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1
Nikolenyi, Csaba. „Party politics in a non-western democracy : a test of competing theories of party system change, government formation and government stability in India“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ48684.pdf.
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2
Telford, Hamish. „Federalism in multinational societies : Switzerland, Canada, and India in comparative perspective“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0016/NQ46433.pdf.
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3
Borooah, Vidya. „Implementation across national boundaries : implementing the Government of India Act, 1935“. n.p, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/.
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4
Moëd, Madeleine. „The political department and the retraction of paramountcy in India 1935-1947“. Thesis, Rhodes University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001855.
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The Political Department and the Indian Political Service stand accused of sins of omission and commission. The evidence suggests that they were badly hampered by ill-conceived training prodecures, a lack of manpower and above all the incoherent policy of the British government towards the Indian states. The failure of the 1935 Federation Act which formally established the Political Department was not due to princely intransigence inspired by political officers. Between 1935 and 1947 the Political Department embarked on a vigorous programme of combining the resources of the smaller states to strengthen them as viable partners in a new India. Their lack of success in effecting the federation of the states with India in 1947 was not a result of the disinclination of political officers to implement reform as much as their inability to do so. Many princes were also unwilling to sacrifice a measure of sovereignty for efficient government and paramountcy precluded forcing internal reform on the princes. Paramountcy was never clearly defined and thus its retraction in 1947 took place amidst confusion and misunderstanding on all sides. The Indian Political Service was always treated as secondary to the Indian Civil Service and the states to British India. Britain's emphasis on constitutional change in British India, reflected in the Cripps Mission of 1942, the Cabinet Mission of 1946 and the rush towards independence in 1947 resulted in her inattention to the Political Department and the princes which culminated in the abandonment of both in 1947.
5
Mili. „Conceptions of teachers' knowledge : contested perspectives from government schools in India“. Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2014. http://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/conceptions-of-teachers-knowledge-contested-perspectives-from-government-schools-in-india(d4cf13e8-6315-4ac3-a947-93351b8169d2).html.
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Conceptions of what teachers need to know have a bearing on classroom practice, governance and policy. In India, the question of what teachers need to know at elementary school level plays an important but largely implicit role in efforts to improve educational quality and professionalise school teaching. This study examines the conceptions of teachers' knowledge as uderstood and used by teachers to teach geography, and as articulated in teachers' occupational context in government schools. Focusing on subject knowledge and pedagogical content knowledge, the thesis examines how these conceptions relate to the notion of teaching as an activity, within the distinctions of craft, technique and profession. Adopting a qualitative approach and employing ethnographic techniques over eight months of fieldwork in four government schools, I observed the classroom teaching of six teachers and held interviews with them to understand the meaning and conceptions they hold regarding subject knowledge and pedagogical content knowledge. To situate teachers' conceptions within their occupational context, I also undertook participant observation, studied trainings and teacher meetings, and interviewed educational officials at different levels of the education system (local, district and regional state). The findings suggest that conceptions of teachers' knowledge are generally circumscribed and limited to knowledge of the textbook they are supposed to teach. Teachers' own perspectives and practices differ depending on whether pr not they have a qualification (graduate and above) in the subject they teach- a difference that is ignored in recruitment and deployment policies, due to which most teachers teach subjects they have only studied up to grade X. Teachers. education officials, and policy documents do not generally recognise a space or need for subject-specific forms of pedagogical knowledge in grades VI, VII and VIII. The emphasis lies on teaching techniques that ostensibly originate from child pedagogy.
6
Borooah, V. „Implementation across national boundaries : implementing the Government of India Act 1935“. Thesis, Open University, 1986. http://oro.open.ac.uk/56920/.
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This thesis examines decisions made in one country and implemented in another. Implementation of such decisions is explored principally by means of a case study of implementation, namely implementation of the Government of India Act, 1935, passed by the British Parliament that year. The first chapter shows, that decision-making literature, in the field of international relations, has concentrated on the process by which decisions are arrived at, while implementation of such decisions has been largely neglected. Where implementation has been dealt with in the literature, it can be organised in terms of two models. A third model of implementation which describes better the implementation process, and a number of propositions about implementation derived from the existing literature are put forward. The model and propositions are tested against the case study. The method adopted is one of using case studies to build theory. The implementation of three decisions within the 1935 Act is examined; the first dealt with division of revenues between the centre and the provinces; the second, the grant of autonomy to the provinces; and the third, the establishment of an all-India federation to include both, the princely states and the provinces of British India. The model and the propositions guide the analysis of the case studies, though these are not rigidly structured in order to allow the idiosyncratic aspects of each case to be taken into account. The period having been thoroughly examined by historians, mainly secondary sources were used, though some primary material, not fully examined by historians till now, was used in the first case study. The first two decisions were implemented, while the third was not, and a comparison between the three cases is made in the concluding chapter. The chapter examines the evidence for the model and for the propositions that was found in the case studies. Comparison of the three cases enables conclusions to be drawn about factors that are conducive to successful implementation, and those that are antithetical to implementation.
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Brombacher, Markus Wolfram. „India, political development and legitimacy : a modern state in a traditional society /“. Thesis, This resource online, 1988. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-04272010-020330/.
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8
Purushotham, Sunil. „Sovereignty, violence, and the making of the postcolonial state in India 1946-52“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648623.
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9
Arora, Jagdish, und Pawan Agrawal. „Indian Digital Library in Engineering Science and Technology (INDEST) Consortium: Consortia-Based Subscription to Electronic Resources for Technical Education System in India: A Government of India Initiative“. Information and Library Network Centre, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/105608.
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The Ministry of Human Resource Development (MHRD) has set-up a â Consortia-based Subscription to Electronic Resources for Technical Education System in Indiaâ on the recommendations made by the Expert Group appointed by the ministry. The consortium is named as the Indian National Digital Library in Science and Technology (INDEST) Consortium. The INDEST Consortium has commenced its operation since Dec., 2002 through its headquarters at the IIT Delhi. The Consortium subscribes to full-text electronic resources and bibliographic databases for 38 leading engineering and technological institutions in India including IITs (7), IISc (1), NITs / RECs (17), IIMs (6) and a few other institutions directly funded by the Ministry of Human Resource Development (MHRD). While the expenditure on electronic resources proposed for subscription under the consortium for these 38 institutions are being met from the funds made available by the MHRD, the consortium being an open-ended proposition, welcomes all other institutions to join it on their own for sharing benefits it offers in terms of highly discounted subscription rates and better terms of agreement with the publishers. Moreover, beneficiary institutions may also subscribe to additional electronic resources through the consortium that are not being funded by the MHRD. This article introduces the INDEST Consortium, its activities and services.
10
Harrison, Deborah. „Children's participation in local government : the Makkala Panchayats of Kundapur, southern India“. Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2015. https://ueaeprints.uea.ac.uk/53456/.
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The United Nations’ 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child, is the most fundamental potentiality to affect children’s lives for the better, through the dynamic relationship between its provisions for child participation, protection and the best interests of the child. I investigate how the Convention is being implemented in Kundapur, in southern India. The makkala panchayat initiative has established children’s councils that parallel the rural (adult) village councils which operate under the decentralizing Panchayati Raj system of local government in Karnataka State. The initiative is the innovation of Bangalore-based NGO, The Concerned for Working Children (“CWC”). Through a methodology informed by grounded theory, ethnography and the sociology of childhood, I report the opinions of the children elected to the makkala panchayats, how the makkala panchayats impact their lives and whether the Convention’s provisions are being integrated into the makkala panchayats. I examine the context in which the Convention is being operationalized, the conceptualizations of children and childhood with particular consideration being given to postmodern social constructionism, childhood and The Child. The thesis divides into six themes related to the children of the makkala panchayats: loss; burden; risk; competency; homogeneity; and authenticity. An examination is made in the role of the NGO, in its capacities as facilitor and research gatekeeper. I find the children do benefit from their participation, in both material and developmental terms, and I find drawbacks. From my findings, I offer suggestions for further avenues of research.
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Allbrook, Malcolm. „'Imperial Family': The Prinseps, Empire and Colonial Government in India and Australia“. Thesis, Griffith University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366264.
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On February 13th 2008, newly elected Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd stood before the House of Representatives to move that Parliament apologise to the '‘stolen generations'’, the colloquial term for Aboriginal people from all parts of the country who as children had been forcibly removed from their homes and families and placed in state-run institutions or missions. Rudd'’s motion was one of his earliest acts as Prime Minister and earned widespread support. His predecessor John Howard had vigorously opposed a government apology on the grounds that current generations were not responsible for the policies of the past, and so carried no burden of guilt that warranted an apology...Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Centre for Public Cultures and Ideas
Full Text
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Yahya, Faizal. „Decentralising economic development in India and the emergence of growth centres“. Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1999. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/27693.
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Since the demise of its principal trading partner, the Soviet Union, at the end of the Cold War in 1989, India has been grappling with immense changes that have befallen its economy. In addition, the domestic financial crisis of 1991, the
decrease in Overseas Development Assistance and the Gulf War of 1991 added pressure for India to reform and liberalise its economy. The mixed command
economic model that India had been sustaining for over four decades since
independence in 1947 had left it trailing behind the dynamic economies of East and Southeast Asia. Searching for answers to improve its economic performance and development, India began to turn to the East and Southeast Asian economies for answers and lessons. However, the Developmental State Model (DSM), as adopted by the East Asian countries, was inappropriate for the Indian economy because the DSM was conceived in a different environment to that in India and also did not make provision for intra-state regional development as what was
emerging in India. Similarly, the Growth Triangle Model (GTM) that was first mooted to explain regional tripartite development among Southeast Asian
countries also could not explain fully the Indian case. Using the emerging trade linkages and economic cooperation between India and Singapore, a new model of economic development termed a Growth Centre Model (GCM) was
established. Unlike the GTM, the GCM covers regional economic development between countries not in geographical congruity. The viability of the GCM is
shown in Singapore's flagship investment project, the Bangalore IT Park in the state of Karnataka in India. The thesis will demonstrate that the Growth Centre Model will be a more viable model to explain India's unique situation.
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SINGH, ADITYA VIKRAM SINGH. „CRYPTOCURRENCIES: GROWTH & CHALLENGES IN INDIA“. Thesis, DELHI TECHNOLOGICAL UNIVERSITY, 2021. http://dspace.dtu.ac.in:8080/jspui/handle/repository/18334.
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With the rapid development of information and information technology, many activities in our
daily life can be integrated online, making it easier and more efficient. The significant increase in
the number of online users has led to the concept of visual terms and the creation of a new
business entity called cryptocurrency, making it easier to conduct financial transactions such as
buying, selling and trading. Cryptocurrency is a valuable and invisible electronic tool for a wide
variety of applications and networks, including online social networks, online social games,
virtual worlds and peer-to-peer networks. In recent years, obvious costs have spread to various
programs. This paper examines the expectations of cryptocurrency users for the future. It
examines users' reliance on cryptocurrency when virtual currency is fully controlled and out of
control. Furthermore, the paper seeks to determine the prevalence of cryptocurrency use to
provide a clear picture with an active perspective. The magazine also examines how 21 different
countries have reacted to cryptocurrency in terms of policies and regulations to create a clearer
picture of its impact on the regulation of various laws in India.
14
Watkins, Kevin. „India : colonialism, nationalism and perceptions of development“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670394.
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15
Dubey, Sunil. „Government Ownership Matters for Social Good: Governance and management of government property assets in Commonwealth Countries - Australia and India“. Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/17132.
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“There is hardly a section of the community that doesn’t in one breath protest undying hostility to the Government Interference and, the next, pray for it” Sir Robert Menzies With unprecedented urban growth, rising urban population and socio economic shifts, the importance of government owned property asset is becoming fundamental to the delivery of basic urban services to the citizenry. This tangible public asset is an integral part of social capital, investment and social good. There is a growing apprehension that developed and developing countries are fast divesting their government property assets to fund infrastructure, hence compromising on delivery of basic urban services. The governments throughout the world are the largest owners of real property assets. Governments at all levels own, manage and control more property assets than many multinationals, landowners and large corporations put together. These real properties form major part of asset portfolios for the governments at all levels but quite often these public assets are seen as ‘liabilities’ due to lack of good governance, transparency and absence of long term property asset management plans. The lack of governance and inadequate management frameworks of government property assets inversely relates to public accountability and administrative risks, including public services degradation, fiscal, economic, environmental, legislative and social losses. These outcomes conversely effect the perceived notion of social good, hence challenges the investment of social capital in the property assets. The growing trend towards outsourcing or selling of government property assets has caused more administrative complexities, lowering of basic urban services and lack of accountabilities due to substantial gaps between governance and management of these property assets. This research analyses trends, policies and practices linking governance of government owned property assets and asset management frameworks. It critically evaluates the essential public policy frameworks and drivers of urban services which are reliant on government ownership of property assets. The research focuses on testing the assertion ‘The better the governance – the better the management’ in government owned property assets through international practices and applied reforms. The assertion leads to efficient and sustainable management of public assets, thus creating greater value of ‘social return’ by way of investing public funds as ‘social capital’. The history of government property assets, major public property reforms, property asset policies, recent learnings from private sector experiences and international case studies from local government property assets are analysed to develop a conceptual governance framework. Using ‘circles methodology’ for evaluations and benchmarking of government property assets, the research develops key governance, social good, management and exchange indicators for local government property assets in commonwealth countries. The ‘circles methodology’ further assists in developing ‘comparative evaluations’ between selected cities from Australia and India, identifying key policy gaps, public participation, delivery management of basic urban services, strengths and weaknesses of public administrations. This leads to a conceptual city to city learning frameworks that can be established to address the immediate and important need of managing government property assets to deliver better urban services to citizenry in commonwealth countries. The research applies the lenses of ‘clouds of trust’ to further validate that ‘city to city’ learning enables the most effective and advanced environments for learning public management of government property assets at local government levels. It further concludes that substantial lack of open data, absence of property management plans, transparencies and unregulated reforms are adversely affecting the ownerships of government property assets at local government levels, thus requires further research in strengthening the empirical knowledge about government ownerships, their usage to the citizenry and effective returns to the urban societies. In conclusion, this thesis uses the international practices, available public data, case studies and conceptual learning frameworks to endeavour to bring effective public ownership, transparency, long term social good and longevity to the most desirable asset owned by the public – government property assets. ‘Honest disagreement is often a good sign of progress’ Mahatma Gandhi
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Sundaram, Chandar S. (Chandar Sekharan). „The Indian National Army : a preliminary study of its formation and campaigns“. Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63369.
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17
Shourie, Shiva. „Land Grabbing : Media discourses on land acquisition in India and by India“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-345986.
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To this day, land is a source of survival for billions of people around the globe. However, industrialization and the rush for natural resources has immensely commodified land. As colonialization in the past was based on the violent and forceful confiscation of lands, modern day colonialism called as neo-colonialism, operates by the domination of powerful countries over less-developed countries through economic or political influence and control. Hence, land stealing popularly known as land grabbing, in modern times is done most of the times by the native governments themselves for the national and international capitalists by adopting the strategy of neo-liberalism which in simpler terms, supports privatization by allowing freedom of trade, capital and investments. Land grabbing over the last couple of years has come under utmost scrutiny as it has impacted millions of rural people in Asia and Africa. Nonetheless, this study does not aim to examine the phenomenon of land grabbing itself rather focuses on exploring how two countries- India and Ethiopia, affected by land grabbing are presented by the media. A total number of twenty-five news articles are analysed by using discourse analysis as the method, and discourse, ideology and postcolonial theory as the theoretical framework. The results drawn from the articles showed that the media presented the issue in a bold manner by unveiling the darker side of the governments and capitalism. The study served the purpose as well as the aim of comprehending the media´s understanding of the phenomenon and the entities involved in it.
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Baloch, Bilal Ali. „Crisis, credibility, and corruption : how ideas and institutions shape government behaviour in India“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a017adea-7dc4-45a2-9246-4df6adcabb9b.
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Anti-corruption movements play a vital role in democratic development. From the American Gilded Age to global demonstrations in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, these movements seek to combat malfeasance in government and improve accountability. While this collective action remains a constant, how government elites perceive and respond to such agitation, varies. My dissertation tackles this puzzle head-on: Why do some democratic governments respond more tolerantly than others to anti-corruption movements? To answer this research question, I examine variation across time in two cases within the worldâs largest democracy: India. I compare the Congress Party government's suppressive response to the Jayaprakash Narayan movement in 1975, and the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance governmentâs tolerant response to the India Against Corruption movement in 2012. For developing democracies such as India, comparativist scholarship gives primacy to external, material interests â such as votes and rents â as proximately shaping government behavior. Although these logics explain elite decision-making around elections and the predictability of pork barrel politics, they fall short in explaining government conduct during credibility crises, such as when facing nationwide anti-corruption movements. In such instances of high political uncertainty, I argue, it is the absence or presence of an ideological checks and balance mechanism among decision-making elites in government that shapes suppression or tolerance respectively. This mechanism is produced from the interaction between structure (multi-party coalition) and agency (divergent cognitive frames in positions of authority). In this dissertation, elites analyze the anti-corruption movement and form policy prescriptions based on their frames around social and economic development as well as their concepts of the nation. My research consists of over 110 individual interviews with state elites, including the Prime Minister, cabinet ministers, party leaders, and senior bureaucrats among other officials for the contemporary case; and a broad compilation of private letters, diplomatic cables and reports, and speeches collected from three national archives for the historical study. To my knowledge this is the first data-driven study of Indian politics that precisely demonstrates how ideology acts as a constraint on government behavior in a credibility crisis. On a broader level, my findings contribute to the recently renewed debate in political science as to why democracies sometimes behave illiberally.
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Fisher, Elaine Kirstin. „A comparison of mathematics education in government and private schools in Mahbubnagar, India“. Thesis, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.438031.
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Kumar, B. G. „Poverty and public policy : Government intervention and levels of living in Kerala, India“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.384695.
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Narayan, Rajiv C. „Government-business relations in two emerging economies in Asia : South Korea and India“. Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.392414.
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Theberge, Valerie Bennett. „Government policy and rural-urban migration : a comparative study of India and China /“. Thesis, Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1999. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B21240735.
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Sehrawat, Samiksha. „Medical care for a new capital : hospitals and government policy in colonial Delhi and Haryana, c.1900-1920“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670191.
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Mitra, Mahima. „To take up or not to take up? : government early years services in India and their utilization by working mothers in a Delhi slum“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:581a1e04-e343-422a-a4f0-bb447b67d965.
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This study of early years services in India explores the take-up of the government ICDS (Integrated Child Development Services Scheme) and RGNCS (Rajiv Gandhi National Crèche Scheme), and the factors affecting their uptake by working mothers in a Delhi slum. Policy cannot assess programme outcomes effectively without understanding how services are implemented. Existing literature indicates that programme impact is related to programme take-up, with non-take-up being a complex phenomenon affected by factors operating at multiple levels of the policy process. The study makes original contributions by examining user perspectives on early childhood education and care (ECEC) in the Indian context; in being the first to research any aspect of the RGNCS; and in utilizing Critical Realism as the underlying philosophical, theoretical and methodological paradigm for studying programme uptake. It poses five research questions that examine mothers' childcare arrangements and needs/expectations from services, their take-up of government programmes and component services, and the combination of factors affecting uptake. Study findings are based on surveys with 200 working mothers and 37 children's centre workers, and interviews with 15 policy experts. Findings reveal childcare arrangements and needs/expectations to vary by family structure, child's age, and mother's age and employment. ICDS uptake is found to be higher (54.3% of all mothers), than RGNCS (18.6%). An explanatory framework for analysing take-up reveals that low take-up results from a combination of multiple factors, most significantly programme characteristics for the ICDS, and participant characteristics for the RGNCS. Two theoretical frameworks frame this analysis - Wolman's (1981) determinants of programme success and failure, and the 'barriers and bridges' to programme uptake. Critical policy analysis further identifies the effects of the policy meaning-making processes, and the role of local 'street-level bureaucrats' in take-up. Both programmes display 'conflicted policy success' vis-à-vis take-up when categorised using McConnell's (2010) criteria for programme 'success' and 'failure'. Policy implications include strategies for increasing programme uptake, and a policy focus upon service users and women in the informal economy, recognition of the dual role of ECEC, and the importance of evidence-creation for interactive governance.
25
Singh, Karandeep. „Sikh Terrorism in India 1984-1990: A Time Series Analysis“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 1991. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279217/.
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In recent times, religion has become a powerful force in giving legitimacy to terrorist actions. The present work considers this highly salient fact, as well as stresses the necessity to consider the historical and social contexts and group power resources in any meaningful analysis of violent protest movements. Quantitative rigor is combined with a sensitivity to context. Terrorism is operationalized by taking a time-based count of terrorist killings of innocent people. Regime acts of omission and commission are coded as time series interventions. The analysis also includes a continuous variable measuring the incidence of economic distress in Punjab. A case is also made for the superiority of Box- Jenkins time series techniques for the quantitative analysis of problems of this nature.
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Gupta, Madhvi. „When democracy is not enough : political freedoms and democratic deepening in Brazil and India“. Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102804.
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The objective of this study is to understand the logic of popular mobilization in Sao Paulo (Brazil) and New Delhi (India) and to explain why subaltern groups use their political freedoms to mobilize on some issues and not on others. More specifically, the study attempts to address a puzzle: Why do the popular sectors not mobilize to make claims for health when the vast majority of the urban poor experience severe health deficits? My contention is that the nature of public discourse determines both the emergence of popular movements and the issues on which they engage in claims-making. Competing ideas about what democracy is and what it ought to be, the meaning of social justice, and the relationship between democracy and social justice, constitute the 'raw materials' around which mobilization frames are created. The empirical evidence presented in this study supports my claim that the nature of public discourse is crucial for democratic deepening from below.Based on extensive field research in low-income communities in Sao Paulo and New Delhi, my study explains the differences and similarities in the political actions of the urban poor. In India, the near-absence of a public discourse on health accounts for the lack of mobilization by subaltern groups to seek improvements in their health situation. In contrast, I find that there has been a tradition of public discourse on health in Brazil since the 1970s when "external actors" such as doctors and progressive Church officials became engaged in social causes and contributed to the emergence of health movements. However, since Brazil's transition to democracy, this public discourse has fractured, becoming more receptive to "new" health issues such as violence, even though "old" health problems continue to persist. While the popular sectors experience the dual burden of "old" and "new" health problems, they are perceived to be the cause of many "new" health hazards like violence rather than its victims. The disengagement of "external actors" from "old" health issues and the widespread perception that the popular sectors are themselves to blame for the "new" health problems has inhibited popular mobilization for health in democratic Brazil.
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Clibbens, Patrick. „The Indian emergency, 1975-77“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283957.
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Choudhary, Vikas. „Crafts producers and intermediation by government, NGOs and private businesses in rural Rajasthan, India“. Related electronic resource:, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1342728731&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=3739&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Kaul, Chandrika. „Press and empire : the London press, government news management and India, circa 1900-1922“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.393134.
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Bedi, Tarini. „Ethnonationalism and the politics of identity : the cases of Punjab and Assam“. Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28244.
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This analysis addresses the relationship between pre-political cultural identity and political outcomes. It posits that the political mobilization of sub-national groups cannot be understood without an examination of the cultural processes of identity formation. The analysis engages cultural discourse and its organization as an explanatory factor in the examination of the variation in ethnic political outcomes. Hence, important questions about ethnonational conflict can be answered by engaging the levels at which identity is constructed and reshaped through cultural discourse. It shifts the arena of analysis from the state to the ethnic groups themselves. The two empirical cases analyzed are that of Sikh nationalism in Punjab and 'ethnic' Assamese nationalism in Assam.
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Mathur, Nayanika. „Paper tiger? : the everyday life of the state in the Indian Himalaya“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608992.
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Möller, Gustavo. „National Intelligence Systems as networks : Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa“. reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/132988.
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Nesse artigo, comparamos, por meio da Análise de Redes, a dimensão institucional dos Sistemas Nacionais de Inteligência. Com base em fontes ostensivas sobre as agências de inteligência, entrevistas com especialistas de cada país e revisão bibliográfica, foi possíel compilar uma base de dados capaz de mapear as relações (arestas) de comunicação e autoridade entre os três tipos de atores coletivos (vértices): organizações governamentais de supervisão e direção, organizações colegiadas de coordenação e agências de inteligência. Por enquanto, a base de dados é composta de informações no formato de matrizes e grafos de 34 países com centenas de dados. Como resultado, estão sendo consuzidos estudos de casos sobre os países, assim como análises comparativas com amostras pequenas. Os estudos comparados estão sendo orientados de acordo com um determiando conjunto de paises ou de variáveis de interesse (centralidade de grau, centralidade de intermediação, centralização de grau e centralização de intermediação). Neste exercício em particular, os resultados obtidos indicam a distribuição de poder e as vulnerabilidades organizacionais no nível de países, permitindo comparações dentro e entre os Sistemas Nacionai de Inteligências do Brasil, Rússia, India, China e África do Sul (BRICS).In this article we compare institutional dimensions of National Intelligence Systems using Network Analysis. Based upon open data on intelligence agencies, interviews with country expert scholars, and bibliographical review, we were able to compile a database allowing the mapping of authority and communication links (edges) between three types of collective actors (nodes), namely intelligence agencies, coordinating bodies, and central government. So far, the database comprises matrix and graph information for thirty-four countries each with hundreds of data points. As a result, case studies on specific countries, as well as small n comparative analyses are being conducted. Comparative studies are driven either by interest in clusters of countries or in variables of interest (degree centrality, betweenness centrality, degree centralization, and betweenness centralization). In this particular exercise, results obtained indicate power distributions and organizational vulnerabilities at country level, allowing for comparisons between and among the national intelligence systems of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS).
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Singh, Upinder. „Kings, Brāhmaṇas, and temples in Orissa : an epigraphic study (300-1147 C.E.)“. Thesis, McGill University, 1990. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=74673.
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Royal endowments to Brahmanas have been interpreted either as a factor of political integration or disintegration in Indian history. Through the first thorough presentation and analysis of the epigraphic data from Orissa, this study argues that the period 300-1147 C.E. was one of intensive state formation and political development in which royal grants played an important integrative role. During this period, Brahmanas, many of whom were ritual specialists associated with the Yajur Veda, emerged as land-holders endowed by royal decree with privileged control over land. Despite the consistent appearance of sectarian affiliations in the royal inscriptions, temples did not benefit from royal patronage on a comparable scale. Until the close of the period under review, it was the gift of land to Brahmanas, not the royally-endowed temple establishment, that was a major basis of royal legitimation and political integration in Orissa.
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Guyot-Réchard, Bérénice Claire Dominique. „Decolonisation and state-making on India's north-east frontier, c. 1943-62“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283938.
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Rodríguez, Alvaro Joseph. „Political bargaining and the Punjab crisis : the Punjab Accord of 1985“. Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28273.
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Since the early 1980's, the Punjab state of India has been in turmoil as a result of a separatist movement that developed among elements of the Sikh community. Political tensions not only characterized the relationship between the Punjab and New Delhi/ but also between Sikhs and Hindus and among different segments within the Sikh community itself. The most important attempt to end the conflict in the state has been the Rajiv Gandhi-Sant Longowal Accord signed on July 24, 1985. However, the Accord failed and by mid-1987 the Punjab was once again racked by political violence. This thesis focuses on the events that led to the signing of the Accord and the forces that caused its demise. Bargaining theory provides the general theoretical framework against which the data are analyzed.
This thesis highlights the fact that political bargains in Third World weakly-institutionalized states are often the result of particular configurations of political power which are short lived.
The corollary of this is that once the configuration of political forces changes, the chances of success for the previously reached political bargain are weakened. In the particular case of the Punjab Accord, there was a change, beginning in late 1985, in the relative political power of the participants in the bargain. Also, the terms of the bargained Accord unleashed forces on both sides which undermined its implementation. Third World leaders should draw two major lessons from this. First, they should be careful not to have exaggerated perceptions of their power since this may be counterproductive in the future if they cannot deliver what they have promised. Second, these leaders should attempt to consult all interests with a stake in the bargained settlement as a way to prevent opposition to it.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Adeney, Katharine Saskia. „Federal formation and consociational stabilisation : the politics of national identity articulation and ethnic conflict regulation in India and Pakistan“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2003. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/428/.
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This thesis is a comparative investigation of how federal institutions accommodated linguistic and religious identities in India and Pakistan. There are three explanatory variables. The first is the history of self-rule for the principalities within South Asia; tracing continuities in territorial autonomy from the Mughals up to independence. The second is the distribution of linguistic and religious identities within the states of India and Pakistan, both at the provincial and national levels. The third is the articulation of a national identity in India and Pakistan. These explanatory variables are not independent of one another; their interaction accounts for the different strategies adopted by India and Pakistan in the formation and stabilisation of their federations. The differences in federal design are calculated according to a scoring system that measures the degree of consociationalism within the federal plans proposed before independence, and the constitutions created after independence. The state-sponsored national identities are distinguished according to their recognition of identities in the public and private spheres. They are further categorised according to the costs for a non-dominant group of being managed by this strategy. The three explanatory variables explain why linguistically homogeneous states were created in India but not in Pakistan. It is argued that this variable explains the stabilisation or otherwise of their federations. It therefore confirms Wilkinson's rebuttal of Lijphart's claim that India under Nehru was consociational. Unlike Wilkinson, it argues that the degrees of consociationalism that emerged since the formation of the constitution have enhanced federal stabilisation within India. It defines federal stabilisation according to continuity in state borders, the number and type of secessionist movements, but more importantly by correlating the effective number of linguistic groups at state level with the effective number of parties in national elections. It concludes that federal accommodation of linguistic groups in homogeneous provinces has enabled the party system to fractionalise in India and Pakistan; an indication of the security of these groups. Where secessionist movements have existed in India and Pakistan, their emergence is explained by the lack of security for a group - defined on either linguistic or alternative criteria.
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Herring, Mathew. „The catalytic role of non government organisations in the prevention of blindness : the case of India /“. Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1998. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ISG/09isgh567.pdf.
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Raha, Shomikho. „Changing 'reason of state' in India? : the Ganga waters dispute, nuclear policy and government-business relations“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.614089.
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Girard-Zdanowska, A. M. „Women and work in irrigated landscapes in rural India“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b426707f-9984-42d3-b193-ab98fd341700.
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In India, the 1992 Reservation Law and the 2006 Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) have formalised women as legitimate actors in rural development. These gender-inclusive policies do not necessarily conform to the traditional domestic role of women, which often precludes them from formally engaging in political processes and labour outside the home. In Northern India, these major policy shifts are illustrated in ancient irrigation management systems. With growing rural outmigration and climatic variability aggravating water resources and food security issues, irrigation management is increasingly dependent on the active participation of women. Yet irrigation management is still widely perceived as a male responsibility. This thesis investigates how women adapt and respond to new institutionally mandated responsibilities and expectations as female leaders and as water users. The research is presented in four complementary papers based on quantitative and qualitative data collected during fieldwork in Delhi and Himachal Pradesh. Three major findings emerged to contribute to theories and evidence of the role of public policies in shaping gendered outcomes for common pool resource management in irrigation system in India. First, gender norms affect women differently depending on their public role in the community. Unlike non-political women, female leaders, as public figures, must secure communal approbation to gain power, credibility, and socio-economic networks. As a result, female leaders shape their political behaviour and policy preferences around local notions of femininity, female morality, and labour-based ideas of expertise. Second, for female water users, gender inclusive policies that legitimise their role as participants in formal political processes and the labour force for irrigation management increase their likelihood to defy gender-based restrictions and engage in formal political processes around irrigation management. Third, providing that formal/legal structures legitimize their actions, women will readily breach gender norms if they are to economically benefit from it. The implication of this research are that policies aimed at providing legal support for women to engage in formal rural development, combined with formalised economic opportunities for women are effective eroding agents of gendered institutions and are catalysts in facilitating the engagement of women in all areas of rural development. Given worldwide concerns over rural development, this study encourages such governmental actions to enable the effective and full engagement of future generations of women in the formal management of common pool resources.
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Frenz, Margret. „Vom Herrscher zum Untertan Spannungsverhältnis zwischen lokaler Herrschaftsstuktur und der Kolonialverwaltung in Malabar zu Beginn der britischen Herrschaft, 1790-1805 /“. Stuttgart : F. Steiner, 2000. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/45257304.html.
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Gazula, Sriharsha, und Anil Kumar Vadali. „Comparison of Public Tender Process between Sweden and India“. Thesis, Blekinge Tekniska Högskola, Sektionen för datavetenskap och kommunikation, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:bth-2477.
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Context. Public procurement is an important factor in procurement of products and services by government organizations. It also helps in protection of corruption by applying the principles of non-discrimination and transparency for procurement of Software products and services along with their distribution and maintenance. As India has its own procurement laws and policies, international bidders who wish to participate in procurement cannot take part in the procurement. Also there is a need to verify how the pragmatic requirements can be used in India to maintain non-discrimination. Due to this it has become a challenge to maintain fairness and transparency in its rules and policies. Objectives. This study mainly investigates the differences between procurement process in India and Sweden. The study also identifies the changes that India should adopt in order to be a member of WTO. Methods. In order to conduct this study, a literature review is used to find the public procurement processes in India and Sweden. This is followed by a case study by conducting interviews with industrial practitioners and to validate the above said process with artifact analysis. Results. The contributions are the differences in procurement process of India when compared to Sweden, which is a member of WTO GPA. Recommendations are made to make India to comply with WTO GPA. Conclusions. The study helped in understanding the procurement process in India and Sweden. From the study it is clear that some rules and regulations in India that are used for procurement process lack transparency and non-discrimination. To avoid this India should make a fair procurement policy which is in compliance with WTO GPA. This makes the global suppliers to participate in the software procurements of India. As a result companies can procure new technologies for their software needs.
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Twum-Boateng, Dickson. „Three essays on financing education : exploring the role of the government and the private sector“. Thesis, Brunel University, 2012. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/8320.
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The role of improved schooling has become controversial because expansion of school investment has not guaranteed improved educational outcomes. This thesis pays attention to why government investments in education have not produced the desire effects of increased educational attainment and higher enrolment rate. We show that the results depend on the methodology. We also provide evidence that the robust association between cognitive skills and economic growth reflects a causal effect of the economic benefits of effective school policy: we find that, countries that improved their cognitive skill, through different facets of school choice, autonomy and accountability over time experienced relative increases in their growth paths. We show that quality of education significantly matter for technological progress and that it is a source of divergence in OECD economies. We also analyse in a dispassionate way, voters influence on public policy especially, that pertaining to public school resource allocation, in one country India we take India because the country’s overall success story hides striking inter- and intra-state variation in literacy rates. There is suggestion that larger districts with more elected legislators and also districts with higher voter turnout benefit from greater allocation of public school resources, which in turn are expected to boost schooling outcomes. In other words, these results highlight the power of democracy in ensuring a better allocation of public school resources in our sample.
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Gupta, Romanshi. „Sanitation, Ek Prem Katha: The Impact of Sanitation on Education in Indian Government Schools“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1260.
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The Total Sanitation Campaign is an initiative launched by the Government of India in 1999 to accelerate sanitation coverage throughout the country. This thesis measures the impact of the Total Sanitation Campaign on education in Indian government schools. I assess whether access to toilets, access to water or access to both toilets and water impact the following parameters of education: literacy, current enrollment in school or completed years of education. Data is sourced from the Indian Human Development Survey (IHDS) 2005, sorted for the nineteen major states in India and aggregated at a district level for each state. The analysis employs two separate probit regression models to assess sanitation facilities’ impact on literacy and current enrollment in school, and a robust linear model to assess sanitation facilities’ impact on completed years of education. The models control for age, sex, caste, religion, household location, household size and household income. The results indicate that sanitation facilities positively impact education based on the age, sex and caste of the sample population. These findings present implications for future policymaking in order to improve access to and participation in education.
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Osman, Newal. „Partition and Punjab politics, 1937-55“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608215.
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Leurs, Robert. „Technology for rural development in India : an exploratory national survey of government and non-government institutions involved in the development and dissemination of 'appropriate' rural technologies“. Thesis, University of Manchester, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.257313.
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Chatterjee, Elizabeth. „Underpowered : electricity policy and the state in India, 1991-2014“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2d97e1ca-b31c-4dc3-a0c8-6352c95280c1.
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How has the Indian state changed with economic liberalization? While many scholars have explored the altered party politics and class basis of the liberalization-era state, few have studied its transforming internal organizational forms and functioning. This thesis aims to provide an empirically grounded answer to this question. To do this it uses the lens of electricity: the sector lies at the heart of contemporary capital accumulation, state power, and distributive politics, and has witnessed almost a quarter-century of institutional reforms since 1991. In the sector, new or reworked organizational forms—such as imported regulatory agencies, corporatized state-owned enterprises, and public-private partnerships—have been grafted onto the older statist system in a process of institutional layering. Favouring state-business collaboration and prioritizing rapid economic growth, this mode of state operation is distinct both from a liberal, market-oriented state and from India’s older state-led mode. It combines state intervention and selective adoption of parts of the Washington Consensus template to produce a reinvented mode of power governance that I term state capitalism 2.0. India’s new state-market hybrid is not a functional alternative to the older models, however. The layered process through which it has emerged means that it is distinctively dysfunctional. Organizations have emerged in an ad hoc fashion, each shaped and reshaped by multiple collective interests, while existing organizations are rarely destroyed. The resulting layered amalgam institutionalizes contradictory state strategies, co-optation by competing interest groups, and a dualistic system of services and subsidies. Consequently the sector’s performance remains poor. As a result, developments in the Indian power sector suggest that the state's 'pro-business' transition has been painful and incomplete. At least in this sector, the Indian state remains simultaneously more indispensable, more ambivalently pro-business, and more chaotic than much theory might suggest.
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Roy, Indrajit. „Capable subjects : power and politics in Eastern India“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:0e1bb214-020e-4f9e-864f-9037c104660d.
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The principal aim of this thesis is to elaborate a politicized reading of Amartya Sen's Capability Approach. It explores how capabilities are augmented through the forging of contentious political subjectivities. In it, I build on the criticism that Sen's framework can be more sensitive to questions of power and politics. Against some of his critics, however, I argue that its 'politicization' must focus analytical attention on politics as the struggle to produce subjects rather than limiting its understanding to negotiations over authority, resources and allocations. I draw on quantitative and qualitative analysis of ethnographic data from rural eastern India to substantiate my argument. The first two chapters outline the contours of the debates and introduce the social, economic and political life of the study localities. Each of the four subsequent chapters elucidates the manner in which the contentious processes through which political subjectivity are forged augments capabilities. In Chapter 3 I advance the case that any discussion on capabilities needs to analyze how subjects interrogate the relations of domination and subordination which they have hitherto been compelled to inhabit. Based on an analysis of the contentions spawned by the Indian Government's National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme, I point to how the notion of cooperative conflict is helpful in understanding these processes. In Chapter 4, I draw attention to the analytic importance that needs to be accorded to 'voice' in order to understand how subjects contest and reconstitute these relationships: I base my analysis on the claims made on elected representatives by different groups of people in respect to 'poverty cards'. This emphasis leads in Chapter 5 to an investigation of the ways in which agonistic exchanges in public spaces augments capabilities: this I do through an examination of two specific disputes involving a variety of local actors. I develop these insights further in Chapter 6 to show how our understanding of the processes through which capabilities may be enhanced gains analytically from an analysis of the manner in which subjects construct their identities. Chapter 7 concludes.
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Guha, Sohini. „Ethnic parties, material politics and the ethnic poor : the Bahujan Samaj Party in North India“. Thesis, McGill University, 2008. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=111337.
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Note:Many studies explore the determinants of support for ethnic parties, and the consequences of such parties for democracy. This dissertation addresses these questions through a study of the Bahujan Samaj Party (B.S.P.) in India's largest state, Uttar Pradesh (U.P.). The BSP is India's only successful lower caste party, and gained greatest support over the last two decades in U.P., which it now rules. The dissertation argues that material benefits, delivered on a programmatic basis, account for the success of the B.S.P., and perhaps other ethnic parties too, among poorer groups.[...]
De nombreuses etudes se penchent sur les facteurs expliquant l’appui citoyen aux parris ethniques ainsi que les consequences d’un tel appui en ce qui a trait a la democratie. Cette these aborde ces questions a u·avers une etude du Parti Bahujan Samaj (PBS) dans le plus grand Etat indien, !’Uttar Pradesh (UP). Le PBS est le seul parti de basses castes ayant connu un succes electoral en Inde, et dirige maintenant l’UP, resultat d’une popularite croissante au cours des deux dernieres decennies. Cette these argumente que les avantages materiels, distribues de facon programmatique, expliquent le succes du PBS, et sans doute celui d’autres parris ethniques representant les couches les plus pauvres de la societe.[...]
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Lahiri, Indrani. „Unlikely bedfellows? : the media and government relations in West Bengal (1977-2011)“. Thesis, University of Stirling, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/20410.
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This thesis examines the relationship between the Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led Left Front Government and the media in the provincial state of West Bengal, India, during the thirty four years (1977-2011) period when the party was in government. The main aim of the thesis is to investigate the relation between the CPI (M) led Left Front Government and the media in West Bengal (1977-2011), the role of the media in stabilising or destabilising the Left Front Government, the impact of neoliberalism on the Left Front Government and their relation with the media, the role of the media in communicating developmental policies of the LFG to the public and finally the role which the mainstream and the party controlled media played in the public sphere. These questions are addressed through document research of CPI (M)’s congress and conference reports, manifestos, press releases, pamphlets, leaflets, booklets; and interviews with the CPI (M) leadership and the Editors and Bureau Chiefs of the key newspapers and television channels in West Bengal. The findings are contextualised within a broader discussion of the political and historical transitions India and West Bengal have gone through in this period (chapter 4). This is the first study looking at the relationship between the media and the CPI (M) led Left Front Government over a period of thirty four years (1977-2011). The thesis finds that neoliberalism in India had considerable effects on the CPI (M), the media and their relationship. The research finds a continuous effort from the mainstream and the party-controlled media to dominate the public sphere leading debates in order to seek some form of political consensus in order to govern. The media in West Bengal were politically divided between the left and the opposition. The research finds that this generated a market for political advertisements and political news contributing to a politically polarised media market in West Bengal that assisted in generating revenue for the media. The findings also suggest that the media contributed to rather than played a determining role in destabilising the Left Front Government. Finally the research finds that the CPI (M) had an arduous relation with the media since 1977 when the party decided to participate in the parliamentary democracy. The LFG and the mainstream media entered into an antagonistic relationship post 1991 contributing to a politically polarised media market in West Bengal.
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Pandit, Aishwarya. „From United Provinces to Uttar Pradesh : heartland politics 1947-70“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709289.
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