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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Great Britain vs. United States“

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Autor: Grafiati

Veröffentlicht am 27. Juli 2024

Zuletzt aktualisiert am 29. Juli 2024

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1

Shkvorchenko, N. „SEMIOTIZATION OF POLITICAL TOXICITY IN THE MEDIA SPACES OF THE USA, GREAT BRITAIN AND UKRAINE: A MULTIMODAL ASPECT“. MESSENGER of Kyiv National Linguistic University. Series Philology 25, Nr. 1 (26.08.2022): 142–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.32589/2311-0821.1.2022.263132.

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The article attempts to build a multimodal model of toxic political communication and determine common and distinctive features of the semiotization of political toxicity in the media environment of the United States, Great Britain and Ukraine. Toxic political communication is interpreted as a type of interaction characterized by a high degree of aggressive (verbal and/or paraverbal) behavior of various participants in the political discourse, which causes moral harm or discriminates against the opponent based on race, nationality or gender resulting in such politician(s) being perceived and then defined as toxic. The constructed model of toxic political communication takes into account multimodal mechanisms of the discursive expression of toxicity (verbal, paraverbal, extralingual), modes of expanding the toxic effect (direct, indirect, and mediated), mechanisms of perception and image formation of politicians (toxic vs. positive) in the media environment of the respective countries.We determined that toxicity is manifested in derogatory statements by politicians, which contain insults, name-calling, ridiculing, emotional and inclusive utterances aimed at polarization and causing psychological and/or image damage to participants in the political debate (opponents). Toxic paraverbal co-speech means are divided into prosodic and gestural-mimic forms, which include aggressive, caustic, derogatory, paternalistic, pompous tone of speech, gestures that violate the personal boundaries of the interlocutor, exaggerated facial expressions. Extralingual forms of toxic communication include poster colors, electoral campaign symbols, clothing, rally sites, music, etc., which intensify the damaging effect of actions/utterances of a politician who is defined as toxic in the media. We found that contrasting forms of the semiotization of political toxicity in the media environment of the United States, Great Britain and Ukraine are determined by the relevant information agendas for each of the countries, for example, racism and intolerance towards migrants (USA), Partygate (Great Britain), zrada (betrayal) vs. peremoha (victory) (Ukraine) and others. Common to the three linguistic cultures is the aggressive type of politician-speaker, whose utterances/behavior are prone to dramatizing and aimed at causing psychological damage to the opponent’s personality through direct or indirect derogatory images accompanied by prosodic, gestural and facial emphases.

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Gadzhimuradova, Gyulnara, und Nemanja Vukcevic. „EU migration policy: policy of humanism vs threat to national security“. Science. Culture. Society 29, Nr. 4 (15.12.2023): 54–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2023.29.4.5.

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Uncontrolled migration sweeping Europe is a priority of the political leadership led by a number of European states such as France, Italy, as well as their allies in the United States. The climate crisis in Europe also plays an important role here, which can be resolved, according to Germany, with the help of future “new citizens” who arrived from countries in Africa and the Middle East, exclusively with a Muslim population. What are the migration and immigrant policies in EU countries? How is the immigration policy of European countries being transformed? A detailed analysis of the current state of affairs in Europe is based on official data from the national statistical services of Germany, France, Great Britain, the Ministry of European Integration of the Republic of Serbia, the Department of Civil Liberty and Immigration of the Italian Republic, as well as international organizations - the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the International Organization for Migration (IOM), Eurostat, World Bank. The article examines the security problem in connection with the penetration of radical Islam along with refugees. The authors reveal the consequences of the migration crisis in Europe and make an attempt to answer the question: is the reception and integration of refugees an act of humanity or a problem of national security for EU countries.

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KIERBIĆ, ALEKSANDRA, MARIA WIECZORKIEWICZ, ELŻBIETA ŻBIKOWSKA* und JĘDRZEJ M. JAŚKOWSKI. „Neospora caninum infection in cattle: Not only an economic problem“. Medycyna Weterynaryjna 75, Nr. 02 (2019): 6232–2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.21521/mw.6232.

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Neosporosis is an infectious disease of cattle and other species with a worldwide distribution. In Poland, the seropositivity rate for N. caninum among dairy cattle varies between 6% and 80%, with the highest number of seropositive cows in central and north-eastern voivodeships. In the United States, in 2003 the total annual cost of N. caninum infections was 657 million dollars, and in Great Britain in 2014 it was nearly 14 million pounds. N. caninum results in severe economic losses caused by a decreased milk yield, an increased number of culled cows, a higher newborn calf mortality rate and occasional birth defects. However, the most common result of this disease is abortion, which usually occurs between the 5th and 7th month of gestation. The risk of aborting is 3 times as high for seropositive cows as it is for seronegative cows; up to 21.6% vs. 7.3%, respectively. Cattle can become infected by consuming food and water contaminated with N. caninum oocysts, but the principal route is transplacental transmission usually between the 70th and 210th day of gestation. The ELISA test is most often used to detect the presence of specific antibodies in blood serum. PAG-2 level in the bloodstream can be a good marker for predicting Neospora-induced abortions – in seropositive cows, a level of more than 4.5 ng/ml on the 120th day of gestation means a 7-fold higher risk of pregnancy loss. According to research, live attenuated vaccines are highly efficacious in preventing neosporosis. Unfortunately, the currently available methods of prevention are based on the elimination of seropositive cows from the herd and the limitation of contact with the final hosts of N. caninum.

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Weight, Christopher J., Brett Watson, Lucas Labine, Jacob Albersheim-Carter und Badrinath R. Konety. „Factors affecting the risk of erroneous interpretation of online surgeon rating websites among the general population.“ Journal of Clinical Oncology 35, Nr. 6_suppl (20.02.2017): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jco.2017.35.6_suppl.121.

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121 Background: Several websites present estimated individual surgeon complication rates for surgeons in both the United States and Great Britain. Though some researchers have raised questions as to the validity and appropriateness of these publicly displayed outcome measures, there remains very little research into how the general public may interpret these data to make health care decisions. Methods: We invited attendees of the 2016 Minnesota State Fair who met entry criteria, (adults > 18 years old, English speakers who were able to use a tablet computer) to complete our survey. Demographic data was presented along with various screen shots from online surgeon rating websites. Patients were then asked to interpret these graphics and report complication rates. Some graphics displayed complications rates for one surgeon alone, while others compared multiple surgeons side-by-side. Results: 392 participants completed the survey from a broad geographic distribution from the upper Midwest (179 unique zip codes). Median age was 49 (Interquartile range 28-61), the female:male ratio was 3:2, 57% had completed a college or graduate degree and 85% were Caucasian vs. 15% ethnic minorities. The majority of participants (76%) were able to correctly estimate complication rates when a single surgeon and his or her complication rates were shown, but when respondents were asked to compare/rank multiple surgeons, respondents overestimated complication rates by 5-7 fold, on average, for the lower ranking surgeons and only 15% of respondents could correctly identify the complication rate of the lowest performing surgeon. College graduates and those with a graduate degree were more likely to correctly estimate complication rates compared to participants with less education (odds ratio 1.98 95% CI 1.04-3.75, p = 0.035). Conclusions: Online surgeon rating websites that compare and rank surgeons may lead the general public to drastically overestimate the risk of postoperative complications. These errors in estimating complication rates appear to be reduced amongst those who are college educated and when viewing single surgeon outcomes in the absence of a comparison.

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McKoy, June M., Eniola Obadina, Paul R. Yarnold, Victoria Kut, Dennis W. Raisch und Charles L. Bennett. „Zoledronic Acid (ZA)- Associated Nephrotoxicity: An Analysis of Adverse Drug Reaction (ADR) Reports by the Research on Adverse Drug Events and Reports (RADAR) Project.“ Blood 104, Nr. 11 (16.11.2004): 3139. http://dx.doi.org/10.1182/blood.v104.11.3139.3139.

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Abstract Background-The FDA originally approved zoledronic acid (ZA) in August 2001 for the treatment of hypercalcemia of malignancy and subsequently for prevention of skeletal related events among patients with multiple myeloma (MM), breast, and prostate cancer. Since its approval, the FDA has received several reports of nephrotoxicity. Many of these individuals have myeloma, a malignancy associated with renal damage. Herein, RADAR investigators reviewed the clinical characteristics of ZA-induced nephrotoxicity among cancer patients with multiple myeloma versus other malignancies. We investigated the clinical characteristics and reporting quality of all adverse event (AE) reports describing ZA-associated neprotoxicity. Methods- We analyzed reports of ZA-associated nephrotoxicity from the FDA’s Adverse Event Reporting System, which included a total of 141 AE reports, with exclusion of cases/trials reported in duplicate. Results- Overall, 141 cases of ZA-associated renal failure (RF) were identified: 92 case reports were from the United States and 44 were from non-United States countries. Reporting completeness was generally poor, with respect to serum creatinine levels and frequency of ZA administration, especially in reports from Canada and Great Britain respectively. Two thirds of the patients with scheduling information had received ZA every 4 weeks. Infusion rate was reported for 21%, and was usually 15 minutes or longer. NSAIDS and Cox-II inhibitor exposures were reported in 25%, and 20% of the patients who had prior diagnoses of renal insufficiency. Patients with MM (n=82) had similar mean age as patients with other cancers (n= 54) (72.05 versus 72.9 years). For patients for whom data was available (n=62), pamidronate was used by 97.8% in the MM group versus 86.9% in the non-myeloma group. The onset of RF occurred after a mean of 67.9 days in the MM group (range, 3–366) versus 73.7 days in the non-myeloma group (range, 0–546 days) post initiation of ZA; after a mean number of ZA doses (2.5 vs. 1.8 doses). Only one dose of ZA was received by 24.4% and 25.4% of MM versus non-myeloma patients respectively, which occurred after an average of 14.7 days and 30 days. RF manifestations included serum Cr > 2 for 59.7% of the MM and 83.1% of the other cancer patients. Outcomes of RF in MM and non-myeloma patients, respectively, included hospitalization (61% and 71%) and dialysis, (38% and 22%). Conclusions- Close monitoring of serum creatinine prior to ZA, is important for both MM and other cancer patients; completeness of current case reporting efforts of ZA-associated renal insufficiency is poor in both US and non-US countries; and information about the potential occurrence of renal toxicity should be prominently described in the packet insert for ZA.

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Slinger, Michael J. „Great Britain and the Confederacy“. British Journal of American Legal Studies 12, Nr. 2 (01.09.2023): 357–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjals-2023-0028.

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Abstract This essay describes the efforts of the Confederate States of America to convince Great Britain to support its secession from the United States. Although the South's leaders were confident that Britain's need for cotton would lead it to become an ally, numerous factors—including the British public's aversion to slavery—contributed to the country remaining neutral.

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Davydov, Andrey. „US - Great Britain Economic Relations“. Russia and America in the 21st Century, Nr. 5 (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760028381-6.

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This article covers the major trends of United States and Great Britain economic relations. Economic cooperation between these countries is closely connected with the phenomenon of “special relationships” in the political field. Sources and main points of the “special relationships” are being analyzed in the article. British departure from the European Union created possibilities to develop further economic cooperation between the United States and the United Kingdom. Negotiations on free trade agreement started under Donald Trump administration but were frozen under current US administration. In the result UK proved to be between Scylla and Charybdis. The article covers major trends of structural changes in mutual trade and investment flows during last decade. Statistical analysis shows that oil and natural gas are the major articles of US export to Great Britain. United Kingdom is exporting transport equipment, chemicals and different types of machinery. Different services (professional, business, finance and science) are also important for mutual cooperation. Current investment positions of both countries are being analyzed. Great Britain is interested to get American direct investment in different fields. UK big holding companies are the major target of US direct investors. British equities are also in great demand on the global financial market. Most of British capitals are invested in manufacturing companies of the US. Current situation with free trade negotiations is being analyzed. President John Baiden administration realizes conservative economic policy. US conservative policy is aimed to support national producers. In view of the above it is highly likely that trade negotiations between US and UK will not be in progress for a long period.

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Safford, Jeffrey J., und Lawrence Spinelli. „Dry Diplomacy: The United States, Great Britain, and Prohibition“. Journal of American History 76, Nr. 4 (März 1990): 1305. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2936685.

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9

Winfield, Idee, Richard T. Campbell, Alan C. Kerckhoff, Diane D. Everett und Jerry M. Trott. „Career Processes in Great Britain and the United States“. Social Forces 68, Nr. 1 (September 1989): 284. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2579229.

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10

Ambrosius, Lloyd E., und Lawrence Spinelli. „Dry Diplomacy: The United States, Great Britain, and Prohibition.“ American Historical Review 95, Nr. 3 (Juni 1990): 786. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2164300.

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11

Kerckhoff, Alan C., Richard T. Campbell und Idee Winfield-Laird. „Social Mobility in Great Britain and the United States“. American Journal of Sociology 91, Nr. 2 (September 1985): 281–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/228278.

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12

Boyd, Richard W. „Electoral Change in the United States and Great Britain“. British Journal of Political Science 15, Nr. 4 (Oktober 1985): 517–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000712340000435x.

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Major inter-election vote shifts are characteristic of present-day American and British elections. In American elections since 1960 the presidency has changed parties on four of the six occasions. In British elections since 1959 the government has changed parties on four of the eight occasions. Students of both election systems ask whether these large and frequent shifts portend either major realignments or the weakening of the parties. The purpose of this Note is to analyse inter-election changes in the United States and Great Britain and to highlight and explain their differences.

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Winfield, I., R. T. Campbell, A. C. Kerckhoff, D. D. Everett und J. M. Trott. „Career Processes in Great Britain and the United States“. Social Forces 68, Nr. 1 (01.09.1989): 284–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/68.1.284.

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14

Lutsenko, Nazarii. „UKRAINE IN THE «SPECIAL RELATIONSHIP» BETWEEN UNITED STATES AND GREAT BRITAIN (2017–2021)“. American History & Politics: Scientific edition, Nr. 14 (2022): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2022.14.2.

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The article deals with the relations between the United States of America, Great Britain and Ukraine. The major task of this study is to provide an analysis of the tripartite partnership between the states and to find out the place of Ukraine in the «special relations». The chronological boundaries of the article are determined by the presidential term of the 45th President of the United States, Donald Trump. Methodology of the article: historical-political and historical-comparative methods are used to determine changes in relations in the Washington-Kyiv-London triangle. The analysis method was applied to assess the place of Ukraine in the «special relations» of the United States and Great Britain. The article’s scientific novelty is rethinking Ukraine’s place in the «special relations» between the United States and Great Britain. Conclusions. It is especially noted that the United States of America and the United Kingdom began to develop relations with Ukraine during 2017–2022 intensively. It was caused by the geopolitical situation in Eastern Europe. The annexation of Crimea, the invasion of the Russian army in Ukraine and the Russian government’s support of separatists in the Luhansk and Donetsk regions made Ukraine a center of the US and the UK foreign policy. This investigation proves that the role of Ukraine in «special relations» has strengthened. In fact, the state has turned into a strategic ally of the United States and Great Britain in the region. The main reason for such changes was the desire of London and Washington to have a strong and stable ally in Eastern Europe in opposition to Moscow. The United States and Great Britain failed to respond in time to Russian military aggression in Ukraine and did not fulfill their obligations presented in the Budapest Memorandum. The re-awareness of the importance of Ukraine on the geopolitical map of the world by the British-American elite prompted the establishment of a strategic partnership in the period of 2017–2021.

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Chernomorova, T. „Regional Innovation Policies in Great Britain“. World Economy and International Relations, Nr. 4 (2012): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-4-93-104.

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United Kingdom (along with the United States and France) is among the countries that in their innovation policies focus on the leadership in science, on the implementation of large-scale projects, on covering all stages of the innovation cycle, usually with a significant amount of research and innovative capacity-building in the military field. The article is devoted to the development of science, technology and innovation in the UK, which is one of the main priorities of the economic policy of the British government. According to announced plans, the country should maintain and strengthen its leading position in the field of advanced technologies.

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Esser, Frank, Carsten Reinemann und David Fan. „Spin Doctors in the United States, Great Britain, and Germany“. Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics 6, Nr. 1 (Januar 2001): 16–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1081180x01006001003.

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Elliott, Jane. „Comparing occupational segregation in Great Britain and the United States“. Work, Employment and Society 19, Nr. 1 (März 2005): 153–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017005051305.

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Parcel, Toby L., Lori Ann Campbell und Wenxuan Zhong. „Children’s Behavior Problems in the United States and Great Britain“. Journal of Health and Social Behavior 53, Nr. 2 (10.05.2012): 165–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022146512436742.

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Sperry, Jon, und Len Sperry. „Alfred Adler's Influence in the United States and Great Britain“. Journal of Individual Psychology 75, Nr. 3 (2019): 183–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jip.2019.0022.

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Campbell, Lori Ann, und Toby L. Parcel. „Children’s Home Environments in Great Britain and the United States“. Journal of Family Issues 31, Nr. 5 (15.10.2009): 559–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192513x09350441.

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21

Lutsenko, N. „EVOLUTION OF SPECIAL RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN US AND UK DURING DONALD TRUMP`S ADMINISTRATION“. Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, Nr. 149 (2021): 37–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2021.149.8.

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An article is an attempt to study «special relationships» between the United States and Great Britain. The author mentioned that the presidential elections in the USA and the fact that Donald Trump became a new president reflected on the relationships between the United States and Great Britain. The attention is given to the role of personality in states’ relationships. The article illustrates that Donald Trump`s populism in his speeches played a negative role for making stable relationships with the UK. More specifically, Donald Trump's criticism of London's mayor Sadiq Khan, Scotland Yard evocated a negative social reaction in Great Britain. As shown in the article, the citizens of the United Kingdom were shocked by Donald Trump`s islamophobia and his Facebook post of the far-right organization «Britain first». Indeed, it was the reason for massive protests during Donald Trump's official visit to the United Kingdom in 2018. The reference should be made to the fact that in 2016 the UK citizens decided to leave European Union. Despite the fact that Donald Trump approved this decision he criticized British prime-minister Theresa May for soft Brexit. As shown in the article contrary to the strong criticism of the British government Donald Trump visited Great Britain three times during his presidential term. These official trips were directed on normalization of Anglo-American relationships. Queen Elizabeth twice met Donald Trump and they both mentioned that special relationships are important for their countries. Research has shown that during Boris Johnson’s premiership US-UK relations became stronger. This factor is due to close Trump`s and Johnson's political views. The article illustrates that the United States and Great Britain still have special relationships. Countries have strong intelligence, military and nuclear cooperation. Both the US and the UK are still key economical partners and they are interested in safety relationships.

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Lutsenko, Nazarii. „FUNDAMENTAL INDICATION OF THE «SPECIAL RELATIONSHIP» BETWEEN THE USA AND GREAT BRITAIN“. American History & Politics: Scientific edition, Nr. 16 (2023): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2023.16.5.

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The aim of this article is to shed light on the phenomenon of «special relations» between the United States of America and Great Britain. Despite the fact that the topic gained considerable attention in the academic literature and the term «special relations» is applied to different states and regions, it is necessary to understand its origins. The purpose of the article is to investigate the phenomenon of American-British relations, to analyze the historical and political view of the problem, and to formulate the characteristics of the relations between the United States and the United Kingdom. Chronological limits are determined by the first mention of the term in 1946 and the presidential term of D.Trump, who managed the office in 2017–2021. Methodology of the article. Hypotheses were tested through historiographical analysis and the historical-comparative method were used to analyze published studies on the history of «special relations». The scientific novelty of the study consists in determining the peculiarities of relations between the United States and Great Britain during the tenure of Donald Trump. Therefore, the «special relationship» is a unique historically formed complex of interaction between the USA and Great Britain, which is manifested in various spheres of public life: political (to have an opportunity for better implementation of their own foreign policy), military (the USA and the United Kingdom have an unprecedented level of mutual trust and cooperation in the field of intelligence and nuclear programs), cultural (the historical memory of both nations makes American and British society sensitive to the problems of their «English-speaking neighbours»). We consider it necessary to highlight the following features of American-British relations:the long-term historical interaction that brought the two nations closer together and laid the foundation for relations between the United States and Great Britain; the common ideology of liberalism; cooperation provides an opportunity to better implement one’s own foreign policy; close relations between political figures of states; relations are characterized by periodic «approaching and distancing», which create new challenges for the allies. Each of these features is traced in the relations between the USA and Great Britain and during the administration of Donald Trump. Both states faced a number of challenges in international politics, due to the crisis state of the modern system of international relations. The governments of the United States and the United Kingdom have demonstrated the ability to compromise in critical situations, that proves the uniqueness of such an alliance.

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Sklizkova, Ekaterina V. „Axiological Aspect of Sovereign States Armorial: Russia vs. Great Britain“. Genealogy 7, Nr. 3 (21.08.2023): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy7030060.

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The semiosphere reflects universal and culturally determined characteristics. Heraldry is one of the most complex sign systems. Alive and flexible semiotics is urgent for studies. The aim of this paper is to mark the axiological character of Russian and British sovereign state armorials with an accent on animals. Based on both Russian and British research, this paper focuses on syntactics and pragmatics of arms analyzed in a synchronic and diachronic manner. A cross-cultural comparative approach to Russian and British armorial bearings can be viewed as a novel contribution. The paper embraces structural and semantic aspects, the temporal and pragmatics sphere and Jargon du blazon. English heraldry is relevant to the European tradition, and the Russian one has political value. For both countries, it is associated with foreign influence. The system of European coats of arms is coherent with the institution of property and war, and the Russian one with inheritance. For Britain, heraldry was one of the culture-forming components, and for Russia, it was just one of the elements of culture.

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Ivanov, DMITRY V., und VALERIA V. Pchelintseva. „INTERNATIONAL LAW ASPECTS OF THE POST-BREXIT MIGRATION POLICY OF THE UNITED KINGDOM“. Journal of Law and Administration 18, Nr. 4 (30.12.2022): 34–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2022-4-65-34-46.

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Introduction. In March 2022, the Home Office of the United Kingdom of Great Britain published the Statement on New Immigration Plan according to which persons having no right to reside on its territory would be removed to “safe third countries” according to the agreements with such states. On April 13th, 2022, a Memorandum of Understanding between Great Britain and Rwanda was signed prescribing that persons whose applications for asylum were not considered by Great Britain be removed to Rwanda for those applications to be considered by the latter. Incompatibility of the contemporary immigration policy of Great Britain with its international law obligations justifies the topicality of the assessment of its implications for codification and progressive development of international law. Materials and Methods. The assessment of the contemporary immigration policy of Great Britain from the standpoint of international law includes the matching of the provisions of the international and national acts adopted by Great Britain as well as official statements of its state bodies and officials and the provisions of universal treaties and “soft law” acts. The writings of the publicists studying international law aspects of forced migration, asylum and human rights served as theoretical framework of the present study. Research Results. The assessment of the Memorandum of Understanding reveals the incompatibility of its provisions with the international law norms on asylum and human rights. Such international law policy of the state should be regarded as an example of rejection of international law which is referred to as “international law nihilism” in Russian legal doctrine.Discussions and conclusions. The authors argue that further adoption of legal and political measures contrary to states’ obligations under treaties and international custom as well as the absence of expressed official positions of states with regards to such measures may have an impact on construction and application of international law norms governing legal status of forced migrants.

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Salisbury, Richard V. „Great Britain, The United States, and the 1909–1910 Nicaraguan Crisis“. Americas 53, Nr. 3 (Januar 1997): 379–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008030.

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Victory over Spain in 1898 provided the United States with the opportunity to pursue the various options that imperial status now offered. Indeed, under the influence of the strategic precepts of an Alfred Thayer Mahan, the messianic expansionism of a Josiah Strong, the extended frontier concept of a Frederick Jackson Turner, and the now seemingly obtainable economic aspirations of a James G. Blaine, North Americans looked to their newly established imperial arena with anticipation and confidence. It would be the adjacent circum-Caribbean region, for the most part, where the United States government would attempt to create the appropriate climate for the attainment of its strategic, economic, and altruistic goals. Acquisition of the Canal Zone in 1903 served in particular to focus U.S. attention on the isthmus. Accordingly, whenever revolutionary violence erupted in Central America, the United States government more often than not took vigorous action to ensure the survival or emergence of governments and factions which were supportive of North American interests.

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Mintz, Beth, und J. Rogers Hollingsworth. „A Political Economy of Medicine: Great Britain and the United States“. Journal of Public Health Policy 9, Nr. 4 (1988): 559. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3342582.

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Boskoff, Alvin, und J. Rogers Hollingsworth. „A Political Economy of Medicine: Great Britain and the United States“. Contemporary Sociology 16, Nr. 6 (November 1987): 873. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2071604.

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Fee, Elizabeth, und J. Rogers Hollingsworth. „A Political Economy of Medicine: Great Britain and the United States“. American Historical Review 94, Nr. 3 (Juni 1989): 715. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1873773.

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Carpenter, Laura M. „On remedicalisation: male circumcision in the United States and Great Britain“. Sociology of Health & Illness 32, Nr. 4 (Mai 2010): 613–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9566.2009.01233.x.

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Marett, Pamela, und Janet Winters. „Air Traffic Control Industrial Relations: Great Britain and the United States“. Journal of Collective Negotiations (formerly Journal of Collective Negotiations in the Public Sector) 31, Nr. 2 (01.01.2007): 155–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/cn.31.2.d.

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Rosner, David, und J. Rogers Hollingsworth. „A Political Economy of Medicine: Great Britain and the United States“. Journal of American History 74, Nr. 4 (März 1988): 1386. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1894499.

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Fain, W. Taylor. „‘Unfortunate Arabia’: The United States, Great Britain and Yemen, 1955–63“. Diplomacy & Statecraft 12, Nr. 2 (Juni 2001): 125–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592290108406205.

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WHEATLEY, DAVID, LAWRENCE GOLDEN und JI JIANLIN. „Stress Across Three Cultures: Great Britain, the United States, and China“. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 771, Nr. 1 Stress (Dezember 1995): 609–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-6632.1995.tb44713.x.

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Joyce, Robert, und James P. Ziliak. „Relative Poverty in Great Britain and the United States, 1979-2017“. Fiscal Studies 40, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2019): 485–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-5890.12203.

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Mullooly, John P. „The State of Euthanasia — Great Britain, Australia and the United States“. Linacre Quarterly 56, Nr. 3 (August 1989): 70–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00243639.1989.11878021.

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Robertson, Diana C., und Bodo B. Schlegelmilch. „Corporate institutionalization of ethics in the United States and Great Britain“. Journal of Business Ethics 12, Nr. 4 (April 1993): 301–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01666534.

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Andersen, Ronald. „A Political Economy of Medicine: Great Britain and the United States“. JAMA: The Journal of the American Medical Association 258, Nr. 15 (16.10.1987): 2136. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jama.1987.03400150128050.

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38

Gnatush, V. „THE WORLD MARKET OF METAL CASTINGS 2019―2021: COUNTRIES, ALLOYS, TECHNOLOGIES“. Casting processes 152, Nr. 2 (01.06.2023): 56–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/plit2023.02.056.

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The analysis of the world market of metal castings in 2019–2021 is presented. Due to the fact that as of January 2022 the publication of the world statistics of the production of metal castings did not take place, an analysis of information was carried out regarding the results in the countries that are part of the global Top-10. Among them are China, India, USA, Germany, Japan, Turkey and Brazil. It is noted that in 2021 in China, 54.05 million tons of castings were produced, which is 4.0% more than in 2020. In terms of cast alloys: gray cast iron (share 41.7%), cast iron with nodular graphite (29.5%), aluminum and magnesium alloys (13.3%) and steel (12.2%). In India, the export of metal castings in terms of value for the period from 2016/2017 financial year (FY) to 2020/2021 F. increased from 2.366 to 2.865 billion USD, i.e. with a CAGR of 3.9%. In the USA for the period from 2013 to 2019 the income of the foundry industry increased from 38.7 to 44.3 billion USD, that is, with an average annual growth rate (CAGR) of 1.9%. Under the influence of the COVID-19 pandemic and the slowdown of the economy in 2020. industry revenue decreased to USD 36.7 billion (-17.1% vs. 2019). However, in 2021 the situation improved somewhat ― 43.4 billion USD (18.3% against 2020). In Germany, the production of castings from ferrous metal alloys (gray cast iron, with nodular graphite, malleable and steel) in 2021. amounted to 3.2 million tons, which is 16.4% more than in 2020. At the same time, for the period 2019-2021 production of the specified castings decreased at an average annual rate (CAGR) of -6.0%, and their export ― by -7.0%. In Japan, as a result of the changing economic situation in the world, which was formed after 2019, the production of castings during 2019-2021. is characterized by a downward trend. The production of castings from copper alloys decreased with an average annual rate (CAGR) of -5.6%, castings from aluminum alloys ― -5.1% and castings from iron alloys ― -1.5%. In Turkey in 2021 1.108 million tons of nodular cast iron castings (by 29.6% vs. 2020), 0.921 million tons of gray iron castings (by 49.1%) and 0.279 million tons of steel castings (by 45, 4%). In general, during 2019–2021 the production of castings from ferrous metal alloys in the country increased at an average annual rate (CAGR) of 9.9%. In Brazil, in 2021, foundry enterprises produced 2.5 million tons of castings, which is 21.1% higher than in 2020. At the same time, the production of castings from cast iron increased by 25.5%, from non-ferrous metal alloys ― by 7.0%, and steel ― by 3.9%. In general, during 2019–2021 the production of castings in the country increased at an average annual rate (CAGR) of 3.1%. The presented data indicate that in 2021 the global foundry industry developed in a positive trend. Estimated global production of castings from ferrous and non-ferrous metals by the end of 2021. may amount to 109.2...118.5 million tons against 105.5 million tons in 2020. However, as a result of the war between Russia and Ukraine, a number of negative factors have arisen that will cause a slowdown in foundry production in 2022–2023. The review also presents information about the world’s leading foundry companies, as well as examples of the use of 3-D printing in foundry production in the United States and Great Britain.

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Long, Jason, und Joseph Ferrie. „Intergenerational Occupational Mobility in Great Britain and the United States Since 1850“. American Economic Review 103, Nr. 4 (01.06.2013): 1109–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.103.4.1109.

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The US tolerates more inequality than Europe and believes its economic mobility is greater than Europe's, though they had roughly equal rates of intergenerational occupational mobility in the late twentieth century. We extend this comparison into the nineteenth century using 10,000 nationally-representative British and US fathers and sons. The US was more mobile than Britain through 1900, so in the experience of those who created the US welfare state in the 1930s, the US had indeed been “exceptional.” The US mobility lead over Britain was erased by the 1950s, as US mobility fell from its nineteenth century levels. (JEL J62, N31, N32, N33, N34)

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King, Mary C. „Black Women's Labor Market Status: Occupational Segregation in the United States and Great Britain“. Review of Black Political Economy 24, Nr. 1 (Juni 1995): 23–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02911826.

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An initial exploration of the comparative labor market situation of black women in the United States and Great Britain reveals that race and gender play similar roles in allocating people among broad occupations in both nations despite differences in historical circumstances. However, a closer examination based upon measures of occupational segregation shows that labor market dynamics are quite different. Public employment and education do not reduce racial segregation in Britain as they do in the United States, and the immigrant status of many black Britons does not explain these differences. Only youth is associated with reduced segregation in both countries.

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Sang, Nguyen Van, Le Thanh Nam und Luu Trang. „Independent or Annexation: The Texas Issue in the British-American Relations (1836 - 1846)“. Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 10, Nr. 5 (05.09.2021): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2021-0134.

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This article presents the annexation of Texas in the relations between Great Britain and the United States from 1836 to 1846. The first part presents an overview of the territory, history of exploration and development of Texas from the early stages of history until the formation of the republic in 1836. The next section of the article refers to the interests of Great Britain and the United States in Texas. The final section provides the British-American diplomacy from 1836 to 1846 on the annexation of Texas. On the basis of the exploitation of correspondences, treaties and other material sources, the article contributes to clarifying the Anglo-American relations relating to the annexation of Texas and the expansion history of the United States during the first half of the XIX century. Received: 3 June 2021 / Accepted: 19 July 2021 / Published: 5 September 2021

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Bair, Jeffrey H. „Hiring Practices in British Sociology: Linkages among Top-Rated Sociology Doctoral Programs“. Psychological Reports 87, Nr. 2 (Oktober 2000): 635–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.2000.87.2.635.

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The extent to which top-rated and lower-rated doctoral programs in sociology in Great Britain hired their own and one another's graduates was evaluated. The 8 top-rated doctoral programs in sociology in Great Britain did not hire one another's graduates to the extent this occurs in such doctoral programs in sociology in the United States.

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Levin, Yaroslav A. „Image of Ally“. Galactica Media: Journal of Media Studies 4, Nr. 4 (12.12.2022): 210–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.46539/gmd.v4i4.267.

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World War II was a time of increased rapprochement between the United States and Great Britain. After a long rivalry and outright hostility in the XVIII-XIX centuries, by the beginning of the 20th century, these two countries began to get closer with time, which was reflected in the gradual design of the concept of “Special Relations” between the United States and the United Kingdom. The rapprochement required strong propaganda support to explain political changes to the population. Due to its accessibility, clarity and brightness, cinema has become one of the main tools for promoting the new paradigm of US foreign policy. In this study, we examined the problem of constructing the image of Great Britain in American cinema in 1942. The purpose of this article is to identify the main features and stereotypes of perception used by American filmmakers and propagandists in building the image of an ally. Based on an analysis of 1942 films, a number of specific features were identified that were used in cinema to form the image of Great Britain as an ally.

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İlqar oğlu İlyasov, Mirpaşa. „Foreign policy of Great Britain in modern period“. SCIENTIFIC WORK 77, Nr. 4 (17.04.2022): 232–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/77/232-236.

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Bu məqalədə XXI əsrdə Böyük Britaniyanın xarici siyasətində strategiyaları, əsas istiqamətləri, siyasi arenada fəaliyyəti analiz ediləcək. Böyük Britaniyanın qarşısına qoyduğu məqsədlər, Avropa İttifaqından ayrılması prosesi, xarici siyasəti ilə bağlı yanaşmalar və xarici siyasətdə dövlətlərlə olan əlaqələrinin təhlil olunması aparılacaq. Brexit-ə səbəb olan amillər, Böyük Britaniyanın Avropa İttifaqından ayrılması və Brexit-nin səbəb olduğu reaksiyaların analizləri öz əksini bu yazıda tapacaq. ABŞ və Rusiya ilə olan münasibətləri, gələcək geosiyasi mənzərəsi, marağı və əməkdaşlıq etmək istədiyi regionlar haqqında məlumatlar əks olunacaq. Böyük Britaniyanın təhlükəsizlik və müdafiə məsələlərindən, təhlükəsiz enerji mənbələri və dövlətlərlə iqtisadi-ticari əməkdaşlıqdan danışılacaq. Böyük Britaniyanın köhnə müstəmləkələri ilə olan əlaqələri və bu əlaqələrin gələcək perpektivləri nəzərdən keçirilib analiz ediləcək. Hazırkı dövrdə Ukrayna məsələsi ilə bağlı Böyük Britaniyanın mövqeyi təhlil olunacaq.Müasir dövrdə Böyük Britaniyanın aktiv rolunun artması və faəliyyətinin əsas prioritet istiqamətləri bu məqalədə təhlil olunub, ümumiləşdiriləcək. Açar sözlər: siyasət, strategiya, BREXİT, inteqrasiya, maraqlar, suverenlik, beynəlxalq nizam, müttəfiqlik, ABŞ, Rusiya Mirpasha Ilgar İlyas Foreign policy of Great Britain in modern period Abstract This article is about the XXI century of the United Kingdom. will analyze the foreign policy strategies, main directions and activities in the 20th century. The goals set by the United Kingdom, the process of leaving the European Union, its approaches to foreign policy and relations with states in foreign policy will be analyzed. The factors leading to Brexit, the UK's departure from the European Union and the analysis of the reactions caused by Brexit will be reflected in this article. Information about relations with the United States and Russia, the future geopolitical outlook, interests and regions with which it wishes to cooperate will be reflected. Britain's security and defence, secure energy sources and economic and commercial cooperation with states will be discussed. The relations with the former British colonies and the future prospects of these relations will be discussed and analyzed. At this time, the UK's position on Ukraine will be analysed. The growth of the UK's active role in modern times and the main priorities of its activities will be analyzed and summarized in this article. Key words: politics, strategy, BREXIT, integration, interests, sovereignty, international order, alliance, USA, Russia

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Ebner, Carmen. „Great Britain and the United States: Two nations divided by an attitude?“ English Today 34, Nr. 4 (17.09.2018): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078418000329.

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Having studied attitudes towards usage problems such as the notorious split infinitive or the ubiquitous literally in British English as part of my doctoral thesis, I was intrigued by the sheer lack of scientific studies investigating such attitudes. What was even more intriguing was to discover that the same field and the same usage problems seem to have received a different treatment in the United States of America. While my search for previously conducted usage attitude studies in Great Britain has largely remained fruitless, besides two notable exceptions which I will discuss in detail below (see Section 3), a similar search for American usage attitude studies resulted in a different picture. Considerably more such studies seem to have been conducted in the US than in Great Britain. On top of cultural and linguistic differences between these two nations, it seems as if they also hold different attitudes towards studying attitudes towards usage problems. Now the following question arises: why do we find such contradictory scientific traditions in these two countries? In this paper, I will provide an overview of a selection of American and British usage attitude studies. Taking into account differences between the American and British studies with regard to the number of usage problems studied, the populations surveyed and the methods applied, I will attempt to capture manifestations of two seemingly diverging attitudes towards the study of usage problems. By doing so, I will provide a possible explanation for the lack of attention being paid to usage attitudes in Great Britain.

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Prakke, Lucas. „Swamping the Lords, Packing the Court, Sacking the King“. European Constitutional Law Review 2, Nr. 1 (Februar 2006): 116–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019606001167.

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Three great constitutional conflicts — Great Britain: Commons v. Lords — Parliament Act 1911 — United States: President v. Supreme Court over New Deal — Court Packing plan Belgium: King v. conscience — Democracy wins in each of these cases.

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Skocpol, Theda, und Gretchen Ritter. „Gender and the Origins of Modern Social Policies in Britain and the United States“. Studies in American Political Development 5, Nr. 1 (1991): 36–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x0000016x.

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Comparative research on the origins of modern welfare states typically asks why certain European nations, including Great Britain, enacted pensions and social insurance between the 1880s and the 1920s, while the United States “lagged behind,” that is did not establish such policies for the entire nation until the Social Security Act of 1935. To put the question this way overlooks the social policies that were distinctive to the early twentieth-century United States. During the period when major European nations, including Britain, were launching paternalist versions of the modern welfare state, the United States was tentatively experimenting with what might be called a maternalist welfare state. In Britain, male bureaucrats and party leaders designed policies “for the good” of male wage-workers and their dependents. Meanwhile, in the United States, early social policies were championed by elite and middle-class women “for the good” of less privileged women. Adult American women were helped as mothers, or as working women who deserved special protection because they were potential mothers.

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Wanczycki, Jan K. „Unions Dues and Political Contributions – Great Britain, United States, Canada – A Comparison“. Relations industrielles 21, Nr. 2 (12.04.2005): 143–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/027674ar.

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This paper is concerned with court decisions and statutory enactments which had an effect on active participation of trade unions in political action and, in particular, how the Legislatures, and the courts in interpreting the relevant statutes, attempted to prevent or regularize the use of union dues, levies or funds for political purposes.

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McAdams, A. James, Cynthia Brown, Nancy Chang, David Cole, James X. Dempsey, Nat Hentoff und Stephen J. Schulhofer. „Internet Surveillance after September 11: Is the United States Becoming Great Britain?“ Comparative Politics 37, Nr. 4 (01.07.2005): 479. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20072905.

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Johnson, Jessica S. „Conservation and Archaeology in Great Britain and the United States: A Comparison“. Journal of the American Institute for Conservation 32, Nr. 3 (1993): 249. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3179548.

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