largest universities in Jamaica, UTech, Ja. and the University of the West Indies (UWI). Both institutions collaborated by using cutting-edge scholarly research and design approaches to propose workable solutions that can promote economic development and healthy lifestyle in an area designated as a university town. The research found that SOPARC was a feasible and reliable instrument for assessing park user variables and associated contextual variables. However, for the proposed design to be executed and maintained, the study recommends establishing a body such as a University District/Town Council with oversight responsibility for planning and land use management of the area.

Abstract Irving Greenberg was born in 1933 in Brooklyn, New York. His father was the rabbi of the Chevra Shas (a talmudic study group) in Boro Park. As a child, he received an Orthodox day school education that was enriched by active involvement in the Zionist youth movement Hashomer Hadati (known today as Bnai Akiva). He continued his Jewish education at the Beth Joseph Rabbinical Seminary and his secular education at Brooklyn College. In 1953, he received his B.A. in history from Brooklyn College and continued on to a doctoral program in intellectual history at Harvard. He received his Ph.D. from Harvard in 1960. Eschewing an academic career, he became a communal rabbi in Boston where he came under the influence of Rabbi Joseph B. Soloveitchik. This encounter caused a change of career plans, and Greenberg began to teach Jewish history at Yeshiva University in New York City. In 1961-1962, he was a Fulbright scholar at Tel Aviv University and while in Israel turned to deep reading about both the Holocaust and the State of lsrael. Upon his return to the United States, he became involved in Holocaust education which, in turn, led him to leave Yeshiva University in 1965 in order to accept a rabbinical position in Riverdale, New York. After seven years in this post, he once again entered academic life, accepting the chairmanship of the Department of Jewish Studies at the City University of New York. In 1979 he made another turn, leaving the university to become the director of CLAL, the National Jewish Center for Learning and Leadership, an organization that aimed to bring intense, advanced, Jewish education to the wider Jewish community. During the 1970s, Greenberg also teamed with Elie Wiesel and others to create the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum, and from 2000 to 2002 he served as chairman of the museum’s council.

Over the last 50 years, solid state physics and technology have blossomed through the application of modern quantum mechanics to the real world. The intimate relationship between basic research and application has been highlighted ever since the invention of the transistor in 1947, the laser in 1958 and the subsequent spawning of the computer and communications revolution which has so changed our lives. The awarding of the 2000 Nobel Prize in Physics to Alferov, Kroemer and Kilby is another important recognition of the unique interplay between basic science and technology. Such advances and discoveries were made in major industrial research laboratories — Bell Labs, IBM, RCA and others. Today many of these industrial laboratories are in decline due to changes in the regulatory environment and global economic competition. In this talk I will examine some of the frontiers in technology and emerging policy issues. My talk will be colored by my own experiences at Bell Labs and subsequently at a major U.S. national laboratory (Sandia) and at universities (University of California at Santa Barbara and Harvard). I will draw on experiences from my role as the Chair of the National Research Council (NRC) panel on the Future of Condensed Matter and Materials Physics (1999) and as a reviewer of the 2001 NRC report, Physics in a New Era. The growth rates of silicon and optical technologies will ultimately flatten as physical and economic limits are reached. If history is any guide, entirely new technologies will be created. Current research in nanoscience and nanotechnology is already leading to new relationships between fields as diverse as chemistry, biology, applied physics, electrical and mechanical engineering. Materials science is becoming even more interdisciplinary than in the past. Different fields of engineering are coming together. The interfaces between engineering and biology are emerging as another frontier. I will spend some time in exploring the frontier where quantum mechanics intersects the real world and the special role played by designer materials and new imaging tools to explore this emerging frontier. To position ourselves for the future, we therefore must find new ways of breaking disciplinary boundaries in academia. The focus provided by applications and the role of interdisciplinary research centers will be examined. Strangely, the reductionist approach inherent in nanoscience must be connected with the world of complex systems. Integrative approaches to science and technology will become more the norm in fields such as systems biology, soft condensed matter and other complex systems. Just like in nature, can we learn to adapt some of the great successes of industrial research laboratories to a university setting? I will take examples from materials science to delineate the roles of different entities so that a true pluralistic approach for science and technology can be facilitated to create the next revolution in our field.