Zeitschriftenartikel: „Germany Jews in Pinne“

1

Silbermann, Alphons, und Herbert Sallen. „Jews in germany today“. Society 32, Nr. 4 (Mai 1995): 53–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02693324.

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2

Kaplan, M. „Unter Uns: Jews Socialising with other Jews in Imperial Germany“. Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 48, Nr. 1 (01.01.2003): 41–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/48.1.41.

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3

Scott, T. „Peasants and Jews in Medieval Germany“. English Historical Review 119, Nr. 481 (01.04.2004): 496–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/119.481.496.

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4

Schwarzschild, Rabbi Steven S. „Jews in Communist Germany, Aug. 1950“. Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 60, Nr. 1 (2015): 279–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/ybv015.

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5

MENG, MICHAEL L. „After the Holocaust: The History of Jewish Life in West Germany“. Contemporary European History 14, Nr. 3 (August 2005): 403–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777305002523.

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In July 1945, Rabbi Leo Baeck remarked that the Third Reich had destroyed the historical basis of German Jewry. ‘The history of Jews in Germany has found its end. It is impossible for it to come back. The chasm is too great’. Heinz Galinski, a survivor of Auschwitz who led West Berlin’s Jewish community until his death in 1992, could not have disagreed more strongly. ‘I have always held the view’, he observed, ‘that the Wannsee Conference cannot be the last word in the life of the Jewish community in Germany’. As these diverging views suggest, opting to live in the ‘land of the perpetrators’ represented both an unthinkable and a realistic choice. In the decade after the Holocaust, about 12,000 German-born Jews opted to remain in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) and comprised about half of its Jewish community. Rooted in the German language and typically married to non-Jewish spouses, they still had some connections to Germany. xSuch cultural and personal ties did not exist for the other half of West Germany’s Jewish community – its East European Jews. Between 1945 and 1948, 230,000 Jews sought refuge in occupied Germany from the violent outbursts of antisemitism in eastern Europe. Although by 1949 only 15,000 East European Jews had taken permanent residence in the FRG, those who stayed behind profoundly impacted upon Jewish life. More religiously devout than their German-Jewish counterparts, they developed a rich cultural tradition located mostly in southern Germany. But their presence also complicated Jewish life. From the late nineteenth century, relations between German and East European Jews historically were tense and remained so in the early postwar years; the highly acculturated German Jews looked down upon their less assimilated, Yiddish-speaking brothers. In the first decade after the war, integrating these two groups emerged as one of the most pressing tasks for Jewish community leaders.

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6

Kaplan, Marion. „Unter Uns: Jews Socialising with other Jews in Imperial Germany“. Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 48, Nr. 1 (01.08.2003): 41–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/007587403781898654.

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7

Baer, Marc David. „Turk and Jew in Berlin: The First Turkish Migration to Germany and the Shoah“. Comparative Studies in Society and History 55, Nr. 2 (April 2013): 330–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417513000054.

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AbstractIn this paper I critically examine the conflation of Turk with Muslim, explore the Turkish experience of Nazism, and examine Turkey's relation to the darkest era of German history. Whereas many assume that Turks in Germany cannot share in the Jewish past, and that for them the genocide of the Jews is merely a borrowed memory, I show how intertwined the history of Turkey and Germany, Turkish and German anti-Semitism, and Turks and Jews are. Bringing together the histories of individual Turkish citizens who were Jewish or Dönme (descendants of Jews) in Nazi Berlin with the history of Jews in Turkey, I argue the categories “Turkish” and “Jewish” were converging identities in the Third Reich. Untangling them was a matter of life and death. I compare the fates of three neighbors in Berlin: Isaak Behar, a Turkish Jew stripped of his citizenship by his own government and condemned to Auschwitz; Fazli Taylan, a Turkish citizen and Dönme, whom the Turkish government exerted great efforts to save; and Eric Auerbach, a German Jew granted refuge in Turkey. I ask what is at stake for Germany and Turkey in remembering the narrative of the very few German Jews saved by Turkey, but in forgetting the fates of the far more numerous Turkish Jews in Nazi-era Berlin. I conclude with a discussion of the political effects today of occluding Turkish Jewishness by failing to remember the relationship between the first Turkish migration to Germany and the Shoah.

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Zipes, Jack, und Ruth Gay. „The Jews of Germany: A Historical Portrait“. German Studies Review 16, Nr. 3 (Oktober 1993): 525. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1432146.

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9

Liberles, R. „Jews and Christians in early modern Germany“. Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 55, Nr. 1 (01.01.2010): 39–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/lbyb/ybq014.

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10

Lohmann, Ingrid. „Jews and Jewish Education in Germany Today“. Journal of Modern Jewish Studies 12, Nr. 2 (Juli 2013): 351–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725886.2013.820545.

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11

Martin, James I. „Jews in Post-Holocaust Germany, 1945–1953“. History: Reviews of New Books 34, Nr. 3 (März 2006): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2006.10526883.

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12

Moeller, R. G. „Jews in Post-Holocaust Germany, 1945-1953“. English Historical Review CXXII, Nr. 497 (01.06.2007): 857–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cem173.

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13

Schwarzschild, Rabbi Steven S. „Occupation Policies in Germany and The Jews“. Leo Baeck Institute Year Book 62 (2017): 271–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/ybw038.

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14

Kühne, Thomas. „Jews in Post-Holocaust Germany, 1945-1953“. Central European History 39, Nr. 3 (September 2006): 541–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906400170.

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15

Willings, David. „Book Review: Nazi Germany and the Jews“. Gifted Education International 13, Nr. 3 (Januar 1999): 287–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026142949901300315.

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16

Becker, Franziska. „Migration and recognition: Russian Jews in Germany“. East European Jewish Affairs 33, Nr. 2 (Dezember 2003): 20–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501670308577999.

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17

Baiduzh, Dmitrii V., und Victoriia O. Medvedeva. „THE IMAGE OF THE OTHER: THE DISTINCTIVE SIGN OF THE JEWS IN MEDIEVAL GERMANY (13th-16th CENTURIES)“. Tyumen State University Herald. Humanities Research. Humanitates 8, Nr. 4 (2022): 110–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.21684/2411-197x-2022-8-4-110-133.

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This paper studies the special distinguishing sign of the Jews in the Germany during the 13th-16th centuries. Since early 12th c., Europe saw a large-scale process of rethinking the place of existing social groups and the emergence of new ones, clearly expressed by a set of iconic practices. The legitimization of the Jews’ emblems is its direct consequence. Using semiotic analysis, the authors consider visual signs in written and pictorial sources of various types as elements within the framework of a common sign system, as well as reveal the specifics of emblematic manifestations characteristic of Jewish identity. Most often, the signs were yellow and round. In Germany, the signs were used quite late relative to other European countries. In addition, Jews in Germany were in a better position because they depended on the emperor, and political decentralization had an impact on it. The authors conclude that the church prescription for Jews to wear specific signs was explained by the processes of streamlining the social organization of the Christian world. Finally, the authors state that the emblems were part of two strategies: the distinction between Jews and Christians, and the integration of Jews into the medieval urban space. In addition, the emblems could be a means of defamation or a positive, neutral sign.

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18

Schoeps, Julius H. „Das (nicht-)angenommene Erbe. Zur Debatte um die deutsch-jüdische Erinnerungskultur“. Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 57, Nr. 3 (2005): 232–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570073054396037.

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AbstractThis essay shows how Jewish identity in pre-1933 Germany defined itself and how the widely known concept of German-Jewish symbiosis came into question after the organized murder of the European Jews. The search for a German-Jewish legacy in postwar Germany as well as in the countries in which the Jewish émigrés found a new home will be explored. Moreover, the Eastern European cultural roots of Jews who migrated from Russia to Germany in the 1990s will also be discussed.

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19

Langer, Armin. „Telling Holocaust Jokes on German Public Television“. Race and European TV Histories 10, Nr. 20 (01.12.2021): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.18146/view.263.

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Since 2015, Israeli-born German artist Shahak Shapira has initiated several satirical campaigns targeting antisemitism and racism in Germany and the country’s relation to the Holocaust. These interventions set Shapira’s career in motion, and in 2019 he landed a slot on the ZDF public broadcasting channel for the talk show Shapira Shapira. The show mocked antisemitism and far-right movements in Germany and reminded the viewers of the country’s history with Jews. His jokes about concentration camps and their contemporary perceptions proved to be especially effective. This article shows how Shahak Shapira and his show challenged the official narratives about Jews, antisemitism and the Holocaust. It argues that Shapira’s jokes might empower Jews and foster Holocaust awareness among the general public in Germany.

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20

Becker, Sascha O., und Luigi Pascali. „Religion, Division of Labor, and Conflict: Anti-Semitism in Germany over 600 Years“. American Economic Review 109, Nr. 5 (01.05.2019): 1764–804. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.20170279.

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We study the role of economic incentives in shaping the coexistence of Jews, Catholics, and Protestants, using novel data from Germany for 1,000+ cities. The Catholic usury ban and higher literacy rates gave Jews a specific advantage in the moneylending sector. Following the Protestant Reformation (1517), the Jews lost these advantages in regions that became Protestant. We show (i) a change in the geography of anti-Semitism with persecutions of Jews and anti-Jewish publications becoming more common in Protestant areas relative to Catholic areas; (ii) a more pronounced change in cities where Jews had already established themselves as moneylenders. These findings are consistent with the interpretation that, following the Protestant Reformation, Jews living in Protestant regions were exposed to competition with the Christian majority, especially in moneylending, leading to an increase in anti-Semitism. (JEL D74, J15, N33, N43, N93)

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Oppenheim, Jay (Koby). „Jewish Space and the Beschneidungsdebatte in Germany“. Anthropological Journal of European Cultures 23, Nr. 2 (01.09.2014): 85–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ajec.2014.230207.

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The concept of Jewish space, initially conceived by Diana Pinto as a unique European development, marked a critical shift in relations between Jews and non-Jews, the latter embracing a Jewish past as constitutive of their countries' own. The hoped-for European multiculturalism failed to blossom and Jewish space, in Pinto's assessment, has not born the fruit of its potential. To investigate the shortfall of Jewish space, this article examines the 2012 debate on ritual male circumcision in Germany (Beschneidungsdebatte) that drew contemporary Jewish practice into the public eye. Pinto's formulation is premised on a multicultural society that actively works to blunt intolerance, a condition whose fulfilment in contemporary Europe remains incomplete and uneven. Moreover, this attempt to extend the integration of history into memory was stymied by its lack of a living subject. While Jews constitute a long-standing minority population with a unique history in Germany, their success in establishing a shared Jewish space is tied to the broader project of tolerance and integration facing immigrant and minority groups in Western Europe.

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22

Hildesheimer, Meir. „Auserwältes Volk und Staatsbürger Juden und Nichtjuden in der Lehre von Rabbi Elias Gutmacher“. Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 61, Nr. 1 (2009): 25–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007309787375975.

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AbstractThe Jewish emancipation in Germany (1869-1871) brought about a fundamental change in the position of Jews in state and society, leading to a rapprochement between Jews and their non-Jewish surroundings. For religious Jews, this transition into neutral society brought up fundamental theological questions: How is emancipation to be evaluated from a religious perspective? What is the appropriate relationship with the state? How should Jews interact with Gentiles? How could Jews integrate into society without denying the singularity of Israel and without neglecting their religious obligations? Rabbi Elias Gutmacher (1796-1874) was one of the religious leaders of Judaism in Germany whose scholarship was deeply concerned with such questions. Gutmacher was from Grätz in the Posen region and became primarily known as a cabbalist. The following article summarizes his views on the topic, which can be found in his literary oeuvre and most of all in his sermons.

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Mahmoud AL-JADER, Ilham, und Saja Muhammad KAZEM. „THE EVIAN CONFERENCE 1938 AND ITS RESULTS“. RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 05, Nr. 01 (01.01.2023): 404–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.21.25.

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The Nazis aimed to make Germany a judenrein by making their living so difficult that they would leave the country. After Germany annexed Austria in March 1938, a large number of German and Austrian Jews came under the rule of the Nazis. Many Jews did not find countries willing to accommodate them and were paralyzed in obtaining the required visas to enter the country. Therefore, President Franklin D. Roosevelt called for an international conference, in response to mounting political pressure, to study the problem of Jewish refugees. In June 1938, representatives of thirty-two countries met in the French resort of Evian. During that nine-day conference, representatives stood one by one to express sympathy for the refugees. However, most countries, including the United States and Britain, made excuses for not allowing refugees to enter their lands. Research problem: The study seeks to answer the following question: What are the options available for accepting refugees from Nazi Germany? What steps can be taken to facilitate the entry of Jewish refugees? From these questions, a number of questions arise, which will be mentioned in the course of the research. The importance of the study: The importance stems from the fact that it deals with an important issue that concerns many countries, where the issue of migration and solving the refugee problem is one of the most important topics that present itself strongly. Objectives of the study: The study aims to shed light on the Levian Conference in light of the following objectives: Following the policy of Nazi Germany towards the Jews in Germany and Austria and an attempt to address the tragic situation of refugees by holding an international conference. The research relied on the historical and inductive analytical method by identifying the main factors that led to the holding of the Evian Conference and subjecting the information mentioned by historians to analytical induction, not for the sake of the past, but planning for the future. A research plan was adopted that consisted of an introduction, two chapters and a conclusion. The first topic was entitled Nazi Germany’s policy towards the Jews, in which we explained the conditions of the Jews in Germany when Adolf Hitler took power. The second topic was entitled the Evian Conference 1938 and its results. We highlighted the international position on the displacement of Jews from Germany and Austria, and the most important The results of the meeting

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24

Clark, Vincent A., und Helmut Walser Smith. „Protestants, Catholics and Jews in Germany, 1800-1914“. German Studies Review 26, Nr. 3 (Oktober 2003): 633. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1432770.

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25

Niewyk, Donald L., und Jack Wertheimer. „Unwelcome Strangers: East European Jews in Imperial Germany“. American Historical Review 93, Nr. 5 (Dezember 1988): 1352. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1873631.

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26

Kwiet, K. „Forced Labour of German Jews in Nazi Germany“. Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 36, Nr. 1 (01.01.1991): 389–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/36.1.389.

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27

Pulzer, P. „Jews and Nation-Building in Germany 1815-1918“. Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 41, Nr. 1 (01.01.1996): 199–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/41.1.199.

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28

Benz, Wolfgang. „Germans, Jews and Antisemitism in Germany After 1945“. Australian Journal of Politics & History 41, Nr. 1 (07.04.2008): 118–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1995.tb01340.x.

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29

Hope, N. „Protestants, Catholics and Jews in Germany, 1800-1914“. English Historical Review 118, Nr. 475 (01.02.2003): 257–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/118.475.257.

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30

Bookbinder, Paul. „Reborn Jews: A New Jewish Community in Germany“. Journal of The Historical Society 8, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2008): 503–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5923.2008.00258.x.

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31

Saue, Paul. „On the History of Jews in Southwest Germany“. European Education 24, Nr. 4 (Dezember 1992): 68–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/eue1056-4934240468.

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32

Bell, Dean Phillip. „Marginalization and the Jews in Late Medieval Germany“. Das Mittelalter 16, Nr. 2 (Dezember 2011): 72–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/mial.2011.0017.

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33

Abulafia, David. „The servitude of jews and muslims in the medieval Mediterranean : origins and diffusion“. Mélanges de l École française de Rome Moyen Âge 112, Nr. 2 (2000): 687–714. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/mefr.2000.9065.

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The relationship between the concept of the Jew or Muslim as servus camere regie and other types of servitude remains unclear. This article first examines the early use of the terminology in the Spanish kingdoms and in Germany, England and France. For Germany, a close comparison with the status of the ministeriales suggests that the positive concept of honourable service to the crown must be taken into account in assessing the «servitude» of German Jews. The negative impact of theological ideas of Jewish servitude is examined. The spread of the concept of the servus camere regie from Germany to Sicily and its application to Muslims in Southern Italy and Spain is analysed. The reaction of Jews and Muslims to this status is briefly discussed. It is shown that by the end of the Middle Ages the negative connotations of service by Jews and Muslims to the crown had triumphed over the positive ones.

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Sinn, Andrea A. „Returning to Stay? Jews in East and West Germany after the Holocaust“. Central European History 53, Nr. 2 (Juni 2020): 393–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938920000163.

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ABSTRACTTo better understand the position of Jews within Germany after the end of World War II, this article analyzes the rebuilding of Jewish communities in East and West Germany from a Jewish perspective. This approach highlights the peculiarities and sometimes sharply contrasting developments within the Jewish communities in the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic, from the immediate postwar months to the official East-West separation of these increasingly politically divided communities in the early 1960s. Central to the study are the policies of the Central Council of Jews in Germany, which exemplify the process of gradual divergence in the relations between East and West German Jewish communities, that, as this article demonstrates, paralleled and mirrored the relations between non-Jewish Germans in the two countries.

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Kałczewiak, Mariusz. „When the “Ostjuden” Returned: Linguistic Continuities in German-Language Writing about Eastern European Jews“. Naharaim 15, Nr. 2 (09.09.2021): 287–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/naha-2020-0015.

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Abstract This article examines the dynamics that allowed the derogatory term “Ostjuden” to reappear in academic writing in post-Holocaust Germany. This article focuses on the period between 1980’s and 2000’s, complementing earlier studies that focused on the emergence of the term “Ostjuden” and on the complex representations of Eastern European Jews in Imperial and later Weimar Germany. It shows that, despite its well-evidenced discriminatory history, the term “Ostjuden” re-appeared in the scholarly writing in German and has also found its way into German-speaking public history and journalism. This article calls for applying the adjectival term “osteuropäische Juden” (Eastern European Jews), using a term that neither essentializes Eastern European Jews nor presents them in an oversimplified and uniform manner.

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Freudenthal, Gad. „Aaron Salomon Gumpertz, Gotthold Ephraim Lessing, and the First Call for an Improvement of the Civil Rights of Jews in Germany (1753)“. AJS Review 29, Nr. 2 (November 2005): 299–353. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009405000152.

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Christian Wilhelm von Dohm's Über die bürgerliche Verbesserung der Juden of 1781 is generally believed to be the first call issued in Germany for the improvement of the Jews' civil rights. This commonly held belief is mistaken. Following in the footsteps of Volkmar Eichstädt's Bibliographie zur Geschichte der Judenfrage of 1938, Jacob Toury called attention to the Schreiben eines Juden an einen Philosophen nebst der Antwort (in what follows: Schreiben), a pamphlet published anonymously in Berlin in 1753, which is “the first German composition on the Jewish question” calling for complete equality of the status of the Jews in Germany. Toury shed important light on this work but was unable to identify its author. Subsequent historiography took little notice of the Schreiben, perhaps because its author, and hence the context in which it was composed, remained unidentified. In this article, I show that the author of the Schreiben is the Berlin physician and early maskil Aaron Salomon Gumpertz, also known as Aaron Zalman Emmerich (1723–1769) and that his friend, the noted poet, playwright and critic Gotthold Ephraim Lessing (1729–1781), was directly involved in its publication. This identification should give Gumpertz and his Schreiben the place they deserve in German history and in the history of the Jews in Germany; at the same time, it enhances our appreciation of Lessing as a central figure in promoting the rights of Jews in Germany.

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Kaplan, Marion. „Friendship on the Margins: Jewish Social Relations in Imperial Germany“. Central European History 34, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2001): 471–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691610152988017.

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Historians who look at the stark contrast between the spectacular successes of Jews in late nineteenth-century Germany and their horrific end in the Holocaust only a few decades later continue to argue about the relative success or failure of Jewish integration into German society. Were Germany's 600, 000 Jews — only 1 percent of the population — fully integrated or not? Did they have non-Jewish friends or not? Were they accepted or were they strangers in their own land?

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Harviainen, Tapani. „The Jews in Finland and World War II“. Nordisk Judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 21, Nr. 1-2 (01.09.2000): 157–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.69575.

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In the years 1989–1944 two different wars against the Soviet Union were imposed upon Finland. During the Winter War of 1989–1940 Germany remained strictly neutral on the basis of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact&&Great Britain and France planned intervention in favour of Finland. When the second, so-called Continuation War broke out in the summer of 1041, Finland was co-belligerent of Germany, and Great Britain declared war on Finland in December 1941. De jure, however, Finland was never an ally of Germany, and at the end of the war, in the winter 1944–1945, the Finnish armed forces expelled the German troops from Lapland, which was devastated by the Germans during their retreat to Norway. Military service was compulsory for each male citizen of Finland. In 1939 the Jewish population of Finland numbered 1 700. Of these, 260 men were called up and approximately 200 were sent to serve at the front during the Winter War.

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Koch, Anna. „Exile Dreams: Antifascist Jews, Antisemitism and the ‘Other Germany’“. Fascism 9, Nr. 1-2 (21.12.2020): 221–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-20201171.

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Abstract This article examines the meanings antifascist German Jews invested in antifascism and highlights its role as an emotional place of belonging. The sense of belonging to a larger collective enabled antifascist Jews to hold onto their Germanness and believe in the possibility of an ‘other Germany’. While most German Jewish antifascists remained deeply invested in their home country in the 1930s, this idea of the ‘other Germany’ became increasingly difficult to uphold in the face of war and genocide. For some this belief received the final blow after the end of the Second World War when they returned and witnessed the construction of German states that fell short of the hopes they had nourished while in exile. Yet even though they became disillusioned with the ‘other Germany’, they remained attached to antifascism.

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40

Tammes, Peter. „Jewish Immigrants in the Netherlands during the Nazi Occupation“. Journal of Interdisciplinary History 37, Nr. 4 (April 2007): 543–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2007.37.4.543.

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In 1941, 16 percent of the Jews in the Netherlands were immigrants. Analysis of documentary evidence shows that foreign-born Jews—especially those who emigrated from Germany and Austria after Adolf Hitler's rise to power—had a better chance of surviving the Holocaust, and a longer survival time, than Dutch-born Jews. These findings indicate that the motives for emigration and the special opportunities afforded to certain groups to escape and hide were important to survival.

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Bergen, Doris L. „Catholics, Protestants, and Christian Antisemitism in Nazi Germany“. Central European History 27, Nr. 3 (September 1994): 329–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900010256.

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Some recent trends in the study of National Socialism tend to downplay the significance of antisemitism*—in particular of Christian antisemitism—in producing the Holocaust. Indeed, it would be inaccurate and misleading to present the Christian legacy of hostility toward Judaism and Jews as a sufficient cause for Nazi genocide. Christianity, however, did play a critical role, not perhaps in motivating the top decision makers, but in making their commands comprehensible and tolerable to the rank-and-file—the people who actively carried out the measures against Jews as well as those who passively condoned their implementation. In his analysis of pre-Nazi forms of German antisemitism, Donald Niewyk concludes that, “The old antisemitism had created a climate in which the ‘new’ antisemitism was, at the very least, acceptable to millions of Germans”.

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Griech-Polelle, Beth Ann. „Jesuits, Jews, Christianity, and Bolshevism: An Existential Threat to Germany?“ Journal of Jesuit Studies 5, Nr. 1 (21.12.2018): 33–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00501003.

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The long-standing stereotypes of Jesuits as secretive, cunning, manipulative, and greedy for both material goods as well as for world domination led many early members of the National Socialist German Workers’ Party to connect Jesuits with “Jewishness.” Adolf Hitler, Alfred Rosenberg, Dietrich Eckart, and others connect Jesuits to Jews in their writings and speeches, conflating Catholicism and Judaism with Bolshevism, pinpointing Jesuits as supposedly being a part of the larger “Judeo-Bolshevik conspiracy” aiming to destroy the German people. Jesuits were lumped in with Jews as “internal enemies” and this led to further discrimination against the members of the order.

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43

Zielinski, Andrea. „Identity Structures of Religious Jews in Post-war Germany“. European Judaism 33, Nr. 2 (01.09.2000): 38–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2000.330205.

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The word 'identity' actually means 'absolute sameness'. Here, one speaks of 'self identity' or 'social identity'. Sharon Macdonald describes social identity as 'allegiance to people, group and often, place and past'. With regard to this topic we would rather say that identity is the process of assimilating to a norm regarded as given and static.

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Ankum, Katharina Von, und Y. Michal Bodemann. „Jews, Germans, Memory: Reconstructions of Jewish Life in Germany“. German Studies Review 21, Nr. 2 (Mai 1998): 389. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1432242.

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45

Classen, Albrecht, Dean Phillip Bell und Stephen G. Burnett. „Jews, Judaism, and the Reformation in Sixteenth-Century Germany“. Sixteenth Century Journal 38, Nr. 4 (01.12.2007): 1094. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20478654.

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46

Levenson, Alan T. „Protestants, Catholics, and Jews in Germany, 1800-1914 (review)“. Jewish Quarterly Review 95, Nr. 2 (2005): 373–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jqr.2005.0031.

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47

Richards, Pamela Spence. „The Jews of Germany: A Historical Portrait. Ruth Gay“. Library Quarterly 63, Nr. 3 (Juli 1993): 396. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/602610.

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48

Erb, Rainer. „Jews and Other Minorities in Germany since the 1990s“. Patterns of Prejudice 27, Nr. 2 (Oktober 1993): 13–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322x.1993.9970106.

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49

Walton, M. T. „Jews, Judaism and the Reformation in Sixteenth-Century Germany“. German History 26, Nr. 3 (01.07.2008): 440–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghn033.

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50

Baer, Marc David. „Mistaken for Jews: Turkish PhD Students in Nazi Germany“. German Studies Review 41, Nr. 1 (2018): 19–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/gsr.2018.0001.

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