Thematische Bibliographien / Great Britain vs

Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Great Britain vs“

Autor: Grafiati

Veröffentlicht am 27. Juli 2024

Zuletzt aktualisiert am 29. Juli 2024

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Great Britain vs"

Yakovleva, N. M. „Argentina vs Great Britain: the trajectory of one conflict“. Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 10, Nr. 3 (19.01.2023): 123–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-3-123-135.

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40 years ago, on April 2, 1982, Argentina made a failed attempt by military means to establish sovereignty over the archipelago in the South Atlantic, which was under the jurisdiction of Great Britain. The war was the result of a two-century dispute over the ownership of the islands. Upon joining the UN in 1945, Buenos Aires loudly announced its claims to the Falkland Islands (Malvinas) and began to seek from the international community to recognize its claims as legitimate. Since then, the problem has been a red thread through the history of the country. The policy of the Argentine authorities on the issue of disputed territories developed with a pendulum dynamic. Periods of de-escalation of the conflict and the development of cooperation with Great Britain, coupled with a friendly attitude towards the islanders, were replaced by phases of the dominance of irreconcilable discourse with a strong demand for the “termination of the colonization policy” by the British authorities. Relations between Argentina and Great Britain after the end of hostilities can be divided into several stages. Regardless of the direction of the course of the next government, the issue of sovereignty over disputed territories has never been removed from the agenda. The Argentine side certainly used the “Malvinas question” as an instrument of domestic policy. Currently, the conflict is in a latent phase with no prospect of an early resolution.

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Sklizkova, Ekaterina V. „Axiological Aspect of Sovereign States Armorial: Russia vs. Great Britain“. Genealogy 7, Nr. 3 (21.08.2023): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy7030060.

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The semiosphere reflects universal and culturally determined characteristics. Heraldry is one of the most complex sign systems. Alive and flexible semiotics is urgent for studies. The aim of this paper is to mark the axiological character of Russian and British sovereign state armorials with an accent on animals. Based on both Russian and British research, this paper focuses on syntactics and pragmatics of arms analyzed in a synchronic and diachronic manner. A cross-cultural comparative approach to Russian and British armorial bearings can be viewed as a novel contribution. The paper embraces structural and semantic aspects, the temporal and pragmatics sphere and Jargon du blazon. English heraldry is relevant to the European tradition, and the Russian one has political value. For both countries, it is associated with foreign influence. The system of European coats of arms is coherent with the institution of property and war, and the Russian one with inheritance. For Britain, heraldry was one of the culture-forming components, and for Russia, it was just one of the elements of culture.

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Jebb, Susan A., Kirsten L. Rennie und Tim J. Cole. „Prevalence of overweight and obesity among young people in Great Britain“. Public Health Nutrition 7, Nr. 3 (Mai 2004): 461–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/phn2003539.

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AbstractObjective:To determine the prevalence of overweight and obesity in British young people (4–18 years) in 1997.Design:Cross-sectional analysis of the National Diet and Nutrition Survey of young people.Setting:Great Britain.Subjects:Nationally representative sample of 1836 young people (age 4–18 years).Results:The prevalence of obesity based on body mass index (weight/height2) and the International Obesity Task Force cut–offs was 4.0%, with a further 15.4% identified as overweight. Asians were almost four times as likely to be obese as white subjects (13.6 vs. 3.5%, P < 0.001). Among white subjects there was no significant difference in the prevalence of obesity between girls and boys, or with age. The risk of obesity was significantly higher in subjects from social classes IV and V than from social classes I–III (6.5 vs. 2.7%, P = 0.003). Subjects living in Scotland and Wales were significantly more likely to be obese than those in England (7.6 and 6.5 vs. 2.9%, respectively, P < 0.01). Multiple logistic regression showed that, among white subjects, those in social classes IV and V living in Wales and Scotland were three times more likely to be obese than the other children in the survey (odds ratio 3.3, 95% confidence interval 1.1–9.8).Conclusion:These data provide information on the national prevalence of overweight and obesity in Great Britain and baseline data from which to monitor future trends. This analysis provides important demographic information on those most at risk of obesity, which may be used to inform public health strategies to prevent obesity in young people.

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Gudaj, R. T., E. Brydl, J. Lehoczky und I. Komlósi. „Dairy welfare in Hungary and in the United Kingdom vs. National and European Union legislation“. Biotehnologija u stocarstvu 28, Nr. 1 (2012): 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/bah1201011g.

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Dairy industries in Eastern and Western Europe have different history, heritage, but the same aim to produce cheap, high quantity of good quality milk with the care of dairy welfare. Member countries of European Union had choice to either implement minimum standards provided by the European Commission, like in Hungary, or to create their own legislation also covering minimum standards, like in the Great Britain. British, Hungarian and European Union legislation was compared with dairy welfare measures taken on 53 farms in the UK and on 27 farms in Hungary. Among 13 welfare measures observed 8 were found to be statistically different (p<0.05. p<0.01 or p<0.001) between countries. Fewer cows were reported with dirty hind limbs, hock hair losses, non hock injuries, being dull or with greater flight distance on Hungarian farms than in the UK. There were fewer cows with dirty udders, being fat or lame in the UK in comparison to Hungarian farms. Cheaper bedding materials in Hungary are thought to be the major factors cows are found cleaner. More farm workers per one animal make more attention is paid for providing cattle with suitable conditions for resting what also might impact shorter flight distance. In the Great Britain cleaner udders might be related to modern husbandry systems providing cleaner conditions. Education is also thought to be playing a great role in lower proportion of cows being lame, with digestion problems and mastitis in the UK in comparison to Hungary.

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Henderson, James P. „Equal Pay vs. Equal Job Opportunity for Women: The Debate in Great Britain from 1891 to 1923“. International Journal of Social Economics 19, Nr. 10/11/12 (Oktober 1992): 298–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eum0000000000519.

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Omelan, Grzegorz. „The Idea of Welfare State vs the Idea of Sustainable Development. The Case for United Kingdom“. Studia Krytyczne/Critical Studies, Nr. 3 (03.11.2019): 45–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/sk.1418.

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Within the last decades Great Britain has developed a specific model of welfare state. The “from-cradle-to-grave” model is close to the hearts of Labour Party’s politicians and supporters, on the other hand Conservative Party’s governments have been trying to limit welfare state’s reach since 1979. Cameron’s cabinet introduced a significant reform of the system, depriving many Brits of their benefits and lowering the number of people eligible to claim one. It is advisable to consider if these policies go hand in hand with the idea of sustainable development in the socio-economic context.

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Shkvorchenko, N. „SEMIOTIZATION OF POLITICAL TOXICITY IN THE MEDIA SPACES OF THE USA, GREAT BRITAIN AND UKRAINE: A MULTIMODAL ASPECT“. MESSENGER of Kyiv National Linguistic University. Series Philology 25, Nr. 1 (26.08.2022): 142–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.32589/2311-0821.1.2022.263132.

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The article attempts to build a multimodal model of toxic political communication and determine common and distinctive features of the semiotization of political toxicity in the media environment of the United States, Great Britain and Ukraine. Toxic political communication is interpreted as a type of interaction characterized by a high degree of aggressive (verbal and/or paraverbal) behavior of various participants in the political discourse, which causes moral harm or discriminates against the opponent based on race, nationality or gender resulting in such politician(s) being perceived and then defined as toxic. The constructed model of toxic political communication takes into account multimodal mechanisms of the discursive expression of toxicity (verbal, paraverbal, extralingual), modes of expanding the toxic effect (direct, indirect, and mediated), mechanisms of perception and image formation of politicians (toxic vs. positive) in the media environment of the respective countries.We determined that toxicity is manifested in derogatory statements by politicians, which contain insults, name-calling, ridiculing, emotional and inclusive utterances aimed at polarization and causing psychological and/or image damage to participants in the political debate (opponents). Toxic paraverbal co-speech means are divided into prosodic and gestural-mimic forms, which include aggressive, caustic, derogatory, paternalistic, pompous tone of speech, gestures that violate the personal boundaries of the interlocutor, exaggerated facial expressions. Extralingual forms of toxic communication include poster colors, electoral campaign symbols, clothing, rally sites, music, etc., which intensify the damaging effect of actions/utterances of a politician who is defined as toxic in the media. We found that contrasting forms of the semiotization of political toxicity in the media environment of the United States, Great Britain and Ukraine are determined by the relevant information agendas for each of the countries, for example, racism and intolerance towards migrants (USA), Partygate (Great Britain), zrada (betrayal) vs. peremoha (victory) (Ukraine) and others. Common to the three linguistic cultures is the aggressive type of politician-speaker, whose utterances/behavior are prone to dramatizing and aimed at causing psychological damage to the opponent’s personality through direct or indirect derogatory images accompanied by prosodic, gestural and facial emphases.

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Tomlinson, Samuel J., Ulrike Dragosits, Peter E. Levy, Amanda M. Thomson und Janet Moxley. „Quantifying gross vs. net agricultural land use change in Great Britain using the Integrated Administration and Control System“. Science of The Total Environment 628-629 (Juli 2018): 1234–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.scitotenv.2018.02.067.

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Dassonneville, Ruth, und Michael S. Lewis-Beck. „A changing economic vote in Western Europe? Long-term vs. short-term forces“. European Political Science Review 11, Nr. 1 (21.11.2018): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773918000231.

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AbstractConsiderable research shows the presence of an economic vote, with governments rewarded or punished by voters, depending on the state of the economy. But how stable is this economic vote? A current argument holds its effect has increased over time, because of weakening long-term social and political forces. Under these conditions, short-term forces, foremostly the economic issue, can come to the fore. A counter-argument, however, sees the economic vote effect in decline, due to globalization. Against these rival hypotheses rests the status-quo argument: the economic vote effect remains unchanged. To test these claims, we estimate carefully specified models of the incumbent vote, at both the individual and aggregate levels. Western European elections provide the data, with particular attention to Denmark, Germany, Great Britain, Italy, The Netherlands, Norway, and Sweden. Perhaps surprisingly, we find the economic vote to be stable over time, a ‘standing decision’ rule that voters follow in national elections.

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Cheregi, Bianca Florentina. „The discursive construction of Romanian immigration in the British media: Digitized press vs. Television documentaries“. Romanian Journal of Communication and Public Relations 17, Nr. 2 (01.07.2015): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21018/rjcpr.2015.2.34.

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<p>This paper looks at how the media – particularly the British press and television – frames the issue of Romanian immigrants in Great Britain, in the context of the freedom of movement for workers in the European Union. The study focuses on the frames employed by the British journalists in constructing anti-immigration discourses in the digital and the TV sphere, comparatively. This study analyzes the stereotypes about Romanian people used in two British media formats and the way in which they affect Romania’s country image overseas. Using a mixed research approach, combining framing analysis (Entman, 1993) with critical discourse analysis (Van Dijk, 1993), and dispositif analysis (Charaudeau, 2005) this article investigates 271 news items from three of the most read newspapers in the UK (The Guardian, Daily Mail and The Independent), published online during January 2013 – March 2014. Also, the paper analyzes three film documentaries from BBC (Panorama – The Romanians are Coming? – BBC1, The Truth About Immigration – BBC2 and The Great Big Romanian invasion – BBC World News). The analysis shows that the British press and television use both similar and different frames to coverage Romanian migrants. The media also infer the polarization between “Us” (the British media) and “Them” (the Romanian citizens).</p>

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Dissertationen zum Thema "Great Britain vs"

Smart, Matthew James. „Anonymity vs. traceability : revocable anonymity in remote electronic voting protocols“. Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3386/.

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Remote electronic voting has long been considered a panacea for many of the problems with existing, paper-based election mechanisms: assurance that one’s vote has been counted as cast; ability to vote without fear of coercion; fast and reliable tallying; improvement in voter turnout. Despite these promised improvements, take-up of remote electronic voting schemes has been very poor, particularly when considering country-wide general elections. In this thesis, we explore a new class of remote electronic voting protocols: specfically, those which fit with the United Kingdom’s requirement that it should be possible to link a ballot to a voter in the case of personation. We address the issue of revocable anonymity in electronic voting. Our contributions are threefold. We begin with the introduction of a new remote electronic voting protocol, providing revocable anonymity for any voter with access to an Internet-connected computer of their choice. We provide a formal analysis for the security properties of this protocol. Next, we are among the first to consider client-side security in remote electronic voting, providing a protocol which uses trusted computing to assure the voter and authorities of the state of the voter’s machine. Finally, we address revocable anonymity more generally: should a user have the right to know when their anonymity has been revoked? We provide a protocol which uses trusted computing to achieve this. Ultimately, the work in this thesis can be seen as a sound starting point for the deployment of remote electronic voting in the United Kingdom.

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O'Neill, Michael A. „Safe with us vs the sacred trust : policy change under Conservative government : health policy under Britain's Thatcher and Canada's Mulroney“. Thesis, University of Warwick, 1996. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/78609/.

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This research explores the link between New Right ideology and the making of public policy. Taking the Thatcher and Mulroney Governments as examples of the New Right in government this research considers the areas of policy convergence and divergence between them using health as a case study. This study concludes that these 1990s variants of Conservativism differed both in terms of their rhetoric and their ability to chart new public policies. This study finds that the Thatcher Government was a more effective agent of change than the Mulroney Government with institutional differences as the main explanatory variable. Other research themes raised in this research include: The applicability of the incremental policy making model to the study of Canadian and British health policies; the role of interest groups in the development of health policies; and the thesis of the irreversibility of the welfare state. It was found that the incremental model could not account for the rapid and large changes in British health policy but could serve as a theoretical framework to explain health policy developments in Canada. Interest groups for their part were found to have reacted in differing ways to the challenges posed to them by New Right government, seeking to form advocacy coalitions in Canada while remaining resolutely independent in Britain. Finally, this research concludes that the irreversibility of the welfare state thesis as presented by Therborn and Roebroek remains valid. that is that the political popUlarity of national health insurance continue to isolate this sector of social policy from dramatic rollback.

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鍾國威 und Kwok-wai Andrew Chung. „Urban conservation vs. mega redevelopment: implications to Hong Kong urban designer“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31980430.

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KARREMANS, Johannes. „State interests vs citizens’ preferences : on which side do (Labour) parties stand?“ Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/45985.

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Defence date: 31 March 2017
Examining Board: Professor Pepper Culpepper, formerly EUI/University of Oxford (Supervisor); Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, EUI (Co-Supervisor); Professor Ferdinand Müller-Rommel, Leuphana Universität Lüneburg; Professor Maurits Van der Veen, College of William & Mary
This dissertation deals with the question of how the partisan nature of government still matters in the current globalized and post-industrial world. In particular, it compares the representativeness of two contemporary centre-left governments with that of two centre-left executives from the 1970s in the Netherlands and the United Kingdom. According to the more provocative theories about the state of contemporary representative democracy, these countries should be forerunners of a general European trend in which governments care more about technical competence rather than political representation and responsiveness. These tendencies are expected to particularly affect the partisanship of Labour ministers. In order to test these theories, I do a comparative content analysis of how Labour finance ministers/Chancellors justify the yearly government budget in front of the parliament. The justifications are divided into those that characterize the government as representative of the partisan redistributive preferences (input-justifications) VS those that profile it as a competent caretaker of public finances (output-justifications). Following the above-mentioned theories, the hypothesis is that today the output-justifications are more important than in the past. As this approach is relatively novel with regards to the study of responsiveness, the thesis also dedicates one chapter to the justification strategies of a technical and a neoliberal government. The purpose of this extra comparison is to have more empirical evidence of what renders an output-justification different from an input-justification. By incorporating these two cases, thus, I get a deeper comparative insight into what is a typical left-wing/partisan discourse characteristic and what constitutes governmental/institutional talk. This extra comparison, consequently, allows me to reflect more deeply on the findings emerging from the overtime comparison of Labour governments. The findings of my research tell a two-sided story. On the one hand, contrary to my hypothesis, the contemporary cases feature slightly more input-justifications than the governments from the 1970s. On the other, the logic of the discourses suggests that, while in the 1970s the responsiveness to social needs was presented as a policy goal per se, today the input-justifications tend to be more subordinated to justifications about economic and financial considerations. The findings thus speak both to theories according to which today we are not witnessing a decline of political representation, but simply a change in kind, as well to the theories speaking of a gradual hollowing out of political competition. In the iv conclusion of my dissertation I reflect on what is right and wrong on the two sides of the debate.

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Bücher zum Thema "Great Britain vs"

Britain, Great. Additional article to the treaty between Her Britannic Majesty and the United States of May 8, 1871: Signed at Washington, January 18, 1873. [London?: s.n., 2002.

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Prodger, Mick J. Luftwaffe vs. RAF. Atglen, PA: Schiffer Pub., 1998.

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Prodger, Mick J. Luftwaffe vs. RAF. Atglen, PA: Schiffer Pub., 1997.

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Irvine, Benedict. England vs Scotland: Does more money mean better health? London: Civitas, Institute for the Study of Civil Society, 2004.

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1916-, Ellis Frank H., Swift Jonathan 1667-1745 und Maynwaring Arthur 1668-1712, Hrsg. Swift vs. Mainwaring: The Examiner and the Medley. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985.

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Whitaker, James. Diana vs. Charles: Royal blood feud. New York: Dutton Signet, 1993.

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Heilenday, Frank. The Battle of Britain, Luftwaffe vs. RAF: Lessons learned and lingering myths from World War II. Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 1995.

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Whitaker, James. Diana vs. Charles: Royal blood feud. New York: Dutton, 1993.

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Schanzer, Rosalyn. George vs. George: The American Revolution as seen from both sides. Washington, D.C: National Geographic, 2004.

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Arbitration, Permanent Court of. The OSPAR arbitration (Ireland - United Kingdom) award of 2003 / with an introduction by Daniel Bodansky. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser, 2009.

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Buchteile zum Thema "Great Britain vs"

Ferling, John. „“To Recover Self-Government”“. In Adams vs. Jefferson, 99–112. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195167719.003.0007.

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Abstract The United States and France, allies since 1778, verged on a collision as Adams’ inauguration approached. Caught in a desperate war and convinced that the Jay Treaty signified a rapprochement with Great Britain, France announced in 1796 that it would not tolerate trade between the United States and Great Britain. Washington responded to the challenge by sending Charles Cotesworth Pinckney to Paris to seek an accommodation. Three days after he took office, President Adams learned not only that the Directory, the French government, had refused to accept Pinckney but that French depredations against American commerce were occurring on the high seas. President Adams had a full-blown crisis on his hands. He quickly summoned his cabinet to discuss the appropriate response.

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Konferenzberichte zum Thema "Great Britain vs"

Martinez-Sanz, Inmaculada, Balarko Chaudhuri, Adria Junyent-Ferre, Vincenzo Trovato und Goran Strbac. „Distributed vs. concentrated rapid frequency response provision in future great britain system“. In 2016 IEEE Power and Energy Society General Meeting (PESGM). IEEE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/pesgm.2016.7741970.

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Hassan, S. M., K. A. Ling und J. W. S. Longhurst. „Local air quality management process in Great Britain in its second round of review and assessment: efficiency vs. effectiveness“. In AIR POLLUTION 2006. Southampton, UK: WIT Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.2495/air06019.

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Hoffman, Danie, Tebogo Hellen Ngele und Benita Zulch. „Contrasting the profiles of Female vs Male quantity surveyors in South Africa“. In 14th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2023). AHFE International, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1003906.

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Quantity surveying in South Africa is a well-established professional discipline providing consulting services to the construction industry. The continued prosperity of a professional discipline such as quantity surveying is closely linked to sound management and efficient strategic leadership. The leaders and managers of the profession require accurate and up-to-date information on the profile of their members to integrate that information into future strategies and planning.Young democracies and developing countries such as South Africa often have demographics and financial industries, including the construction industry, that are much more dynamic than first-world countries such as the United States or Great Britain. Local government upliftment policies such as black economic empowerment changed the economic landscape. The membership profile of the quantity surveying profession is also seeing rapid change, presenting additional management challenges. A profession with a stable profile is easy to manage using past knowledge of membership makeup and preferences. However, a changing membership may cause strategies based on the knowledge of 5 to 10 years ago to be found wanting today.The recent COVID-19 pandemic disrupted economies and industries and did not spare the construction industry or the quantity surveying profession. During this time, the South African Association of Quantity Surveyors (ASAQS), assisted by the University of Pretoria, analysed the profile of its members employing a questionnaire forwarded to all ASAQS members on the database. This data confirmed significant changes to the age and racial makeup of the profession. However, the changed gender profile was amongst the study’s most significant findings. In the past, the typical South African quantity surveyor was a middle age to older male of European descent. This study will contrast the older members of the profession against the more recent entrants by comparing the profile of female members to that of male members. The analysis will include age, race, locational spread, academic qualifications, nationality, registration status with the Council of South African Quantity Surveyors, and length of the current employment term to provide a reasonably detailed comparison of the gender profile of quantity surveyors in South Africa.The above information will be valuable to the Association of South African Quantity Surveyors and to the management of quantity surveying firms and institutions such as universities that offer accredited academic programmes to train quantity surveyors. The findings can also be shared with quantity surveying professionals across international borders to compare against the profiles of their millennial cohorts of quantity surveyors.

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