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1
Hartenian, Larry. „The Role of Media in Democratizing Germany: United States Occupation Policy 1945–1949“. Central European History 20, Nr. 2 (Juni 1987): 145–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900012589.
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The Allied defeat of the German Wehrmacht in May 1945 brought the military struggle against fascism in Europe to an end. Yet with the occupation of Germany the struggle against fascism was to continue on other fronts. Germany was to be “demilitarized,” the economy “decartelized,” and the society “denazified. ” Ultimately Germany was to be “democratized.” The newly established media were to play a major role in the transformation of German attitudes, in this attempt to “reeducate” the Germans.
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Rhodes, Matthew. „Germany and the United States“. German Politics and Society 36, Nr. 3 (01.09.2018): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2018.360302.
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In 1989, U.S. President George H.W. Bush presented a vision of the United States and Germany as “partners in leadership” in building a peaceful and secure post Cold War world. A confluence of factors brought this vision closest to realization during the overlapping tenures of U.S. President Barack Obama and German Chancellor Angela Merkel. Persistent limitations and shifting conditions including the election of U.S. President Donald Trump now call the future viability of the vision into question, even as U.S.-German ties remain the most plausible anchor of cooperative transatlantic ties in a period of global change.
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Adams, William James. „Markets: Beer in Germany and the United States“. Journal of Economic Perspectives 20, Nr. 1 (01.02.2006): 189–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/089533006776526120.
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Between 1950 and 2000, the four-firm producer-concentration ratio for beer increased from 22 to 95 in the United States; and Anheuser-Busch's share of domestic output ballooned from 6 to 54 percent. In Germany, concentration has risen, but it remains low. In 2000, the four-firm producer-concentration ratio was just 29; and the eight-firm ratio in Germany was smaller than the one-firm ratio in the United States. In 2005, after five years of important mergers involving big brewers, the German beer industry was still much less concentrated than its American counterpart. In this article, I discuss several candidate explanations for the failure of beer-producer-concentration to rise as much in Germany as in the United States: the relevance of the new technologies to German brewers, the preferences of German consumers, the rules for advertising on German television and other factors, largely absent from the consensus interpretation of American experience. I find that market structure depends on a remarkably broad range of factors, extending well beyond technological opportunity and market size.
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Lakishyk, Dmytro. „German Question in the Foreign Policy Strategy of the USA in the Second Half of the 1940s – 1980s“. European Historical Studies, Nr. 16 (2020): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.16.6.
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The article examines US policy towards West Germany after World War II, covering a historical span from the second half of the 1940s to the 1980s. It was US policy in Europe, and in West Germany in particular, that determined the dynamics and nature of US-German relations that arose on a long-term basis after the formation of Germany in September 1949. One of the peculiarities of US-German relations was the fact that both partners found themselves embroiled in a rapidly escalating international situation after 1945. The Cold War, which broke out after the seemingly inviolable Potsdam Accords, forced the United States and Germany to be on one side of the conflict. Despite the fact that both states were yesterday’s opponents and came out of the war with completely different, at that time, incomparable, statuses. A characteristic feature of US policy on the German question in the postwar years was its controversial evolution. The American leadership had neither a conceptual plan for development, nor a clear idea of Germany’s place in the world, nor an idea of how to plan the country’s future. However, the deterioration of relations between the USA and the USSR and the birth of the two blocs forced the US government to resort to economic revival (the Marshall Plan) and military-political consolidation of Western Europe and Germany (NATO creation). US policy toward Germany has been at the heart of its wider European policy. The United States favored a strong and united Western Europe over American hegemony, trying to prevent the spread of Soviet influence. Joint participation in the suppression of communism, however, could not prevent the periodic exacerbation of relations between the United States and Germany, and at the same time did not lead to an unconditional follow-up of the West Germans in the fairway of American foreign policy.
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Maidment, Fred. „Germany and the United States“. European Business Review 16, Nr. 3 (Juni 2004): 267–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/09555340410536208.
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Kaviaka, Iryna. „German Question, 1945–1990, in Anglo-American Historiography: Key Aspects of the Problem Study“. Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, Nr. 4 (2021): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640013665-9.
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Understanding and, after the unification of Germany in 1990, rethinking the process of evolution of the German Question, in particular its main components, is an important scholarly task. The origins of the modern power of Germany, its desire to establish itself as a world power, were formed in 1945–1990 with the active participation of the United States and Great Britain. Therefore, the assessment of the development of the German Question by researchers from these countries is important for its understanding. The study of the problem contributes to a comprehensive analysis of the post-war international policy of Great Britain and the United States as well as their modern relations with the FRG. Special attention to the German Question in the publications of the United Kingdom and the United States was shown at the stages of its qualitative transformation: the creation of the FRG, its rearmament, the implementation of a new Eastern policy, as well as the unification of Germany. Each of these events required a prompt response from the academic and expert community and the development of a balanced model of foreign policy response. Anglo-American historiography of the German question has not previously been the object of a special study by Russian historians. The purpose of this article is to analyze the main aspects of the German problem study in the works of British and American researchers. The article identifies four key aspects of the German question, around which the study of the problem in Great Britain and the United States was concentrated. The historiographic core consists of the works devoted to the issues of denazification, West Germany rearmament, Ostpolitik, as well as the unification of Germany and its consequences. Each aspect study was of particular importance and relevance for determining the further foreign policy strategy of the Western countries in Europe, mainly in relation to the FRG and USSR. Changes in approaches to evaluation of the aspects during the post-war period are analyzed. Particular attention is paid to identifying and studying stable geopolitical models that accompanied the perception of the German question by academic and expert communities of Great Britain and the United States: the concepts of “Finlandization” and “Mitteleuropa”, as well as the “Rapallo complex”.
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Kazakov, Gennady. „Latin America as a region of the contradiction of the USA and Germany interests during the First World War“. Kyiv Historical Studies, Nr. 2 (2018): 6–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2018.2.614.
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In the article, the author considers the issues of the collision of interests of the United States of America and Germany in the Latin American region during the First World War. The confrontation had a diplomatic character and consisted in refusing to “penetrate” German capital and the physical presence of German troops in the countries of the Latin American region. According to the official American political ideology of pan-Americanism, there was a tacit agreement that the United States did not interfere in the affairs of Europe, and Europe, in turn, did not try to penetrate the American continent, leaving it in the sphere of the USA influence. With the beginning of the First World War, the German presence in the region increased. Moreover, the American government, on the contrary, proposed to close the American continent for citizens of European states. The main issue caused to controversy between the USA and Germany was the use of Latin American ports as temporary parking, as well as the strengthening of trade relations between the countries of South America and Germany. In the course of such actions by the American administration, Germany lost the Latin American market. The above events led to tweaking German agents, government of countries from this region against the United States. This was particularly evident in the Mexican issue, where the German government supported the opposition bloc, and then tried to persuade Mexico to declare war on the United States. The conduct of the Pan-American Conference strengthened the role of the United States in the countries of the region and led to the displacement of Germany from the region. While writing the article we come to the conclusion that the contradictions arose in the region became one of the most important reasons for the declaration of war against Germany by the USA government.
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Hollifield, James F. „Immigration and Citizenship in Two Liberal Republics—A Review of Migration and Refugees: Politics and Policies in the United States and Germany“. German Politics and Society 18, Nr. 1 (01.03.2000): 76–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503000782486732.
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Myron Weiner, ed., Migration and Refugees: Politics and Policies in the United States and Germany (Providence: Berghahn Books, 1997-1998)Volume 1: Klaus J. Bade and Myron Weiner, eds., Migration Past, Migration Future: Germany and the United StatesVolume 2: Rainer Münz and Myron Weiner, eds., Migrants, Refugees, and Foreign Policy: U.S. and German Policies Toward Countries of OriginVolume 3: Kay Hailbronner, David A. Martin, and Hiroshi Motomura, eds., Immigration Admissions: The Search for Workable Policies in Germany and the United StatesVolume 4: Kay Hailbronner, David A. Martin, and Hiroshi Motomura, eds., Immigration Controls: The Search for Workable Policies in Germany and the United StatesVolume 5: Peter Schuck and Rainer Münz, eds., Paths to Inclusion: The Integration of Migrants in the United States and Germany
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Broszeit, Sandra, Marie-Christine Laible, Holger Görg und Ursula Fritsch. „Management Practices and Productivity in Germany“. German Economic Review 20, Nr. 4 (01.12.2019): e657-e705. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/geer.12187.
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AbstractBased on a novel dataset, the ‘German Management and Organizational Practices’ (GMOP) Survey, we calculate establishment-specific management scores following Bloom and van Reenen as indicators of management quality. We find substantial heterogeneity in management practices across establishments in Germany, with small establishments having lower scores than large establishments on average. We show a robust positive and economically important association between the management score and establishment level productivity in Germany. This association increases with establishment size. Comparison to a similar survey in the United States indicates that the average management score is lower in Germany than in the United States. Overall, our results point toward lower management quality being at least in part to blame for the differences in aggregate productivity between Germany and the United States.
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Quesada, Iñaki Tofiño. „Book Review: Susan Neiman, Learning from the Germans: Race and the Memory of Evil, New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2019.“ Netsol: New Trends in Social and Liberal Sciences 6, Nr. 1 (28.05.2021): 74–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.24819/netsol2021.06.
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Learning from the Germans. Race and the Memory of Evil examines German efforts to atone for Nazi atrocities and identifies lessons on how the United States might come to terms with its legacy of slavery and racism. Divided into three parts (German lessons, Southern discomfort, and Setting things straight), the book brings together historical and philosophical analysis; interviews with politicians, activists, and contemporary witnesses in Germany and the United States; and Neiman’s own first-person observations as a white woman growing up in the South and a Jewish woman who has lived for almost three decades in Berlin.
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Funke, Norbert, und Akimi Matsuda. „Macroeconomic News and Stock Returns in the United States and Germany“. German Economic Review 7, Nr. 2 (01.05.2006): 189–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0475.2006.00152.x.
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Abstract Using daily data for the January 1997 to June 2002 period, we analyze similarities and differences in the impact of macroeconomic news on stock returns in the United States and Germany. We consider 27 different types of news for the United States and 12 different types of news for Germany. For the United States, we present evidence for asymmetric reactions of stock prices to news. In a boom (recession) period, bad (good) news on GDP growth and unemployment or lower (higher) than expected interest rates may be good news for stock prices. In the period under consideration there is little evidence for asymmetric effects in Germany. However, in the case of Germany, international news appears at least as important as domestic news. There is no evidence that US stock prices are influenced by German news. The analysis of bi-hourly data for Germany confirms these results.
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Hawkins, Michael. „Book Review: Germany at War: 400 Years of Military History“. Reference & User Services Quarterly 55, Nr. 1 (25.09.2015): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.55n1.73b.
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This four-volume set seeks to explain and define 400 years of German military history. Early on the editor explains what he means by “Germany,” stating “for our purposes, Germany is defined as the Federal Republic of Germany today, its predecessor states, and the component kingdoms and principalities that combine to form Imperial Germany” (xxxvii). This was an important distinction to make given the unique history of Germany as a united nation. There are many books that cover German military history, however, many of those only focus on specific periods or states of Germany.
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Hofhansel, Claus. „Explaining Foreign Economic Policy: A Comparison of U.S and West German Export Controls“. Journal of Public Policy 10, Nr. 3 (Juli 1990): 299–330. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00005845.
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ABSTRACTThis article analyzes differences between United States and West German export controls. It shows that United States controls are more extensive and stricter than controls in West Germany. Three possible explanations for this variation in policy are considered. First, these two states differ in regard to their positions in the international system and in their choice of economic strategies. Second, the extent of domestic political support for strict export control policies varies between the two countries. Finally, West Germany lacks the institutional framework to adequately control its foreign trade. The evidence presented corroborates the first two alternatives, while institutional explanations receive relatively little support. The article then discusses the historical development of United States and West German export control policies and institutions. The analysis shows evidence of both change and stability. More specifically, the article questions the argument that institutions in foreign economic policy, once established, persist and resist change, instead of adapting to environmental changes. Several hypotheses are considered to explain why in the area of export controls changes in policy, and to some extent institutions, occurred more frequently in West Germany than in the United States.
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Dobryashkina, Anna V. „“Through Mexico to the Soviet Union”: German Emigrant Writers in Mexico during the World War II and Their Contacts with the USSR“. Literature of the Americas, Nr. 16 (2024): 8–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2541-7894-2024-16-8-49.
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The article is devoted to the history of the German writers’ emigration during the Second World War in Mexico. Mexico was not a major center of German emigration like the Soviet Union or the United States, but the Mexican government supported anti-fascist émigrés who were in France before its occupation. The Mexican consulate in Marseille issued visas to many German writers, but only Anna Seghers was able to move from France to Mexico. Bodo Uhse and Ludwig Renn went there from the United States, Alfred Kantorovicz and Hans Marchwitza had to stay in the United States, because transit through the USA became impossible since 1941. German writers maintained constant contact with the Soviet Writers’ Union. Correspondence often did not reach the addressees, but before the establishment of diplomatic relations between the USSR and Mexico, this was the only way to exchange information. The small German colony in Mexico was engaged in active antifascist activities. The movement “Free Germany” (“Freies Deutschland”) was organized in Mexico a year and a half earlier than the National Committee “Free Germany” in the USSR. Although it seemed that they were two branches of the same organization, in fact they were two different entities with different goals and with the same name. At this moment an internal conflict among the German Communists became apparent; years later it had tragic consequences. After the surrender of Germany, German writers were not able to go directly to their homeland, since the American law prohibiting transit through the United States was still in force. In 1946–1948 German writers were leaving Mexico on Soviet cargo ships: they could get to Germany only through the Soviet Union.
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Ludanyi, Renate. „Can German Remain a Vital Heritage Language in the United States?“ Heritage Language Journal 10, Nr. 3 (30.12.2013): 305–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.46538/hlj.10.3.3.
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The demise of German as a pervasive language for 300 years in the United States is due to historical and demographic reasons. Creating an awareness of Germany as an important country and strengthening the role of German teaching has gained advocates in educational and political circles in Germany as well as in the United States. Less understood and supported is the situation of German as a heritage language,despite a multitude of native German speakers who reside in the United States, in part due to global economic needs and who continue to be attracted to German as a language of use. This article describes the work of private German language schools to develop language proficiency, opportunities to use German, and a desire to speak it,and pleads for more research on German as a heritage language and interest in German language conservation.Although Austria and Switzerland also contribute to the preservation of their culture and language abroad by maintaining schools, cultural forums, etc., this article will focus primarily on Germany’s efforts to develop German language instruction in the U.S.
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Blumenthal, Stefan, Yvonne Blumenthal, Erica S. Lembke, Sarah R. Powell, Patricia Schultze-Petzold und Elizabeth R. Thomas. „Educator Perspectives on Data-Based Decision Making in Germany and the United States“. Journal of Learning Disabilities 54, Nr. 4 (20.01.2021): 284–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022219420986120.
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The purpose of this explorative study was to examine the use and understanding of key components of data-based decision making by educators in two countries—Germany and the United States. Educators responded to a survey that asked about data use and characteristics related to data-based decision making (DBDM). Results suggest educators in both countries are focused on using data to monitor progress, although less so in Germany. Educators in both countries noted similar understanding of important features (e.g., psychometric properties) of data. Educators in the United States reported they used data for decision making at the classroom level almost twice as often as their counterparts in Germany, while German educators focused on decision making at the student level. These findings will influence future research, including joint studies that could use the best practices of both countries, and professional learning opportunities for educators in Germany and the United States.
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Brühl, Volker. „Künstliche Intelligenz – wo stehen wir in Deutschland?“ Wirtschaftsdienst 103, Nr. 8 (01.08.2023): 521–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/wd-2023-0150.
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Abstract Artificial Intelligence (AI) is widely regarded as a technology which will impact the future competitiveness of the German economy. Looking at the research productivity of German scientists and universities in AI, we find that Germany definitively belongs to the top performers in AI research globally, although the United States and China are somewhat ahead. This is not surprising taking into account the sheer size of their talent pools. Furthermore, the majority of promising AI startups are based in the United States, while Germany is clearly underrepresented in the group of excellent AI startups given Germany’s excellence in AI research. Hence, it is obviously more challenging for Germany to translate research excellence into successful entrepreneurship.
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Janes, Jack. „The Ampel Coalition's Foreign Policy Challenges“. German Politics and Society 40, Nr. 4 (01.12.2022): 104–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2022.400405.
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Abstract German-American relations have been impacted by the war in Ukraine for reasons that have to do with domestic and foreign policy challenges. Germany is struggling with its responsibilities to increased expectations in Washington and within the European Union. The responses in Berlin to the Russian invasion of Ukraine have resulted in tensions within Europe as Germany tries to shape its policies around what Chancellor Olaf Scholz has called the Zeitenwende (turning point) of German foreign policy. The u.s. has also signaled its expectations that Germany needs to be a partner in sharing the burden of confronting Russian threats in Ukraine and Europe. Another challenge for German-American relations is emerging around relations with China, which may generate friction across the Atlantic as the United States seeks to confront China on the global stage while Germany remains tightly connected to China as its largest trade partner. How and why Germany and the United States need each other is in transition.
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Kuzina, Oxana E. „Modern public diplomacy of Germany in the USA“. Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations 16, Nr. 4 (2023): 385–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2023.405.
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In the context of globalization, not only traditional, but also new ways and methods are required for the successful solution of foreign policy tasks. Modern Germany was no exception. Deprived of the resources of hard power for historical reasons, the state was particularly interested in introducing new tools for gaining influence in the international arena through public diplomacy. The purpose of the study is to identify the features of German public diplomacy and its capabilities in the implementation of foreign policy tasks in the United States. Firstly, the features of the German approach to public diplomacy are indicated. It is noted that the positive image of Germany is formed by the practical activities of a wide network of public diplomacy organizations that take into account the general strategies of the competent federal departments and, in particular, the German Federal Foreign Office. Secondly, the activities of the institutions of public diplomacy of Germany in the United States are analyzed. The main directions for bilateral cooperation are distinguished, namely culture, science and education, transatlantic values and economic cooperation. Thirdly, the question of their influence on the formation of a positive perception of the American population is raised. Their competitive advantages are provided by consistent, coordinated and open approaches. At the same time, the development of digital diplomacy in Germany is reduced to the creation of a large number of accounts for the representation of public diplomacy organizations in the United States without the active engagement of the population. The author concludes that at the present stage, the instruments of German public diplomacy in the United States are successful and have a positive impact on the perception of the state among the American population. However, with a radical change in the role of a junior partner in the international arena, the perception of Germany among Americans may worsen.
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Rodwin, Marc A., und Sara Gerke. „German Pharmaceutical Pricing: Lessons for the United States“. International Journal of Health Services 52, Nr. 1 (20.10.2021): 146–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00207314211040948.
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To control pharmaceutical spending and improve access, the United States could adopt strategies similar to those introduced in Germany by the 2011 German Pharmaceutical Market Reorganization Act. In Germany, manufacturers sell new drugs immediately upon receiving marketing approval. During the first year, the German Federal Joint Committee assesses new drugs to determine their added medical benefit. It assigns them a score indicating their added benefit. New drugs comparable to drugs in a reference price group are assigned to that group and receive the same reimbursement, unless they are therapeutically superior. The National Association of Statutory Health Insurance Funds then negotiates with manufacturers the maximum reimbursement starting the 13th month, consistent with the drug's added benefit assessment and price caps in other European countries. In the absence of agreement, an arbitration board sets the price. Manufacturers accept the price resolution or exit the market. Thereafter, prices generally are not increased, even for inflation. US public and private insurers control prices in diverse ways, but typically obtain discounts by designating certain drugs as preferred and by restricting patient access or charging high copayment for nonpreferred drugs. This article draws 10 lessons for drug pricing reform in US federal programs and private insurance.
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Katzenstein, Peter J. „Same War—Different Views: Germany, Japan, and Counterterrorism“. International Organization 57, Nr. 4 (2003): 731–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818303574033.
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AbstractGerman and Japanese counterterrorism policies differ from those adopted by the United States as well as from one another. Defeated in war, occupied, and partially remade during the Cold War, Germany and Japan became clients of the United States first, then close allies. Both countries offer easy tests to explore the extent to which the United States can hope to fight the war against terrorism, as it did the Cold War, supported by a broad coalition of like-minded states. On this central point the article's conclusion is not reassuring. In contrast to the Cold War, the relative importance of different self-conceptions and institutional practices appears to be larger and the systemic effects constraining national divergences smaller. Even among the closest allies of the United States, the very early stages of the war against terrorism point to substantial strains. Over a prolonged period such strains are likely to affect profoundly long-standing patterns of alliance.
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Richter, Linda. „“Could You Not Turn Your Back on This Hunger Country?”: Food in the Migration Process of German Emigrants, 1816-1856“. aspeers: emerging voices in american studies 5 (2012): 19–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.54465/aspeers.05-03.
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This article is concerned with the role that food played in all stages of the migration process of German immigrants to the United States between 1816 and 1856. Extracting information from letters, travel journals, and memoirs, I suggest that lack of food was a great motivation to consider emigration from Germany. Moreover, it was a central topic while the emigrants crossed the Atlantic on sailboats—a journey that often turned out to be a struggle for survival. In the United States, however, food was plentiful. I examine the ways in which German immigrants described this abundance to their relatives at home and how they utilized food and the food industry to establish their identity in the United States. In a larger sense, this paper seeks to relativize the importance of religious and political motivations for emigration and to point out that the desire to have access to food was instead at the center. It is, furthermore, an effort to describe the beginnings of the food culture of the largest distinct ethnic group of the United States: German Americans.
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Mork, Gordon. „Baltic States“. Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 17, Nr. 1 (01.04.1992): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.17.1.3.
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The Internationale Gesellschaft fur Geschichtsdidaktik (International Society for History Didactics) met at the European Academy at Leck, Germany, September 9-12, 1991, for a conference on history and history education in the Baltic region. Scholars from Denmark, Sweden, Finland, Estonia,, Latvia, Russia, Poland, Germany (including former East Germany), The Netherlands, and the United States participated. When plans had been laid for the conference more than a year earlier, no one could have foreseen the timeliness of the conference.
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Geymbukh, Nadezhda G. „On the State Structure of the Federal Republic of Germany at the adoption of the Basic Law of 1949“. Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Pravo, Nr. 44 (2022): 30–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/22253513/44/3.
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The article deals with the issues of state structure of the Federal Republic of Germany discussed in the process of adoption of the Basic Law of 1949. The author examines the constitutional and legal situation within which the Basic Law of the FRG was adopted, analyses in detail the ideas of leading constitutionalists on the issues of state structure that were discussed in the process of drafting the Basic Law of the FRG. Germany's partition was initiated by the West. Recently disclosed archive documents show that Germany's split was predetermined already in the course of the war at the meetings of the "Big Three" - the USSR, the USA and Britain. Then they were joined by France. The accusations that the Soviet Union was responsible for the split of that country are untrue. On the contrary, in the first post-war years, the Soviet government proposed free elections in both parts of Germany, on the condition that the united country would be neutral, that is, would not be part of any military blocs. The West rejected this proposal. The Soviet government has repeatedly stated that Germany must be seen as a single economic and political entity. The position of the Soviet Government is supported by the views of scholars of Soviet state law. The question of German state unity was widely discussed at that time in Soviet periodicals. Soviet scholars L. Bezymensky, B.S. Mankovsky, D. Melnikov, D. Monin, E. Tarle and I. Traynin were in favour of a united German state. On this basis, they concluded that the rejection of the political unity of Germany was directed against the democratic restructuring of the country. A dismemberment of Germany is in the interest neither of the German people, nor of the democratic countries of Europe. Only the re-establishment of a united Germany is in the interest of a lasting peace in Europe, consistent with the historical development of the country and the legitimate aspirations of the German people themselves. There were differences of opinion about the future state structure of Germany. The position of prominent Soviet jurists differed fundamentally from that of Western politicians and jurists. The Western allies were in favour of a federal Germany, while the Soviet scholars were in favour of a unitary form of government. Thus, Germany, divided first into four occupation zones, and then into American and Soviet zones of influence, which not only lost considerable territories, but also completely lost its international standing, ceased to exist as a unified nation state for many years. Two independent states, the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic, were created on German territory. There was a de facto split into two states, which found themselves in different military and political blocs. Since that time, all the aspirations of West and East Germans have been directed towards the unification of Germany and the reunification of the German people. The author declares no conflicts of interests.
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Hieke, Anton. „Aus Nordcarolina: The Jewish American South in German Jewish Periodicals of the Nineteenth Century“. European Journal of Jewish Studies 5, Nr. 2 (2011): 241–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187247111x607195.
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Abstract For many German Jewish papers of the nineteenth century, the United States of America was held up as an ideal. This holds true especially for the Allgemeine Zeitung des Judentums, then Germany’s most influential Jewish publication. In America, Jews had already achieved what their co-religionists in Germany strove for until complete legal emancipation with the formation of the German Empire in 1871: the transition from ‘Jews in Germany’ via ‘German Jews’ to ‘Germans of the Jewish faith.’ Thus, the experiences of Jews from Germany in America represented the post-emancipation hopes for those who had remained behind.2 When examined for the representation of Jewry living in the American Southern states,3 it becomes apparent that German Jewish papers in their coverage of America largely refrained from a regionalization. Most articles and accounts concerning Jewish life in the South do not show any significant distinctiveness in the perception of the region and its Jews. The incidents presented or the comments sent to the papers might in fact have occurred in respectively dealt with any region of the United States at the time, barring anything that remotely dealt with slavery or secession prior to 1865. When the Jewish South was explicitly dealt with in the papers, however, it either functioned as an ‘über-America’ of the negative stereotypes in respect to low Jewish piety, or took the place of an alternative America of injustice and slavery—the ‘anti-America.’ Jewish Southerners who actively supported the region during the Civil War, or who had internalized the South’s moral values as supporters of the Confederacy and/or slavery were condemned in the strongest words for endangering the existence of ‘America the Ideal.’ As the concept of the United States and its Jewish life is represented in a largely unrealistic manner that almost exclusively focused on the positive aspects of Jewish life in America, the concept of the Jewish South was equally far from being accurate.
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Biba, Sebastian. „Germany's relations with the United States and China from a strategic triangle perspective“. International Affairs 97, Nr. 6 (01.11.2021): 1905–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab170.
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Abstract As the Sino-American Great Power competition continues to intensify, newly-elected US President Joe Biden's administration now seeks to enlist the support of its allies and partners around the world. As Europe's largest economy and a, if not the, leading voice within the European Union, Germany represents an important puzzle-piece for Biden. But Germany, at least under outgoing chancellor Angela Merkel, has been reluctant to take sides. It is against this backdrop that this article looks into Germany's past and present trilateral relationships with the US and China through the theoretical lens of the so-called strategic triangle approach. Applying this approach, the article seeks to trace and explain German behaviour, as well as to elucidate the opportunities and pitfalls that have come with it. The article demonstrates that Germany's recently gained position as a ‘pivot’ (two positive bilateral relationships) between the US and Chinese ‘wings’ (positive bilateral relations with Germany and negative bilateral relations with each other) is desirable from the perspective of the strategic triangle. At the same time, being pivot is also challenging and hard to maintain. Alternative options, such as entering a US–German ‘marriage’ directed against China, are also problematic. The article therefore concludes that Germany has tough decisions to take going forward.
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Geschwind, Carl-Henry. „The Beginnings of Microscopic Petrography in the United States, 1870-1885“. Earth Sciences History 13, Nr. 1 (01.01.1994): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.13.1.x3888321461141qu.
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In the 1860's and 70's, microscopic petrography flourished in Germany, where descriptions and classifications of rocks were highly valued for their own sake. American geologists, however, were more interested in stratigraphical correlations and had relatively little use for petrographical details. Thus, such Americans as George Hawes and Alexis Julien, who attempted to introduce the microscope for purely petrographical work in the early 1870's, had great difficulties in finding an audience. During the late 1870's, however, a number of American geologists-including federal geologists working amongst the volcanic rocks of the West, state geologists mapping in the Lake Superior region, and mining geologists examining the Comstock Lode and the Leadville district-came to appreciate the aid microscopic petrography could provide for stratigraphical correlations. This growing interest led to the hiring of a number of microscopic petrographers around 1880. These petrographers were trained in Germany, where they had imbibed the German passion for petrography for its own sake, but most of them adapted themselves to the American practice of using petrography for stratigraphy. Unlike many of their German counterparts, these American petrographers spent a substantial portion of their time in the field and combined mapping with microscopic examinations to solve stratigraphical problems. Thus, the different scientific cultures of Germany and the U.S. significantly affected the ways in which the petrographic microscope was used.
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Frey, Ulrich. „The peace movement and politics in Germany — the original ideas and self-awareness of peace advocates in both German states“. Russian Journal of Church History 4, Nr. 4 (29.12.2023): 64–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.15829/2686-973x-2023-146.
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The article presents an attempt at historical understanding of the experience gained by a united Germany, extracted from the idea of peace, both at the state and at the public level, with its own German characteristics — East and West Germany. The evangelical churches in the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic perceived the nuclear threat as a casus confessionis and led the fight against it.
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Weiss, Jana, und Heike Bungert. „The Relevance of the Concept of Civil Religion from a (West) German Perspective“. Religions 10, Nr. 6 (03.06.2019): 366. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10060366.
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The paper argues for the continued importance and usefulness of the term “civil religion” in light of the (West) German discussion and the situation in Europe. For non-Americans, and especially for Germans for whom terms like “political religion” are tied to the National Socialist past, the concept of civil religion helps explain the relationship of religion and politics, both in modern democracies in general and in Germany and the United States in particular.
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Griesser Pečar, Tamara. „Nemčija in slovenska osamosvojitev“. Dileme : razprave o vprašanjih sodobne slovenske zgodovine 5, Nr. 1 (Juni 2021): 89–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.55692/d.18564.21.4.
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Until the Ten-Day War in Slovenia in 1991, Germany was very reserved about Yugoslavia. Until the Yugoslav army attack on Slovenia, German's policy did not differ from that of the entire West; it was focused on the support and preservation of the integrity of Yugoslavia. However, the violence that German politics firmly rejected started a change in her position. First, she supported joint negotiations: together with the members of the European Community and the United States, she was looking for a solution to the crisis. But from autumn 1991 on, it was no longer questionable for Germany whether the two countries would be recognized or not, but to find the right moment to do so. On 27 November, German Chancellor Helmut Kohl announced that Germany would recognize Slovenia and Croatia before Christmas. At that time, Germany began to lobby other EC countries to join her, despite opposition from the United Nations and the USA. At the Foreign Ministers' meeting on 16 December, EC members decided that the recognition of Slovenia and Croatia would enter into force on 15 January 1992. That was Germany's great diplomatic success.
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Khrishkevich, Tatiana. „Atlantic solidarity of Germany: between the "restrictive policy" and the export of weapons to conflict zones“. Russia and America in the 21st Century, Nr. 5 (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760028398-4.
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The article analyzes the approaches of the German government to limiting the export of weapons to conflict zones. The article correlates the supply of military weapons of Germany and the United States. The increase in the volume of supplies to Ukraine confirms the commitment of the German government to Atlantic solidarity with the United States and NATO. Political principles, export legislation, the National Security Strategy of Germany, the draft Law on Arms Export Control, which offer restrictive approaches to the supply of lethal weapons to conflict zones, are not being implemented in practice. They are declarative documents. The article analyzes the public and political discussion that has developed around the restrictions that should be introduced into the law on arms export control.
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Auspurg, Katrin, Josef Brüderl und Thomas Wöhler. „Does Immigration Reduce the Support for Welfare Spending? A Cautionary Tale on Spatial Panel Data Analysis“. American Sociological Review 84, Nr. 4 (10.07.2019): 754–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0003122419856347.
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There has been a long-lasting debate over whether increasing ethnic diversity undermines support for social welfare, and whether this conflict thesis applies not only to the United States, but also to European welfare states. In their 2016 ASR article, Schmidt-Catran and Spies analyzed a panel (1994 to 2010) of regional units in Germany and concluded that this thesis also holds for Germany. We argue that their analysis suffers from misspecification: their model specification assumes parallel time trends in welfare support in all German regions. However, time trends strongly differed between Western and Eastern Germany after reunification. In the 1990s, Eastern Germans’ attitudes adapted to a less interventionist Western welfare system (“Goodbye Lenin effect”). When allowing for heterogeneous time trends, we find no evidence that increasing proportions of foreigners undermine welfare support, or that this association is moderated by economic hardship (high unemployment rates). We conclude with some general suggestions regarding the conceptualization of context effects in spatial analyses.
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Barb, Amandine. „The New Politics of Religious Education in the United States and Germany“. German Law Journal 20, Nr. 7 (Oktober 2019): 1035–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/glj.2019.73.
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AbstractThis Article explores the contemporary governance of religious diversity in the United States and Germany through the case study of religious education in public schools. The United States and Germany have two very different approaches to teaching religion: The subject does not exist at all in American public schools, while in Germany, confessional religious education is explicitly mandated by the Federal Constitution and is still an integral part of the curriculum in the vast majority of Länder. Yet, both countries have recently been confronted with similar challenges—a growing diversification and politicization of religious identities—which have forced them to rethink the place and role traditionally given to faith in the sphere of public education. The Article thus examines how, and to what extent, the American and German historical models of religious education—and thereby, more broadly, the public governance of religion in both countries—have been transformed by the changes in their religio-political landscapes.
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Pleger, Lyn, Fritz Sager, Michael Morris, Wolfgang Meyer und Reinhard Stockmann. „Are Some Countries More Prone to Pressure Evaluators Than Others? Comparing Findings From the United States, United Kingdom, Germany, and Switzerland“. American Journal of Evaluation 38, Nr. 3 (22.08.2016): 315–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1098214016662907.
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Pressure on evaluators has been investigated recently by surveys in the USA, the UK, Germany, and Switzerland. This study compares the results of those studies regarding pressure on evaluators in different countries. The findings suggest that independence of evaluations does not exist for many respondents. Moreover, the person who commissioned the evaluator for evaluation is identified by all studies as the primary influencing stakeholder in the evaluation process. In terms of differences, Germany seems to be more prone to pressure on evaluators. However, German evaluators do not show stronger tendencies to surrender to pressure than the other countries’ respondents. We suggest that this pattern may be explained by the strong state tradition in Germany as opposed to the U.S. and Switzerland, in conjunction with evaluators’ profession-based, principled resistance to such pressure.
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von Beyme, Klaus. „The Effects of Reunification on German Democracy: A Preliminary Evaluation of a Great Social Experiment“. Government and Opposition 27, Nr. 2 (01.04.1992): 158–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1992.tb00594.x.
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A Great Deal of Macro-Sociological theory in Germany since Max Weber has been devoted to the inquiry into the 'special German road to development' and to the incompatability of developments in the economic and political sectors. Germany, after its first unification in 1871, developed quickly into an important economic power. In the late-nineteenth century Germany overtook Britain in economic strength and seemed to be second only to the United States. Britain, however, remained the unmatched model of development: it was, together with the United States, the only country which synchronized effectively the development towards democracy and towards modern capitalism. Even France — the second successful model in Europe — went through various breakdowns of its political development in 1830, 1848, 1870–71. Even later, threats of a breakdown of the constitutional parliamentary systems were latent.
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Schunk, Michaela V., und Carroll L. Estes. „Is German Long-Term Care Insurance a Model for the United States?“ International Journal of Health Services 31, Nr. 3 (Juli 2001): 617–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/ve9q-l54y-bc90-2wph.
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German long-term care insurance, implemented in 1995, significantly extends the coverage of care-related risks. Given the similarities of German and U.S. institutional features, the German social insurance approach has been put forward as a possible model for long-term care in the United States. Using a political economy framework, the authors conducted a policy analysis that compares the main shortfalls of long-term care (LTC) provision in the United States and Germany, examines the responses provided by LTC insurance in Germany, and relates them to broader trends and proposals for change in welfare policy in both countries. German LTC insurance includes a high degree of consumer direction and compensation and protection for informal caregivers; it supports the extension of community-based services. Its shortfalls include the continued split between health and LTC insurance. In both countries, decentralization and institutional and financial fragmentation are some of the characteristics responsible for the failure to promote egalitarian social policy and substantially expand social protection to family- and care-related risks. The German LTC program is a good model for the United States. With a social insurance approach to LTC, costs are spread across the largest possible risk pool. Major goals that can be reached with such a program include establishment of universal entitlements to LTC benefits, consumer choice, and equitability and uniformity.
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Schärtl, Thomas. „Americanized Catholicism? A Glance from the United States back toward Germany“. Horizons 41, Nr. 2 (10.11.2014): 296–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hor.2014.82.
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Thomas Schärtl observes that many trends in the United States are adapted in Europe and especially in Germany, yet there remain categories that are incommensurable. What can appear to be an ideal pluralism in the United States can also be interpreted as “bubbles” that reveal a lack of interaction among various groups. Consumerism and individualism have an impact on even some US Catholic bishops, leading to actions that appear strange to a German observer, such as protesting President Obama's invitation to speak at Notre Dame and teaming up politically with conservative Evangelical and Pentecostal Christians. German Catholics need to safeguard the relationship between religion and reason. Dennis Doyle agrees with Schärtl on the big picture but offers qualifications on specific points, noting especially the positive dimensions of Catholic interaction with Evangelicals and Pentecostals.
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Doyle, Dennis M. „Americanized Catholicism? A Glance from the United States back toward Germany“. Horizons 41, Nr. 2 (10.11.2014): 310–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hor.2014.83.
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Thomas Schärtl observes that many trends in the United States are adapted in Europe and especially in Germany, yet there remain categories that are incommensurable. What can appear to be an ideal pluralism in the United States can also be interpreted as “bubbles” that reveal a lack of interaction among various groups. Consumerism and individualism have an impact on even some US Catholic bishops, leading to actions that appear strange to a German observer, such as protesting President Obama's invitation to speak at Notre Dame and teaming up politically with conservative Evangelical and Pentecostal Christians. German Catholics need to safeguard the relationship between religion and reason. Dennis Doyle agrees with Schärtl on the big picture but offers qualifications on specific points, noting especially the positive dimensions of Catholic interaction with Evangelicals and Pentecostals.
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Weinstein, Bonnie. „United States v. Biermann“. American Journal of International Law 83, Nr. 1 (Januar 1989): 99–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2202797.
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Defendants, citizens of the United Kingdom, Bermuda, the Federal Republic of Germany and the United States, were operators of a sailing vessel on the high seas that was registered in the United Kingdom and flying the UK flag. Defendants were indicted for possession of several tons of marijuana, with intent to distribute, following a search and seizure of their vessel by the United States Coast Guard. Initially, the court granted defendants’ request for an evidentiary hearing. However, upon further consideration, the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California (per Legge, J.) held: that the court had proper jurisdiction, and that defendants’ motions to suppress evidence obtained from the boarding, search and seizure of the vessel and to conduct an evidentiary hearing should be denied.
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Gunlicks, Arthur B. „German Federalism and Recent Reform Efforts“. German Law Journal 6, Nr. 10 (01.10.2005): 1283–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200014322.
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In both the United States and Germany constitutional lawyers, politicians, and the attentive public speak of “dual federalism.” In the United States this means that the federal government and the states have separate political and administrative responsibilities and their own sources of revenues. In Germany, in contrast, dual federalism means that the federal government, i.e., the executive and legislative branches, are responsible for most legislation, and that the Länder (states; singular, Land) generally administer the laws (in large part through their local governments) on their own responsibility. In both federal systems “dual federalism” has been undermined if not replaced by “cooperative federalism,” generally associated with the New Deal era in the United States and the Finance Reform of 1969 in Germany. In the meantime “intergovernmental relations” has more or less replaced the concept of “cooperative federalism” in the United States, while Politikverflechtung (political/policy interconnection and coordination) is perhaps the more commonly used term in Germany today. In both cases the new terms reflect an interrelationship among federal, regional, and local levels that goes beyond mere cooperation.
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Wetzel, Eunike, Felix J. Lang, Mitja D. Back, Michele Vecchione, Radoslaw Rogoza und Brent W. Roberts. „Measurement Invariance of Three Narcissism Questionnaires Across the United States, the United Kingdom, and Germany“. Assessment 28, Nr. 1 (05.05.2020): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1073191120907967.
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With a recent surge of research on narcissism, narcissism questionnaires are increasingly being translated and applied in various countries. The measurement invariance of an instrument across countries is a precondition for being able to compare scores across countries. We investigated the cross-cultural measurement invariance of three narcissism questionnaires (Brief Pathological Narcissism Inventory [B-PNI], Narcissistic Personality Inventory [NPI], and Narcissistic Admiration and Rivalry Questionnaire [NARQ]) and mean-level differences across samples from the United States ( N = 2,464), the United Kingdom ( N = 307), and Germany ( N = 925). Overall, the B-PNI and NARQ functioned equivalently for the U.S. and U.K. participants. More violations of measurement invariance were found between Germany and the combined U.S. and U.K. samples, and for the NPI. In the B-PNI and NARQ, Americans scored higher than individuals from the United Kingdom regarding agentic aspects (self-sacrificing self-enhancement, admiration), while Germans scored lower than both Americans and U.K. individuals regarding antagonistic (entitlement rage, rivalry) and neurotic (hiding the self, contingent self-esteem) aspects. More inconsistent results were found for NPI facets. When noninvariance was present, observed means yielded biased results. Thus, the degree of measurement invariance across translated instrument versions should be considered in cross-cultural comparisons, even with culturally similar countries.
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Friedenthal-Haase, Martha, und Eva Matthes. „UNIVERSITY CULTURES IN GERMANY AND THE UNITED STATES“. Bildung und Erziehung 65, Nr. 2 (Juni 2012): 131–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.7788/bue.2012.65.2.131.
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43
Vogel, Dita. „Migration Control in Germany and the United States“. International Migration Review 34, Nr. 2 (2000): 390. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2675907.
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44
Allen, David. „The United States and Germany? A vital partnership“. International Affairs 63, Nr. 2 (1987): 357. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3025515.
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Offner, Arnold A., und Manfred Jonas. „The United States and Germany: A Diplomatic History“. American Historical Review 90, Nr. 1 (Februar 1985): 238. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1860932.
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Vogel, Dita. „Migration Control in Germany and the United States“. International Migration Review 34, Nr. 2 (Juni 2000): 390–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791830003400202.
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Braunthal, Gerard, und Arthur F. Burns. „The United States and Germany: A Vital Partnership.“ Political Science Quarterly 102, Nr. 2 (1987): 338. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151371.
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HALBERSTAM, D., und R. M. HILLS. „State Autonomy in Germany and the United States“. ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 574, Nr. 1 (01.03.2001): 173–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716201574001013.
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Halberstam, Daniel, und Roderick M. Hills. „State Autonomy in Germany and the United States“. ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 574, Nr. 1 (März 2001): 173–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000271620157400113.
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Manz, Friedrich, und Andreas Wentz. „Hydration Status in the United States and Germany“. Nutrition Reviews 63 (Juni 2005): S55—S62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1753-4887.2005.tb00154.x.
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