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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Gorkhaland“

Autor: Grafiati

Veröffentlicht am 18. Mai 2024

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1

Khawas, Vimal. „The Project of Gorkhaland“. Social Change 39, Nr. 3 (September 2009): 435–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004908570903900307.

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2

Besky, Sarah. „The Land in Gorkhaland“. Environmental Humanities 9, Nr. 1 (Mai 2017): 18–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/22011919-3829118.

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3

Das, Tapan Kr. „From Mayel Lyang to Gorkhaland“. Contemporary Voice of Dalit 3, Nr. 2 (Juli 2010): 227–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974354520100207.

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4

Yu, Ren, Qianyi Wang und Kee Cheok Cheong. „More than Tea - Environmental Decay, Administrative Isolation and the Struggle for Identity in Darjeeling“. Malaysian Journal of Economic Studies 59, Nr. 1 (14.06.2022): 115–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/mjes.vol59no1.6.

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The victim of both geographical, historical and administrative isolation, Darjeeling owed its growth to tea cultivation in the hills by migrants from neighbouring Nepal collectively called Gorkhas. Their contributions notwithstanding, they felt discriminated by West Bengal’s residents to whose state they were administratively attached. Poverty and poor working conditions, with no voice in the tea estates, and poorly maintained infrastructure that brought frequent landslides have fuelled demands for “Gorkhaland”, a homeland separate from West Bengal, where the distinctiveness of their identity and their role as Indian citizens would be fully recognised. It did not help that the Darjeeling district had been administratively detached from the political mainstream. Periodic agitations against the state government have weakened local institutions, disrupted the local economy impacting adversely tea production and tourism on which the local economy and the Gorkhas depend. The West Bengal government had partly recognised Gorkha demands by establishing the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council and the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA) each vested with limited autonomy. But disagreements on autonomy have left the Gorkhaland issue unresolved. In the meantime, Darjeeling continues to experience gradual decay, absent adequate support from the West Bengal government and from Darjeeling’s local government, including the GTA itself.

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5

Bishokarma, Miriam. „Die Bedeutung imaginativer Geographien im Kampf um „Gorkhaland““. PERIPHERIE – Politik • Ökonomie • Kultur 32, Nr. 126-127 (08.08.2012): 295–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/peripherie.v32i126-127.22824.

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6

Rumba, Pratik. „Land Question, Ethnicity and the Gorkhaland Movement: The Political Economy Perspective“. Journal of Exclusion Studies 7, Nr. 2 (2017): 244. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2231-4555.2017.00019.5.

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7

Chhetri, Sharda. „Connect to Conspire: Scope of Social Media in Gorkhaland Statehood Movement“. Media Watch 5, Nr. 1 (Januar 2014): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0976091120140104.

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8

Ganguly, Rajat. „Poverty, Malgovernance and Ethnopolitical Mobilization: Gorkha Nationalism and the Gorkhaland Agitation in India“. Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 11, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2005): 467–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537110500379286.

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9

Chhetri, Nilamber. „Gendered Frames of Mobilization: Differential Participation of Women in Ethno-politics of Darjeeling“. Indian Journal of Gender Studies 28, Nr. 1 (22.01.2021): 46–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971521520974846.

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While issues related to collective mobilizations have recently attracted considerable attention, little has been done to explore and explain the differential rate of participation of women in different forms of mobilization. While addressing the issues of gender within the charred ethno-politics of Darjeeling, this article will analyse women’s participation in two successive waves of Gorkhaland movements, followed by the recent mobilization for recognition as scheduled tribes. In this regard, the article will highlight how the overt use of violence, followed by the response of the state, contributes significantly towards differential participation in ethnic movements. Looking at the changing ethno-politics of the Darjeeling hills, the article argues that the gender difference within social movements is produced through anchoring frames which use cultural cues to structure the repertoire of the movement.

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10

Sen, Debarati. „Subnational Enterprise: Militarized Mothering, Women’s Entrepreneurial Labour and Generational Dynamics in the Gorkhaland Struggle“. Journal of South Asian Development 15, Nr. 3 (Dezember 2020): 316–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973174120987094.

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This article posits that gendered militarized labour, women’s everyday entrepreneurialism and political mobilizations around subnational autonomy are intricately linked. To understand the relationship between these entities, one needs to zero in on the generational dynamics of women’s collective engagement in upholding the martial identity of Gorkhas, and the consequences of such preoccupation on the legibility of Gorkha subjects vis-à-vis the Indian state. To locate the specificity of women’s collective engagements with Gorkhaland, I propose a de-essentialized intersectional perspective in drawing up my framework of ‘subnational enterprise’. I draw from Black Feminist scholarship on the nuances of mothering and community work, strains of Feminist International Relations perspectives that attend to the invisibility of gendered labour in situations of conflict, and the emerging feminist work on entrepreneurialism which emphasize its socio-psychological aspects. My framework of subnational enterprise draws on 16 years of longitudinal ethnographic work in urban and rural areas of Darjeeling, and in this piece, I draw on life history interviews as well as unstructured interviews with men and women in Darjeeling. I advocate for grounded explorations of the relationship between militarization, discourses of belonging and gender identity to explain how right and left agendas jostle within a regional autonomy movement.

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11

Sharma, Dr Gopal. „Crisis of Good Governance and Autonomy Movement: From Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council to Gorkhaland Territorial Administration“. Paripex - Indian Journal Of Research 3, Nr. 5 (15.01.2012): 207–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.15373/22501991/may2014/63.

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12

Das, Manoj Kumar, und Barun Roy. „Invoking Myths in Conflict Reporting: Evidences from Gorkhaland Agitation in India“. Critical Arts, 23.07.2023, 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02560046.2023.2230252.

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13

Tamang, Sangay, und Ngamjahao Kipgen. „‘Land’ as a site of contestation: Empire, identity, and belonging in the Darjeeling Himalayas“. Ethnicities, 13.05.2022, 146879682211014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14687968221101400.

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As the dominant narratives of ethnicity have been centered on the issues of ethnic identity and nationalism as a form of pre-given category, the invocation of ‘land’ remains marginal to ethnic politics. Many studies on the politics of ethnic homelands in South Asia has further marginalized the notion of ‘land’ in the study of ethnicity and nationalism and overemphasized ethnic identity as a dominant approach to understand the relationship between state and society. However, land is fundamental to ethnic claims for belongingness in a previously colonized society where indigenous land policy has been reconfigured by the intrusion of British colonialism—took away native land for private interest and subsequently remodified land and citizenship criteria. This article examines an ethnic demand for a homeland in the Darjeeling Hills by bringing to the fore the discussion on land contestation, linguistic politics, and regional aspiration for belongingness. The movement for Gorkhaland in Darjeeling Hills has been articulated as a demand for recognition of Gorkha as Indian citizenship and reflects a distinct attachment of Gorkha to land. Although there has been very little discussion on the issue of land in the demand for Gorkhaland and focused solely on ethnic identity and the development of the Nepali language, we argue in this article that the ethnic movement in Darjeeling has its genesis in the contention of ethnic differences in control over land, resources, and identity, and it is land that has historically framed the politics of ethnicity in the region. Therefore, ‘land is identity’ and must be viewed as a fundamental unit of analysis in ethnic politics.

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14

GILL, Shahzad Ali, Saba Javaid, Muhammad Hamid Murtza, Sarfraz Batool und Sidra Jamil. „Conflictology and Role of State Institutions in Federalism: A Study on Gorkhaland and Balochistan“. Journal of Management Practices, Humanities and Social Sciences 5, Nr. 2 (2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.33152/jmphss-5.2.5.

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15

Sarkar, Swatahsiddha. „Autonomy, Self-Rule and Community in Darjeeling Hills: A Review of Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA)“. SSRN Electronic Journal, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2038225.

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16

Saha, Biswanath, und Gorky Chakraborty. „Geopolitical Imperatives in the Eastern Himalayas: Situating the Hills of Darjeeling“. Millennial Asia, 01.11.2020, 097639962095817. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0976399620958173.

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Scholarly discourses involving the peripheral regions often look through the binary lenses of ‘identity’ and ‘development’, which are then ascribed as the root causes, leading to the emergence of political movements in these regions. Analogies emanating from such visions entrapped solely on development deficit fall short in dealing with the interplay and intersections of history, geography and politics related to such regions. The analysis concerning the Gorkhaland Movement also seems to be trapped within such an explanatory binary of ‘identity’ and ‘development’. This article attempts to situate the hills of Darjeeling, where the movement is located, into a less discussed framework of geopolitics that not only politicizes the geographies of the Eastern Himalayas but also historicizes the communities and their aspirations as a response to the manoeuvrings by the concerned states. Within such a framework, we shall also discuss how the colonial geopolitics of migration, henceforth, has been succinctly carried forward by the post-colonial state in shaping its notions related to the hills of Darjeeling.

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17

Katawal, Ubaraj. „Colonial Modernity and the Image of the Gorkhaland Movement in Kiran Desai's The Inheritance of Loss“. Critical Humanities 1, Nr. 2 (26.05.2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.33470/2836-3140.1013.

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18

Lepcha, Lasang. „Varied Aspirations and ‘Development’: Three Spaces of Kurseong“. Journal of South Asian Development, 04.11.2022, 097317412211259. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09731741221125989.

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This paper investigates three different spaces, that is, the bazaar (town), comman (plantations) and busty (rural areas) within Kurseong, a small town in the Darjeeling hills, India. Based on informal conversations and interviews, the paper shows how ‘aspirations’ of the dwellers of these spaces are shaped and produced in fundamentally different ways. By tracing these differences, the paper argues that aspirations have a direct connection with the organization of space on the ground. The primary objective of this exercise is not merely to point out that there are such internal differences in this town but to locate ‘aspirations’ within a set of larger processes. For instance, we show how varying aspirations of the people in these three spaces are connected by their political demand for carving out this region from West Bengal to form a separate state of ‘Gorkhaland’ within the Indian union, and consequently to projects of ‘development’ and a boom in tourism. Such larger processes significantly intersect with life aspirations of the people and take on very different forms in these three spaces.

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19

-, Bhumika Rai. „Rural Decentralisation Amid the Political Instability: a Case Study of Gorkhaland Territorial Administration Region of West Bengal“. International Journal For Multidisciplinary Research 5, Nr. 4 (08.07.2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.36948/ijfmr.2023.v05i04.4229.

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The 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendment acts, established Panchayat Raj Institutions in India through which it formed the panchayats and municipalities and the elected local governments under it. It devolved the local governments more powers and responsibilities. The Constitution mandates the panchayats and municipalities in the grassroot level be elected every five years and States are required to delegate tasks and responsibilities to them through legislation. However, in Darjeeling Hills since the violent Gorkhaland crises of 1982-88 and the founding of the autonomous body Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC) in 1988 for the economic, social, cultural and educational advancement of the people of Darjeeling hills, the three tier Panchayat system has lost its relevance. From then onwards, the decentralisation of power in the Darjeeling hill area has been curtailed. The case of decentralisation in rural Darjeeling hills is distinct from that in other parts of the country and even within the state. People at the grassroots level no longer participate in Panchayat elections. There is a bigger loophole in the decentralisation setup in the village level of Darjeeling hills. Right now under GTA, the two tier Panchayat election is going to be conduct in the Hills. The study focuses on the nature of decentralisation in Darjeeling hills how the historical practice of decentralisation is practiced, the existing nature and will try to answer how will it shape if the two tier election is conducted in the near future.

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20

Sharma, Samir. „1950 India–Nepal Treaty of Peace and Friendship and Regional Mobilisations in Eastern India“. India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs, 24.02.2023, 097492842211471. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09749284221147180.

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Regional demands for statehood in India have had an aspiration towards a ‘nationalisation’ of their issues in the hopes of accommodation. In the case of the Gorkhaland movement for separate statehood in northern West Bengal, the competition among regional forces to occupy and share a ‘national political space’ from the ‘margins’ has fuelled the increasing employment of debates regarding international treaty obligations. While there are numerous factors that are the causes of regional political mobilisation, the demand for the abrogation of Article VII of the India–Nepal Treaty of Peace and Friendship (1950) has nevertheless remained as one of its central themes. This symbolises an accentuation in the anxieties of citizenship and belonging to the nation. Examining these amid the important issues relating to unsuccessful invocations from Nepal for a Brihat Nepal (Greater Nepal), and the constitution of the Eminent Persons Group (EPG) for India–Nepal relations, the article concludes that there will not be any radical change in the status quo of India’s international treaty obligations with Nepal despite repeated demands by regional actors in India. This is indicated in an elusive ‘permanent political solution’ declared by the ruling party in India as a response to the regional political mobilisation that will possibly depart from the debates that invoke and demand transformations to India’s treaty obligations with Nepal.

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21

Mukhia, Anmol. „Identity and elites in developmental politics: a case study of the “Gorkha” and “Gorkhaland” movements in the eastern parts of India“. Politics, Groups, and Identities, 20.06.2023, 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2023.2224761.

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22

Sircar, Sushmita. „Military cosmopolitanism and romantic indigeneity: Crafting claims to statehood in Kiran Desai’s The Inheritance of Loss and Easterine Kire’s Bitter Wormwood“. Journal of Commonwealth Literature, 29.01.2020, 002198941989730. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021989419897306.

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The world wars definitively changed the relations with the state of the peoples of India’s northeastern frontier. The wars were both fought on their terrain (with the invasion of the Japanese army) and led to the recruitment of people from the region to serve in the British Army. The contemporary Anglophone Indian novel documents the lingering effects of this militarization in the many insurgencies that have fragmented the region in the postcolonial era. Kiran Desai’s The Inheritance of Loss (2006) depicts the Gorkhaland uprising of the 1980s in the Kalimpong district of West Bengal, which demanded a separate state, while Easterine Kire’s Bitter Wormwood (2011) describes the Naga peoples’ traditional way of life against the backdrop of attempts to declare independence from the Indian state. In this article I argue that these novels capture how these secessionist movements use the experience of the world wars to craft a political identity based on military brotherhood to claim independence from the Indian state. These movements thus undertake a complex reworking of the valences of the figure of the “soldier”, central to so many accounts of national integrity. At the same time, reproducing the nationalist logic of the Indian state, these novels more readily recognize an “indigenous” identity based on a claim to the land as the political basis of nationhood. Hence, these novels about secessionist struggles reveal how certain narratives of nation formation become the only legitimate means for making claims for political rights and independent statehood over the course of the twentieth century.

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