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Dissertationen zum Thema „Government relations“

Autor: Grafiati

Veröffentlicht am 4. Juni 2021

Zuletzt aktualisiert am 30. Juli 2024

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1

Castelli, Joelle Wiley. „Government Public Relations: A Quantitative Assessment of Government Public Relations Practitioner Roles and Public Relations Model Usage“. [Tampa, Fla.] : University of South Florida, 2007. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0002006.

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2

Houssainy, W. O. „Public relations practice in Saudi government departments“. Thesis, University of Salford, 1987. http://usir.salford.ac.uk/26718/.

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Over the last five years, Saudi Arabia has been facing a major challenge, as recent events in the world oil market have led to a significant decline in oil income. This situation has thrown the government's budget and the balance of payment into deficit, and the only way out of the dilemma is to cut back on expenditure. Fortunately enough, the government has by now completed its infrastructure and expensive and versatile development projects have now started to yield some income. According to some western analysts (e.g. Pratt, 1985) "the current recession may be a blessing in disguise"; one of the aspects of this blessing can be that the government has not to turn to the help that can be offered by public relations for explaining the new policies that have to be adopted, and for seeking the co-operation of the general public for the success of its on-going development plans. A study of the practice of public relations in the Saudi government organizations has, therefore, been considered useful at this time. The organizations have set up their public relations departments presumably to undertake public relations programmes.

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3

Wong, Cham-Li, und 黃湛利. „Government-business relations in Hong Kong, 1945-1993“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31235396.

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4

Khan, Taj Moharram. „Central-local government relations in Pakistan since 1979“. Thesis, University of Leeds, 1996. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/272/.

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This thesis explores the pattern of relationship of local government institutions in Pakistan with the higher level of governments, particularly with the provincial governments, under whose jurisdictional purview they fall. Pakistan is a federation where the provinces are empowered to legislate on various aspects of the working of local councils. Despite being a provincial subject, the influence of the central government under both the military and civilian regimes has also been immense. To analyse this, field work was undertaken in two provinces of Pakistan (the Punjab and the N-W. F. P). In each a district was selected (Gujrat and Mardan respectively) and the working of their municipalities and district councils were studied in the context of the impact of party-politics, the administrative control exercised, and the implications of financial decisions taken by the higher levels of government. Part one of the thesis describes the origin and development of local government in the South Asian sub-continent, particularly an analysis of the initiatives taken for their growth by military and civilian regimes during the years preceding independence. Part two consists of the case studies of four local councils and an analysis of the provincial-local government relations under the present Local Government Ordinance of 1979 introduced by General Mohammad Zia-ul Haque. Part three reflects the concerns and recommendations of experts and those involved in the working of local government in Pakistan. The conclusions drawn from the thesis material show that, though local government institutions have been operating in an environment of political expediency and without assistance from the general political cultural background, they have been able to make positive contributions to the development of democracy and to the provision of local services for the general welfare of the people. Local government in Pakistan has suffered from gaps between theory and practice, public statements and practical realities, and a pervasive political context which has neglected the development of services. There has been a tendency to proclaim the virtues of local government in theory and to make promises to support local institutions but in practice to do much less and to continue with practices which do not enable local government and its services to flourish. The clearest exemplification of this is that periods of martial law, where democracy at a national level has been imperilled, have seen the positive encouragement of local government and local democracy as a means of gaining popular support for the regime. In contrast, in periods of democratic central government, local institutions have proved to be obstacles to central authority, and they have been neglected or abused in favour of a more bureaucratic mode of governing. Both military and civilian rulers have manipulated local institutions for their own benefit. The outcome has been that the relationship between centre and provinces and the provinces and the local institutions has never been balanced or fully articulated. At the local level, as illustrated in the case studies, the consequences has been a lower level of civic amenity than is either desirable or what local persons know is practicable with a more stable institutional base. The past record of the cases studied shows that, despite the impact of local and national politics, real progress had been made in services and in developing local democracy

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5

Hamalai, Ladi. „Government-business relations and economic liberalisation in Nigeria“. Thesis, University of Sussex, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.332789.

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6

Wong, Cham-Li. „Government-business relations in Hong Kong, 1945-1993 /“. Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1996. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B17312012.

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7

Vasilevskaya, Marina. „The phenomenon of federalism division of authorities, intrastate stability, and international behavior /“. Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2008.

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8

Fairbanks, Jenille. „Transparency in the Government Communication Process: The Perspective of Government Communicators“. Diss., CLICK HERE for online access, 2005. http://contentdm.lib.byu.edu/ETD/image/etd1139.pdf.

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9

Voight, Lisa Marie. „Transforming government| An exploration of labor management partnership in the government sector“. Thesis, Pepperdine University, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10139068.

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This case study explored the use of Labor Management Partnerships in the government sector through the Partnership to Achieve Comprehensive Equity (PACE), a partnership between Metro, a division of King County government and Amalgamated Transit Union, Local 587 (ATU). The study examined the partnership’s influence on organizational outcomes and the manner in which the partnership functioned and sustained itself, as well as the challenges and obstacles that threatened both the partnership and outcomes. Two key findings emerged from this study. First, partnerships are supported by flexible structures and practices that foster relationship-building through dialogue and co-learning. Second, partnerships must confront contextual challenges, such as changes in leadership and organizational resistance that threaten their viability. As this case study illustrates, it is the community’s ability to establish strong and dynamic relationships that ensures members are respected, empowered, and engaged in the partnership’s outcomes.

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10

Jordan, Janis. „Towards co-operative relations between district and local municipalities“. Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2006. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_3631_1205414819.

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The political context that prompted the formation of district municipalities in the present form can be summarized as follows: before 1994, there were a few sporadic Regional Services Councils and Joint Services Boards responsible mainly for bulk service provision in rural areas. In many rural areas, the acute imbalances in personal wealth, physical infrastructure and the provision of services were most patent. Provinces decided which of the local government models best suited their province. Consequently, it was possible for the institutions of local government to differ from province to province and there would be a two-tier system of local councils and region-wide district councils throughout non-metropolitan South Africa. The aim of this study was two-fold. FIrst to analyze the key causes of conflict that arise within the two-tiered system. Second, to determine whether district intergovernmental forums will be able to address the key causes of conflict identifies and assist in making the relationship between district and local municipalities more co-operative.

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11

Fleming, Jenny, und n/a. „New Governments in Queensland: Industrial Relations, 1957-1961, 1989-1990“. Griffith University. School of Humanities, 1998. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20051109.142157.

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This thesis sets out to examine the capacity of new governments to influence partisan-based policy and legislation. It examines two newly elected Queensland governments - the Nicklin Country-Liberal government in 1957- 1961 and the Goss Labor government in 1989- 1990 and analyses the introduction by those governments of major industrial relations legislative reform. The Nicklin Coalition government was elected to the Queensland parliament in 1957 after the collapse of the Gair Labor government. The Coalition was committed to extensive industrial relations legislative reform but had not prepared for, or anticipated the constitutional, administrative and legal problems associated with such reform. Nor had it taken into account the concessions that would need to be made to the state's trade unions in order to effect its reforms. Consequently it was not until 1961 that it found the time was propitious for the introduction of its major legislative reforms and the restructuring of the state's principal industrial relations legislation. By contrast, in 1989 the Goss government elected as a consequence of the National Party's collapse in the face of the Fitzgerald Inquiry of 1987 had prepared itself for government. As a result it was able to take advantage of its newly elected status and the existence of the Hanger Report (1988) to introduce its legislative intentions quickly, in such a way that it did not alienate the business community. Preparation and circumstances therefore allowed Labor to repeal earlier legislation supported by business and introduce its own changes with little or no opposition. The thesis concludes that their political and economic inheritance and the existing policy environment will in varying degrees limit new governments. But their ability to introduce partisan-based legislative change quickly is also determined by the degree of preparation for the process of government, undertaken prior to their election. This thesis demonstrates that new governments can make a difference and effect changes to the industrial relations environment. However if this potential is to be realised and new governments are to take advantage of their newly elected status it will require a significant degree of administrative preparation or a considerable period of acclimatisation to the rigours of office.

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12

Fleming, Jenny. „New Governments in Queensland: Industrial Relations, 1957-1961, 1989-1990“. Thesis, Griffith University, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/365316.

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This thesis sets out to examine the capacity of new governments to influence partisan-based policy and legislation. It examines two newly elected Queensland governments - the Nicklin Country-Liberal government in 1957- 1961 and the Goss Labor government in 1989- 1990 and analyses the introduction by those governments of major industrial relations legislative reform. The Nicklin Coalition government was elected to the Queensland parliament in 1957 after the collapse of the Gair Labor government. The Coalition was committed to extensive industrial relations legislative reform but had not prepared for, or anticipated the constitutional, administrative and legal problems associated with such reform. Nor had it taken into account the concessions that would need to be made to the state's trade unions in order to effect its reforms. Consequently it was not until 1961 that it found the time was propitious for the introduction of its major legislative reforms and the restructuring of the state's principal industrial relations legislation. By contrast, in 1989 the Goss government elected as a consequence of the National Party's collapse in the face of the Fitzgerald Inquiry of 1987 had prepared itself for government. As a result it was able to take advantage of its newly elected status and the existence of the Hanger Report (1988) to introduce its legislative intentions quickly, in such a way that it did not alienate the business community. Preparation and circumstances therefore allowed Labor to repeal earlier legislation supported by business and introduce its own changes with little or no opposition. The thesis concludes that their political and economic inheritance and the existing policy environment will in varying degrees limit new governments. But their ability to introduce partisan-based legislative change quickly is also determined by the degree of preparation for the process of government, undertaken prior to their election. This thesis demonstrates that new governments can make a difference and effect changes to the industrial relations environment. However if this potential is to be realised and new governments are to take advantage of their newly elected status it will require a significant degree of administrative preparation or a considerable period of acclimatisation to the rigours of office.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Humanities
Arts, Education and Law
Full Text

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13

Mateshvili, Maia Dougall Elizabeth. „Government public relations in the nation-building of Georgia“. Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,1830.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Dec. 11, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Mass Communication in the School of Journalism and Mass Communication." Discipline: Journalism and Mass Communication; Department/School: Journalism and Mass Communication, School of.

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14

Duckenfield, Paul. „Cabinet Government and the 1956 Suez Crisis“. W&M ScholarWorks, 1995. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625989.

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15

Ferguson, William Alexander Stewart. „Scottish-Irish governmental relations, 1660-90“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283971.

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16

McMenamin, Kevin Iain. „The 'soft state' : business-government relations in post-communist Poland“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3044/.

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I define modes of business-government relations by the actor, which represents business. In the association state, business associations are dominant. In the company state, the firm directly represents itself. In the party state, access to the political system is mediated by parties, with which businesses must identify themselves. In the soft state, the personal connections of businesspeople are the dominant channel of influence. The existing literature on business-government very rarely acknowledges that each mode forms part of the environment of business- government relations for the other modes. Of the four modes, by far the least attention has been given to personalism. I find the association state to be weak because large numbers of small firms, weak trade unions and the sectoral configuration of Polish business present few incentives for the formation of business associations. The company state is usually associated with foreign and state enterprises. Foreign direct investment has been relatively modest in Poland. When state enterprises directly engage with the state, they tend to do so, not as businesses, but in alliance with trade unions. The party state is undermined by the high governmental turnover in Poland. It makes no sense for business to commit itself to parties, which are only temporary rulers. The soft state is found to be the dominant form of business-government relations. The sources of personalism are partially hidden behind complex personal histories. However, involvement in youth organisations is a powerful predictor of the level of personal connections to politicians amongst the business elite. Fundamental, and unlikely, changes to political competition and economic structure are necessary for Poland to become an association or a party state. In contrast, foreign ownership is increasing and state ownership is decreasing and transforming itself. Some of the conditions for personalism are also being undermined. In the future, instead of being a soft state, permeated by personal interests, Polish business government relations may move towards the company state.

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17

Leung, Lai-sheung, und 梁麗嫦. „Comparing government: big business relations in South Korea and Taiwan“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1997. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31951417.

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18

Pes, Luca Giuseppe. „Building political relations : cooperation, segmentation and government in Bancoumana (Mali)“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2011. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/346/.

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A stable and peaceful country by West African standards, Mali uneasily fits the paradigm of a ‘failed state.’ While government and development agencies tend to interpret Mali’s stability as the outcome of successful institutional reform, foreign scholars and local intellectuals emphasise the power of enduring traditions and their adaptation to changing conditions in Malian society. Critically assessing both views, this dissertation explores political relations and practices in post-colonial Mali in a rural locality of Mande, the region south-west of the capital Bamako. The work draws on 18 months of field research in the rural municipality of Bancoumana to document an intensely mediated form of government resulting from the dynamic process of grouping and of building cooperative relations in everyday social life. I examine how projects broadly intended to deepen state control such as the ‘framing’ of resident and migrant populations by the state, the betterment of the land, the recognition and the registration of ‘traditional’ rights, among other practices of bureaucratic ‘fixing’ are dealt with in the locality. The analysis links their history to processes of fission and fusion of social groups, where the interventions may exacerbate tensions or, instead, create solidarity among different village factions. Thus, the practices and processes of government in the locality are able to successfully fill the gap between the state and other agencies, and society. Contributing to the anthropological tradition studying law, politics and the state in Africa, the dissertation links recent trends in the anthropology of the state, and of more specific regulatory domains such as land development and taxation, to a reanalysis of the traditional chestnut of the anthropology of West Africa, a ‘segmentary style’ of social organization.

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19

Opoku, Darko Kwabena. „The politics of government-business relations in Ghana, 1982-2000“. Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.416780.

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20

KoÌˆsecik, Muhammet. „Central-local government relations in the Thatcher years (1979-1990)“. Thesis, University of Leeds, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390968.

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21

Phipps, Mike. „Relations between government and trades unions in Nicaragua, 1979-86“. Thesis, University of Essex, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.328373.

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22

Rossi, Margherita. „Government-trade union relations and Europeanisation in Hungary 1990-2000“. Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.275168.

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23

Gannon, Philip Richard. „Anglo-American defence relations and the government of Gordon Brown“. Thesis, Durham University, 2015. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/10986/.

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This thesis intends to promote two key original contributions to the field of International Relations. One element of this thesis is to engage the body of work on Anglo-American relations with a set of International Relations theories in order to develop the understandings of the concept of the Special Relationship. By using the work of Alliance Theory and the English School’s notion of International Society, this thesis presents a lucid model for analysing Britain and America’s security partnerships. With this model in place, this thesis explores one of the most recent periods of the relationship by investigating the government of Gordon Brown. This thesis uses this International Relations theoretical approach to explore Anglo-American relations in the Brown period by investigating the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. These conflicts were representative of the UK-US partnership and went through significant developments in the period between 2007 and 2010. In the case of Iraq, the Brown period saw the end of British combat operations and responsibility for parts of the country being handed back to the Iraqis. While these developments took place, attention returned to the war in Afghanistan and this period saw the emergence of serious problems in the conduct of the war. In this thesis, both of these conflicts are inspected by examining corresponding themes to demonstrate the working relationship between Britain and America. Equipment matters, troop power, military strategy and alliance relations are the four main grounds in which the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan are investigated to determine the success of the Anglo-American partnership under Gordon Brown. The findings of this thesis suggest that the Brown period saw the beginning of the deconstruction of the UK-US alliance as the goals of the alliance had failed to be achieved. Largely due to the British military’s inability to conduct both wars simultaneously to the standard needed for success, her credibility as a reliable partner to the US was diminished. Brown himself was criticised for limiting the capabilities of the armed forces to operate effectively. However, Brown remained a strong supporter of the US in the War on Terror and did aim to provide important contributions to the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan. Despite the failings of the alliance the theoretical approach to understanding the Special Relationship has proven to be an effective way to examine the nature of British and American interaction.

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24

Leung, Lai-sheung. „Comparing government : big business relations in South Korea and Taiwan /“. Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1997. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B18736646.

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25

Zhu, Kejia. „Guanxi with government officials in China's private sector /“. View abstract or full-text, 2006. http://library.ust.hk/cgi/db/thesis.pl?SOSC%202006%20ZHU.

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26

Vincent, Jeremy. „Relations between central government and voluntary organisations in Scotland and England“. Thesis, London South Bank University, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.618672.

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27

Williams, Brad. „Hokkaido-Sakhalin subnational government relations : opportunities and limits of kankyo seibi“. Monash University, School of Languages, Cultures and Linguistics, 2003. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/5751.

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28

Sailuenam, Kasem. „Business-government relations and income distribution in Chile post-military rule“. Thesis, University of Essex, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.446018.

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29

Carmichael, Paul. „Central-local government relations in the 1980s : Glasgow and Liverpool compared“. Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.262030.

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30

McLaughlin, Andrew Martin. „Governing the motor industry : analysing public policy and government-industry relations“. Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.288717.

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31

Al-Shamari, Sulaiman Gaza. „Government-press relations : a comparative study of Syria, Jordan and Kuwait“. Thesis, University of Leicester, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/34663.

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This study attempts to determine the effect of foreign policy on the freedom of the press through analysing newspapers from three Middle Eastern countries (Syria, Jordan and Kuwait) to test hypotheses regarding the direction and trends in the coverage of the two superpowers (The United States of America and the Soviet Union). The coverage was examined in the light of trends in Syrian, Jordanian and Kuwaiti foreign policies towards the United States of America and the Soviet Union. This study is trying to assess any correlation between foreign policy and the freedom of the press, and to look at internal factors (press and publication law) which might influence both foreign policy and press. This study found out that the meaning of freedom of the press is shaped by political and economic factors. There are clear differences in the definitions and implications of freedom of the press between journalists in Syria and in the other two countries (Jordan and Kuwait). This analysis leads us to the conclusion that the Syrian, Jordanian and Kuwaiti press and publication laws share one major characteristic that is the laws of these countries are more restrictive than protective. The ideals in the three countries constitutions which guarantee freedom of the press are one thing and practices are another.

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32

Geldenhuys, Abie J. „Actions for local government excellence in intergovernmental relations in South Africa“. Interim : Interdisciplinary Journal, Vol 4, Issue 2: Central University of Technology, Free State, Bloemfontein, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/11462/437.

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Published Article
The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (Act 108 of 1996) and conclusive Acts analysed in this article reflects the process of local government democratization in South Africa. In this milieu, the importance of intergovernmental relations in South Africa as a determining factor in the democratization process is evident. It is further argued that the operational activities flowing from these Acts directly shape the success of intergovernmental relations. This article therefore investigates the decisive influence operational activities have on intergovernmental relations. The local government integrated development plan (IDP) in general and the specific assessment process in particular serves as an example in this research of the influence of these activities on intergovernmental relations. This article then identifies appropriate actions and examines the contribution of important role players and government institutions to promote and facilitate intergovernmental relations in South Africa in this challenging environment. The research finally focuses on the involvement of other external institutions, specifically the Intergovernmental Institute of South Africa (IGISA), and the endeavour to support the promotion and facilitation of excellence in intergovernmental relations in South Africa.

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33

Choi, Ho-Taek. „Central-local government fiscal relations in South Korea the impact of central government grants on local authorities' finance /“. Thesis, Boston Spa, U.K. : British Library Document Supply Centre, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.311609.

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34

Tang, Jihua. „Britain and the Peking Government 1926-1928“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.388289.

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35

Charette, Monik. „Some constraints on governing relations in phonology“. Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=75950.

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In this thesis I investigate the crucial role played by government in phonology in explaining various processes such as epenthesis, vowel deletion, vowel harmony, consonant assimilation, as well as the syllabification of skeletal points along with their segments into constituents, and the organization of these constituents in the word. It is argued that all these phonological processes are determined by governing relations units contract with each other.
Given that government applies in phonology defining the constraints under which it operates is an integral part of such a research program. The aim of this thesis then, is to analyze different phonological processes in terms of government and to determine what the relevant constraints are. The processes that are considered involve governing relations between nuclei that are adjacent at the level of nuclear projection. I show that in considering branching constituents as governing domains, government within such domains is subject to a special constraint, viz. the Minimality Condition that has been proposed by Chomsky (1986). In addition I demonstrate that only the immediate projection of a given head counts as a barrier to government from the outside.
Another proposal of this thesis concerns the treatment of the alternations between schwa and zero in French in terms of a relation of proper government. From such a perspective, I show that an empty nucleus is realized as zero when it is properly governed by a following nucleus. Proper government is a stronger case of government and is subject to certain additional conditions. Among them are the following: the proper governor must have phonetic content and subject to parametric variation, it can only properly govern one empty governee.

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36

Pang, Bing-hung Patrick. „An evaluation of the staff consultative machinery in the Hong Kong civil service“. [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1992. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B13236386.

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37

Tuite, Leah Simone. „Public relations in a "jolted" political environment an exploratory study of boundary-spanning government relations professionals in Maryland /“. College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/3716.

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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2006.
Thesis research directed by: Communication. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.

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38

Mak, Suk-kuen Florence. „Staff relations in the Regional Services Department : a case study of workers' participation in experience-sharing workshops /“. [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1993. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B13552995.

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39

van, Zyl Jacqualine Frances. „Technological change and the effectiveness of domestic government agencies and international organisations. How does technological change impact the effectiveness and benign political character of domestic government agencies and international organisations?“ Master's thesis, Faculty of Humanities, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/33096.

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Studies examining the relationship between technological advancements and politics demonstrate that this relationship remains closely connected. Numerous research efforts have focused on unpacking and further understanding this relationship to develop a better idea on the ways in which technology has acted as a motor of history, driving the transformation of factors such as class structures, ideas and institutions across the globe. This research is guided by an understanding and acknowledgement of the political nature of technological development. In highlighting this link, a valuable foundation for understanding this relationship is achieved, which is necessary when seeking to explore the ways in which innovative technologies influence the effectiveness and benign political character of domestic government agencies and international organisations. In order to ensure that an evaluation of the ways in which innovative technologies can impact the effectiveness and benign political character of domestic government agencies and international organisations is undertaken, this research is focused on firstly unpacking the relationship between technological advancement and politics through the use of a comprehensive literature review. It remains imperative to note that the study on the relationship between technological advancement and politics is incredibly broad. As such, for the purposes of this research emphasis will be placed on dealing with a small and focused aspect of this relationship, namely the impact of technological advancements on the effectiveness and benign political character of domestic government agencies and international organisations. Through examining the work of scholars that have undertaken research focused on technological advancements and the impacts this has on politics and vice versa, a holistic understanding on the topic is achieved. Key arguments presented by scholars such as Feenberg, Ganne, Kamel and Sussman will be studied to ensure a rich vein of knowledge on the complex relationship of technology and politics is developed. Once this understanding has been established, an examination into two key schools of thought, namely technology as a tool of control or domination, and technology as a benign instrumental force are studied to highlight the main arguments presented by scholars that have studied the topic over decades. In order to ensure that an in-depth analysis is achieved, the positive and negative impacts of technological advancements on politics will be explored through assessing arguments presented by scholars that are focused on understanding the ways in which politics and technology are related. An examination into the ways in which innovative technologies can be leveraged to enhance the operations and benign political character of domestic government agencies and international organisations will be undertaken. For the purposes of this research, blockchain technology has been selected as the innovative technology to be studied in relation to how domestic government agencies and international organisations can harness the opportunities presented by the technology. As such, an in-depth explanation into blockchain technology will be presented as well as a discussion pertaining to the opportunities and challenges associated with this technology. When examining the opportunities presented by blockchain technology two key features, namely improved transparency as well as efficient and cost-effective international payments will be discussed. With regards to the challenges associated with the use of blockchain technology, issues such as infrastructural infancy, limited organisational capacities, data privacy concerns and issues of governance will be outlined and discussed. This will ensure that an in-depth understanding into blockchain technology and its uses is demonstrated, which in turn contributes to a sound understanding when analysing the selected case studies used in this research. Once an understanding of the relationship between technological advancements and politics, as well as blockchain technology and its uses is established an analysis of the four selected case studies can be undertaken and effectively comprehended. For the purposes of this research, a case study methodology has been selected in terms of the focus on the use of blockchain technology. This is an area of study in which there has been much academic research conducted, but there are few analytically powerful theories that can help us understand recent technological changes. The potential impact of contemporary technological innovations, such as Blockchain, remains poorly understood. This study will use exploratory case studies to identify key processes and questions for further study, including concerning how the notions of “effectiveness” and “benign character” might be clarified and operationalised in further studies. A multi-case study approach has been taken in relation to the selection of examples included as case studies. These cases have been chosen both from the operations of domestic agencies and from the operations of international organisations in order to shed preliminary light on the differences between the domestic and international spheres of political and administrative activity. In order to begin to assess the ways in which innovative technologies influence the operations and benign political character of domestic government agencies and international organisations, four key case studies have been selected to be included in this research. An assessment into the “e-Estonia” case study, where essential services and information flows were significantly improved as a result of the digitalisation of services made possible due to effective collaborations between by public and private sectors will be discussed as the first key case study. Secondly, an examination into the South African Reserve Bank's “Project Khokha” will demonstrate the opportunities and benefits associated with intentional research and exploration into the use of innovative technologies to enhance operations of domestic government departments. The e-Estonia and “Project Khokha” case studies are included in this research as they demonstrate the ways in which domestic government agencies have explored the use of technology to enhance their operations, while also highlighting key lessons learnt in the implementation of these projects. An assessment of the World Food Programme's “Building Blocks” initiative, will demonstrate the value of the exploration of innovative technologies such as blockchain for international organisations. This initiative demonstrates the ability of blockchain-based solutions to enhance operations and the distribution of aid for international organisations such as the World Food Programme. Finally, the UNICEF's Venture Fund has been included as a case study in this research to explore and demonstrate the ways in which disruptive technologies can be harnessed for positive change on a global scale. Through the use of the case studies listed above, the research will explore how and whether opportunities and potential are presented by innovative technologies such as blockchain for both domestic government agencies and international organisations. This research will also seek to understand barriers that currently exist when looking to implement blockchain-based solutions across the globe, how these limitations can be understood, and whether they are likely to be overcome with increased knowledge of the technology, and greater contributions by scholars interested in understanding the ways in which domestic government agencies and international organisations can enhance their operations through embracing innovative technologies.

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Heery, Edmund James. „Performance-related pay in local government : a case study of industrial relations“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.244541.

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41

Jaeger-Calderon, Abdon Rodrigo. „Multinational corporations and government relations : the oil industry in Ecuador, 1972-1979“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.273960.

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42

Lahiri, Indrani. „Unlikely bedfellows? : the media and government relations in West Bengal (1977-2011)“. Thesis, University of Stirling, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/20410.

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This thesis examines the relationship between the Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led Left Front Government and the media in the provincial state of West Bengal, India, during the thirty four years (1977-2011) period when the party was in government. The main aim of the thesis is to investigate the relation between the CPI (M) led Left Front Government and the media in West Bengal (1977-2011), the role of the media in stabilising or destabilising the Left Front Government, the impact of neoliberalism on the Left Front Government and their relation with the media, the role of the media in communicating developmental policies of the LFG to the public and finally the role which the mainstream and the party controlled media played in the public sphere. These questions are addressed through document research of CPI (M)’s congress and conference reports, manifestos, press releases, pamphlets, leaflets, booklets; and interviews with the CPI (M) leadership and the Editors and Bureau Chiefs of the key newspapers and television channels in West Bengal. The findings are contextualised within a broader discussion of the political and historical transitions India and West Bengal have gone through in this period (chapter 4). This is the first study looking at the relationship between the media and the CPI (M) led Left Front Government over a period of thirty four years (1977-2011). The thesis finds that neoliberalism in India had considerable effects on the CPI (M), the media and their relationship. The research finds a continuous effort from the mainstream and the party-controlled media to dominate the public sphere leading debates in order to seek some form of political consensus in order to govern. The media in West Bengal were politically divided between the left and the opposition. The research finds that this generated a market for political advertisements and political news contributing to a politically polarised media market in West Bengal that assisted in generating revenue for the media. The findings also suggest that the media contributed to rather than played a determining role in destabilising the Left Front Government. Finally the research finds that the CPI (M) had an arduous relation with the media since 1977 when the party decided to participate in the parliamentary democracy. The LFG and the mainstream media entered into an antagonistic relationship post 1991 contributing to a politically polarised media market in West Bengal.

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Hosea, Marilyn A. „Worlds Connected and Worlds Apart: Postures and Dependencies Influencing Government-Agency Relations“. Case Western Reserve University Doctor of Management / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=casedm1568628518748704.

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Frank, Jonas. „Decentralization in Ecuador actors, institutions, and incentives /“. Baden-Baden [Germany] : Nomos, 2007. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/154685356.html.

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Hagen, David 1962. „So many agendas : federal-provincial relations in the ethnic policy field in Quebec“. Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23333.

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The government of Quebec has officially opposed federal multicultural policy since 1971. Although the provincial response to multiculturalism, now widely known as interculturalisme, began to take shape as of the early 1980s, ethnic minorities in the province continue to be served by distinct federal and provincial bureaucracies. Despite this, federal-provincial relations over ethnic policy in Quebec remain little studied. Provincial rhetoric and many theoretical writings on intergovernmental relations in Canada together give rise to expectations of competition or conflict. However, some specialists in the field warn against overlooking collaboration. In fact, original research undertaken to explore federal-provincial relations in this sensitive policy area produced evidence of collaboration between federal and provincial officials despite divergences of opinion both political and theoretical. In addition, a certain degree of complementarity was noted in federal and provincial funding of ethnocultural and community groups.

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Grant, Susannah, und n/a. „God's governor : George Grey and racial amalgamation in New Zealand 1845-1853“. University of Otago. Department of History, 2005. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070501.133119.

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The legend of Governor Grey is a major feature of nineteenth century New Zealand historiography. This thesis seeks to understand Grey as a real person. Acknowledging the past as a strange and foreign place, it argues that Grey (and previous interpretations of him) can only be understood in context. The intellectual milieu of liberal Anglicanism and Victorian structures of imperial authority are crucial to understanding Grey's policies of racial amalgamation. Focusing on Grey's first governorship of New Zealand, 1845 - 1853, this thesis begins by exploring the imperial networks within which he operated. The members of Grey's web gathered and shared information to further a range of different agendas - scientific, humanitarian, and political. Grey's main focus was native civilisation. His ideas about race were informed by liberal Anglican theology, scientific investigation and personal experience. Grey believed in the unity and improvability of all mankind. His mission as governor was to elevate natives to a state of true equality with Europeans so that all could progress together still further up the scale of civilisation. This model formed the basis of Grey's 1840 plan for civilising native peoples, in which he proposed a range of measures to promote racial amalgamation in Australia. Between 1845 and 1853 Grey implemented those measures in New Zealand. He used military force and British law to establish peace and enforce Crown authority. He used economic policies to encourage Maori integration in the colonial economy. He built schools and hospitals and enacted legislation to encourage the best features of British culture and limit the effects of its worst. He also augmented his power and encouraged amalgamation through personal relationships, official reports and the structures of colonial authority. Grey was driven by complex, sometimes contradictory motives including personal gain, economic imperatives and political pressures. His policies have had ongoing, often devastating effects, on Maori and on race relations in New Zealand. This thesis brings to light the ideas and attitudes which formed them. Grey understood himself as a Christian governor ordained to civilise Maori and join them with British settlers in accordance with God's divine plan for improving humankind.

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BOLLEYER, Nicole. „Internal government dynamics and the nature of intergovernmental relations : constraints and corridors of organizational adaptation in federal systems“. Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7039.

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Defence date: 7 May 2007
Examining Board: Prof. Tanja A. Börzel (Free University of Berlin) ; Prof. Adrienne Héritier (European University Institute) ; Prof. Peter Mair (European University Institute) ; Prof. Alberta Sbragia (University of Pittsburgh)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Over the past decades, governments have increasingly been confronted with problems that transcend their boundaries. A multitude of policy fields are affected, including environment, trade and security. Responding to the challenges triggered by Europeanization and globalization, governments increasingly interact across different spheres of authority. Both theoretically and empirically, the puzzle of institutional choice reflected by the variety of arrangements in which intergovernmental cooperation takes place inside individual countries and across their borders remains surprisingly under-explored. In an attempt to solve this puzzle, the dissertation tackles the following questions: Why are the intergovernmental arrangements governments set up to deal with boundary-crossing problems so different? To what extent do these institutional differences affect the effectiveness of intergovernmental cooperation? To address this gap theoretically and empirically, this book adopts a deductive, rationalist approach to institution-building. It argues that internal politics, the type of executive-legislative relations within the interacting governments, explains the nature of institutions set up to channel intergovernmental processes: while power-sharing governments engage in institution-building, power-concentrating governments avoid it. It also shows that these institutional choices matter for the output of intergovernmental cooperation. The approach is applied to Canada, Switzerland, the United States, and finally the European Union. Disaggregating individual government units, the theoretical approach reveals how intragovernmental micro-incentives drive macro-dynamics and thereby addresses the neglect of horizontal dynamics in multilevel systems. The willingness and capacity of lower-level governments to solve collective problems on their own and to oppose central encroachment are crucial to understand the power distribution in different systems and their long-term evolutions.

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Chen, Shining Sheue Yun. „State-press relations in Taiwan : the shifting boundaries of control“. Thesis, University of Stirling, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2187.

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In order for democracy to perform as it should, the press must provide citizens with a diverse range of information. The democratic process is enhanced, if the press is independent of both the state and the market. A study of the issues in state-press relations and how these relations may prevent the press from performing its democratic function, lies at the centre of this work. In an authoritarian society in transition such as Taiwan, where the press is subjected to state control, these issues are of central importance. This study aims to examine the democratic relationship between the press and politics in Taiwan and its relevance to the democratic process. It focuses on three areas: (1) what is the nature of state control over the press, (2) how have the boundaries of control shifted as the state is faced with a more vigorous civil society influenced by the development of the democratic movement as well as the growing role of market forces, and (3) to what extent the press has played a role in the development of Taiwanese democracy. A multi-method research design is set out in an attempt to understand the changing political and economic role of the press. Intensive library research and a detailed content analysis of administrative records were conducted in order to examine the mechanisms of press control exercised by the party-state over both the mainstream and alternative media. Moreover, an ethnographic approach is used to enable a study of state-press relations which focuses on the reporting of politics. We conclude that the confrontation between the partystate and civil society has altered the close links between the Nationalist Party, the Kuo Min Tang (KMT) and the press. The transformation of state-press relations marks a change from direct control by the party-state to a form of market censorship, with the party-state manipulation of the press shifting from regulation and censorship to news management. In the years before the rule of martial law, the party-state exercised power over the press by means of its licensing of newspapers, giving financial support to the press industry, and seducing proprietors through the provision of political and economic favours. By the late 1980s, the strategies of public relations had become important for a party-state which was undermined by an increasingly aware populace and was faced with a less manageable press. Finally, we suggest that unless newspaper barons are willing to distance themselves from the party-state and divert power to journalists; and the journalists are willing to rely on professional judgement and to energetically pursue facts, the press will exercise little impact on making the party-state more accountable to the public during Taiwan's transition to a democratic society.

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Ellis, Sylvia Ann. „Anglo-American relations and the Vietnam War, 1964-8“. Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/280.

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It is over thirty years since the U. S. became embroiled in the Vietnam war. Only recently, however, have scholars begun to assess how that involvement in South East Asia affected America's relations with other countries. This thesis examines the impact of the Vietnam war on the relationship between the United States and one of its key allies, Great Britain, during the height of the conflict. It assesses how far Vietnam was a factor in the cooling of transatlantic relations during the mid to late 1960s. Scholars have long noted the decline in importance of Anglo-American relations during the 1960s. It is the contention of this thesis that the Johnson administration's preoccupation with events in South East Asia made the inevitable loosening of ties between the two countries strained and uncomfortable. Although it was not the only problematic issue troubling Anglo-American relations during this period, Vietnam was the one area where there was clear and open conflict. Whereas tensions over sterling and the decision by the British Government to remove its troops from East of Suez prompted feelings of disappointment, sadness and frustration, Vietnam provoked disagreement, misunderstandings, annoyance and accusations of betrayal. At the beginning of their period in office, the British Labour Government desired a `closer' relationship with the United States but by 1968 it was apparent that the Johnson Administration was not amenable to this. This was partly because Britain was now, just one of a number of close allies in Europe; partly because the American President did not develop a personal friendship with the British Prime Minister; but also because the Vietnam conflict had proved an issue - important enough and emotive enough - to cause open and deep disagreement between the two countries.

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Tremblay, Jean-François. „Analyse structurale des relations de pouvoir entre acteurs, le cas des Atikamekw, des Montagnais et des gouvernements“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ51273.pdf.

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