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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Germania (Tacitus)“

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Veröffentlicht am 27. Juli 2024

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1

Tan, Zoë M. „Subversive Geography in Tacitus' Germania“. Journal of Roman Studies 104 (08.04.2014): 181–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435814000021.

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AbstractGeography is a fundamental element of ancient ethnography, yet the account of the environment in Tacitus' Germania is notably sparse. Standard elements of geographic description are absent, or are presented in restricted (and subversive) ways. This paper examines the presentation and structuring of Germanic spaces against a backdrop of contrasting contemporary geographic writings, and considers the implications of Tacitus' rejection of geographic norms.

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Lund, Allan A. „Zur interpretatio Romana in der ,Germania' des Tacitus“. Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 59, Nr. 4 (2007): 289–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007307781787570.

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AbstractThis article demonstrates that Tacitus, who coined the term interpretatio Romana, used this concept differently than today's historians of religion. Tacitus differentiated between universal and local gods. It is also shown that this differentiation fits the author's structuring of "Germania", which he divides into a general and a specific part. This carries far-reaching consequences because for instance the cult of the Semnones is a local superstitio in tacitean terms, and the common identification of Roman with ”Germanic“ gods since J. Grimm must be abandoned. Finally, the article establishes that G. Wissowa's seminal work on interpretatio Romana, which assumes the deity cults of Germania superior and inferior, fails to take into account that Tacitus, as a historian of religion, merely dealt with "authentic" and "original" Germania.

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3

Cole, Thomas J. B. „Tacitus’ Critique of Republicanism in His Germania“. Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek and Roman Political Thought 40, Nr. 3 (20.09.2023): 514–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340421.

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Abstract Although Tacitus began his writing career during the Principate at the end of the first century CE, the dominant approach to thinking about political life was still guided by Republicanism, a constellation of concepts from the mid-first century BCE Roman Republic. Republicanism held that there was only one type of monarchy and that it necessarily precluded libertas. Tacitus, who was living under different iterations of monopolistic power in the Principate, questions this tenet by examining various Germanic tribes. The Germania explores different types of monarchical arrangements, showing that monarchy is not a one-size-fits-all form and that there are significant political differences among the Germanic monarchies, some of which preserve libertas. In this examination, he highlights the inapplicability of Republicanism to a system as dynamic as the Principate.

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Schubert, Christoph. „Wen liebten die alten Germaninnen? Zu Tacitus, Germania 19,2“. Hermes 151, Nr. 4 (2023): 507–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/hermes-2023-0041.

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5

Gładziuk, Nina. „Silva Theutonica. Las jako mitologem niemieckiej odrębności“. Studia Polityczne 49, Nr. 3 (15.12.2021): 11–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/stp.2021.49.3.01.

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Since the fifteenth century, when Tacitus’ Germania was discovered, the Teutonic Forest has been the central mythologeme of the German imagined community created by successive generations of philosophers, theologians and artists. The interest in multiple relationships between the prototype native landscape of the forest and the Germanic national character grew throughout the nineteenth century, the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the interwar period, up to the times of Nazism.

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6

Russo, Nicolás. „Germania de Tácito: en los límites del género literario“. Nova Tellus 40, Nr. 1 (14.01.2022): 137–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.nt.2022.40.1.432576.

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This article proposes a new generic label for Tacitus’ Germania as “frontier ethnography”. Our reading is supported by Germania’s textual instability, due to its topical originality and compositive innovation. Although these features place Germania in a disruptive positioning face of historiographical tradition of Monography, it is consistent with the particular rhetorical situation of the late first century AD, traversed by the mixture of genres and the inversion of center-periphery relationships, and with the rise of a new dynasty as well. These characteristics are found in the two main text features of Germania. On the one hand, Ethnography, which was traditionally relegated to the excursus, is used here as the text’s main narrative device, whereas historical discourse is relocated to the digression. On the other hand, Barbaric periphery beyond the frontier becomes the central narrative matter of the text. Therefore, these textual features allow us to state that Germania insinuates a discourse move towards the limits of Roman generic and geographical space. Hence, Tacitus’ Germania can be interpreted as a literary exercise representing a new space within its sociopolitical context: the frontier.

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Rivers, Theodore John. „Adultery in early Anglo-Saxon society: Æthelberht 31 in comparison with continental Germanic law“. Anglo-Saxon England 20 (Dezember 1991): 19–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100001721.

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As in other societies, adultery was a punishable offence among the Germanic peoples. Although it is a topic which has commanded considerable attention, it has been given attention not so much because it deals with family law and its significance to social history, as because it concerns the treatment of women. But closely related to the question of women, of course, is that of how men view each other. Even as early as Tacitus, evidence exists that Germanic women were treated with respect, and were subject to the protection or mundium of male relatives. Although exaggerated, the account in the Germania gives us some understanding of the role of Germanic women in respect of betrothal, marriage and family life. But it also leaves us with questions to which we most likely will never find answers.

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8

Starostin, Dmitrii Nikolaevich, und Elena Vladimirovna Kuleshova. „V. G. Vasilevsky’s contribution to the study of Tacitus’ “Germania” in Russian classics“. Manuscript 16, Nr. 6 (18.12.2023): 382–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.30853/mns20230068.

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The research aims to deepen the understanding of the views of the famous Byzantinist V. G. Vasilevsky on the possibility of involving the work “Germania” by Tacitus (56-120 AD) to consider the causes of the collapse of the Western Roman Empire on the basis of Vasilevsky’s previously unused reports on research trips to Europe, lecture courses, as well as his handwritten biography by his student I. M. Grevs. The objectives of the research are to scientifically substantiate the significance of V. G. Vasilevsky’s contribution to the study of Tacitus in Russian classics. The paper examines how the works by the famous Russian Byzantinist and academician of the St. Petersburg Imperial Academy of Sciences V. G. Vasilevsky developed approaches to the study of the works by the Roman historian Cornelius Tacitus, which had a significant impact on the interpretation of this author in the national historical tradition. It is shown that the Russian scientist was able to find new approaches to the source. He drew attention to the fact that one can find an indication of the disintegration of the agricultural community and the formation of an extremely unstable society of small family land ownership in Tacitus’ writings. Thus, V. G. Vasilevsky was one of the first to notice that we find the theme of the economic crisis as early as the beginning of the 2nd century AD. Scientific novelty consists in providing a new holistic picture of V. G. Vasilevsky’s activities as an expert in the collapse of the Western Roman Empire and, in particular, in the interpretation of Tacitus’ “Germania”. As a result, it has been found that despite the fact that V. G. Vasilevsky gained fame as a Byzantinist by the end of his life, the issues of the collapse of the Western Roman Empire interested him during his studies and he addressed them in his lecture activities. Thus, V. G. Vasilevsky’s scientific legacy can be supplemented by the theme of a new approach to Tacitus’ “Germania” as a source that marked the beginning of the social and economic crisis in the Western Roman Empire.

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Díaz Martínez, Pablo C. „La Germania de Tácito. Una alteridad al servicio del imperialismo romano/Tacitus' Germania. An otherness at the service of Roman imperialism“. Araucaria, Nr. 54 (2023): 165–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2023.i54.09.

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La lectura de la Germania ha pasado por avatares diversos, procedentes tanto de las propias proyecciones del presente como de la naturaleza imprecisa del texto. Su ‘imperfecta’ etnografía provocó una minusvaloración que llevó a ignorar la intencionalidad política subyacente al discurso erudito. Sin embargo, presentar el texto como una mera descripción, o el divertimento académico de un estudioso, contradice la incuestionable implicación pública de su autor. Tácito es un genuino representante de una facción senatorial que, además de añorar el pasado, pretende influir en la política imperial, promover un impulso expansionista que la lógica estratégica defensiva parecía ya desaconsejar

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Bammesberger, Alfred. „The meaning of Old English folcscaru and the compound’s function in Beowulf“. NOWELE. North-Western European Language Evolution 72, Nr. 1 (2019): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/nowele.00017.bam.

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Abstract Ever since Kemble (1840), buton folcscare (Beowulf, 73a) has been thought to mean ‘with the exception of the common land’. The Old English compound folcscaru is reliably attested in poetic texts in the sense ‘tribe, nation’; secondarily the meaning ‘province, land’ may have arisen, but nowhere does the compound convey the special sense ‘common land, commons’. It can be shown that a meaning in the area of ‘tribe’ makes sense at line 73 of Beowulf as well, but the genitive gumena refers to both folcscare and feorum. It is quite conceivable that the line provides a distant echo of ancient Germanic customs concerning limitations of royal authority as adumbrated in Tacitus’ Germania.

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11

Morgan, M. Gwyn. „Commissura In Tacitus, Histories 1“. Classical Quarterly 43, Nr. 1 (Mai 1993): 274–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800044347.

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It is not enough, says Quintilian (7.10.16), to assemble the various parts of a speech. The orator must arrange his points in the natural and logical order for his purposes, and he must unify the different sections so skilfully that no join will show (‘ne commissura perluceat’), producing a single body instead of assorted limbs. If we define ascommissura (or transitus) the rhetorical device which welds together different themes or chapters with an associative link in word or thought (sometimes matching like with like, more frequently depending on antithesis), Tacitus already had this lesson by heart when he wrote the Germania. That he exploited the same technique in his major works, concentrating on his transitions as hard as would Macaulay on his, appears not to have been noticed, and certainly has not received systematic study.

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12

Kloft, Hans. „Die Germania des Tacitus und das Problem eines deutschen Nationalbewußtseins“. Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 72, Nr. 1 (Juni 1990): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.7788/akg.1990.72.1.93.

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13

Alvar Nuño, Guillermo. „Comida, ética y estructura social entre Romanos y Germanos: de la Germania de Tácito a la Antigüedad tardía/Food, Ethics and Social Structure between Romans and Germans: from Tacitus's Germania to Late Antiquity“. Araucaria, Nr. 54 (2023): 187–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2023.i54.10.

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En 1982, Jack Goody publicó Cooking, Cuisine and Class. A Study in Comparative Sociology. En esta obra, Goody se interesó por las culturas culinarias de diferentes espacios geográficos del mundo, así como por la relación entre el desarrollo de una cocina refinada y el surgimiento de una sociedad compleja. Entre sus conclusiones, demostró que la manera de comer constituye un aspecto ensencial en cualquier sociedad. Más en concreto, señaló que en diferentes culturas europeas y asiáticas el surgimiento de una cocina compleja se debía asociar al desarrollo de un “hombre jerárquico”. Bajo esta premisa, el presente artículo pretende analizar cómo cambiaron las culturas alimentarias de los pueblos germanos y de los romanos desde que entraron en contacto unos y otros, tomando como punto de partida y de referencia la Germania de Tácito, primer relato articulado sobre las tribus germanas, y, como punto de llegada, el final de la Antigüedad

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14

Toswell, M. J. „Quid Tacitus . . . ? The Germania and the Study of Anglo-Saxon England“. Florilegium 27, Nr. 1 (Januar 2010): 27–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/flor.27.003.

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15

Toswell, M. J. „Quid Tacitus . . . ? The Germania and the Study of Anglo-Saxon England“. Florilegium 29 (Januar 2010): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/flor.27.2.

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16

Weiler (†), Eva. „Skogsbonden i arkeologi och Romersk etnografi“. In Situ Archaeologica 3 (31.12.2002): 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.58323/insi.v3.13585.

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”Forest peasants in archaeology and roman ethnography”: This essay deals with peasants in marginal areas, especially the prehistoric forest peasants in the Southern Swedish uplands on the Scandinavian peninsula. They were tribal settlers without written language in the periphery of the Roman world around 0-200 AD and are still in the periphery of archaeological interest. Rome-centric ethnographical observations like Tacitus´ Germania from 98 AD are compared with new archaeological data about everyday life, farming, forest related production and ritual in this most northern part of Germania. From the author´s point of viewthe Roman stories about remote, foreign tribes were not less true than the modern mass medial stories about the periphery of the Anglo-American world today.

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17

Müller, Gernot Michael. „Christopher B. Krebs: Negotiatio Germaniae. Tacitus’ Germania und Enea Silvio Piccolomini, Giannantonio Campano, Conrad Celtis und Heinrich Bebel.“ Gnomon 81, Nr. 2 (2009): 133–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417_2009_2_133.

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18

O'Gorman, Ellen. „No Place Like Rome: Identity and Difference in the Germania of Tacitus“. Ramus 22, Nr. 2 (1993): 135–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00002484.

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The Germania, as its full title de origine et situ Germanorum implies, is about Rome. This is clearest from passages couched almost entirely in negative terms, as in chapter 19— ergo saepta pudicitia agunt, nullis spectaculorum illecebris, nullis conviviorum irritationibus corruptae. litterarum secreta viri pariter ac feminae ignorant…nemo enim illic vitia ridet, nee corrumpere et corrumpi saeculum vocatur.(19.1-3)Therefore they live within the confines of chastity, uncorrupted by the enticements of the spectacle or the excitements of the banquet. Women and men alike are unaware of the use of secret letters…for there no-one finds vice a laughing matter, and they do not say that to corrupt or be corrupted is just a sign of the times.

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19

Słupecki, P. Leszek. „HOLY GROVES IN GERMANIC AND SLAVIC BELIEFS“. Culture Crossroads 5 (14.11.2022): 116–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.55877/cc.vol5.220.

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But what seems to be characteristic of the groves is fear: such places striketerror into the hearts of native worshippers (and even foreigners), a kind ofmisterium tremendum, as described by Rudolf Otto. According to Tacitus (Ger-mania, 39), the grove of Semnons was silva (...) prisca formidine sacra. In thegrove of Nerthus there was arcanus hinc terror sanctanque ignorantia quid sit illud,quod tantum perituri vident (Germania, 40). Adam of Bremen (Adam of Bremen,IV, 27) describes the grove in Uppsala in the following way: Is enim lucus tamsacer est gentilibus, ut singule arbores eius ex morte vel tabo immolatorum divinecredantur.The holy grove appears frequently in written sources as existing since timeimmemorial and never touched by human hands. The Nerthus grove was castum nemus (Germania, 40). The temple in Riedegost undique silva ab incolisintacta et venerabilis circumdat magna(Thietmar, VI, 23: Kronika Thietmara, 1953,245). The holy grove Zutibure, which at the end of the 10th century was cutdown by Wigbert, predecessor of Thietmar of Merseburg on the episcopal seat,is described in his Chronicle as ab accolis ut Deum in omnibus honoratum et ab evoantique nunquam violatum(Thietmar, VI, 38: Kronika Thietmara, 1953, 369).Thus, Zutibure had existed ab evo antiquo, Semnonenhein was so holy be-cause of augura patrumand prisca formido, and the grove of Alcis was a place ofantiquae religionis.A grove is also a place of ritual lasting from time immemorial and giving riseto great fear. The gods are, of course, present in groves. However, they appearthere in a terrifying form, different from the domesticated anthropomorphicform as supernatural companions of humans that they have in temples locatedin the middle of human settlements. In groves they really are supernatural. As Tacitus says, the Germans deorum nominibus appellant secretum illud quosola reverentia videt.

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Hirschi, C. „A Most Dangerous Book: Tacitus' 'Germania' from the Roman Empire to the Third Reich“. German History 30, Nr. 4 (09.07.2012): 624–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghs054.

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21

Dorn, Franz. „Eve Picard, Germanisches Sakralkönigtum? Quellenkritische Studien zur Germania des Tacitus und zur altnordischen Überlieferung“. Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistische Abteilung 112, Nr. 1 (01.08.1995): 483–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgga.1995.112.1.483.

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22

Clarke, Katherine. „An Island Nation: Re-Reading Tacitus' Agricola“. Journal of Roman Studies 91 (November 2001): 94–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3184772.

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Tacitus' Agricola is one of the most tantalizingly enigmatic of ancient texts. Coming from the pen of one who was to become a renowned historian, it is notoriously hard to place in generic terms. It fails to conform to any commonly accepted model of political history, and yet, as I shall argue, it has much to tell us about Tacitus' views of Roman political life. We can turn to the parallel of the Germania for another possible way out of the dilemma, and yet the ethnographic details which the Agricola undoubtedly encompasses could hardly be seen as its main focus. The most natural cast to give the work draws on its ostensibly biographical aspect. Commemorating the res gestae of Tacitus' father-in-law, Agricola, is the purpose signalled to the reader from the first sentence onwards: ‘to hand on to future generations the deeds and values of distinguished men’ (‘clarorum virorum facta moresque posteris tradere’). All of these interpretations have had their proponents. But I shall argue here for a different reading of the Agricola, one which not only highlights an aspect of the text which has tended to be sidelined, but also provides an interpretative framework within which some of the other, more extensively treated, themes may be reconsidered. My reading of the Agricola is focused not on the state of Rome under the emperor Domitian, nor on the customs of the inhabitants of Britain, nor even on the figure of Agricola himself, but on the actual location of his res gestae. I shall consider how Tacitus' portrayal of Britain itself may ultimately offer us insights into Agricola, Domitian, and Roman political life.

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23

Bliss, Alan. „The Aviones and Widsith 26a“. Anglo-Saxon England 14 (Dezember 1985): 97–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100001290.

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In a well-known passage in his Germania Tacitus lists among the occupants of a district apparently corresponding to the modern Denmark the Aviones, the Anglii, the Varini and the Eudoses; some of these can be readily identified with tribes mentioned in the Old English Widsith. If, as seems possible, the Eudoses are the Jutes, the Ytum of Widsith 26b, there is certainly no exact phonological equivalence between the names; but the Varini correspond precisely to the Wernum, Wœrnum (dative plurals) of Widsith 25b and 59a, and the Anglii correspond to the Engle, Englum (nominative and dative plural respectively) of Widsith 44a and 61a.

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24

McNamara, James. „A NEW EDITION OF TACITUS’ GERMANIA - (S.) Audano (ed., trans.) Tacito: Germania. Saggio introduttivo, nuova traduzione e note. Pp. cc + 181, map. Santarcangelo di Romagna: Rusconi Libri, 2020. Paper, €12. ISBN: 978-88-18-03633-6.“ Classical Review 71, Nr. 2 (02.08.2021): 418–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x21002110.

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25

KELLEY, DONALD R. „(C.B.) Krebs Negotiatio Germaniae. Tacitus' Germania und Enea Silvio Piccolomini, Giannantonio Campano, Conrad Celtis und Heinrich Bebel. (Hypomnemata 158.) Pp. 284. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 2005. Cased, €76. ISBN: 978-3-525-25257-4.“ Classical Review 58, Nr. 1 (Januar 2008): 164–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x07002314.

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26

Martin, R. H. „The Germania - Allan A. Lund (ed., tr.) P. Cornelius Tacitus, Germania. Interpretiert, herausgegeben, übertragen, kommentiert und mit einer Bibliographic versehen. (Wissenschaftliche Kommentare zu griechischen und lateinischen Schriftstellern.) Pp. 284; 24 plates. Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1988. DM 194 (Paper, DM 165).“ Classical Review 40, Nr. 2 (Oktober 1990): 287–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00253729.

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27

BITTARELLO, MARIA BEATRICE. „The Construction of Etruscan ‘Otherness’ in Latin Literature“. Greece and Rome 56, Nr. 2 (14.09.2009): 211–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383509990052.

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This paper deals with issues of ethnic representation; it aims at highlighting how Roman authors tend to portray the Etruscans as ‘others’, whose cultural models deeply differ from those proposed by Rome. Several studies, conducted from different disciplinary and methodological positions, have highlighted the existence, in the Greek world, of complex representations of ‘other peoples’, representations that served political, cultural, and economic purposes. Whether the study of alterity is to be set in the context of a Greek response to the Persian wars (as P. Cartledge and others have pointed out, the creation of the barbarian seems to be primarily a Greek ideology opposing the Greeks to all other peoples), or not, it seems clear from scholarly studies that the Romans often drew upon and reworked Greek characterizations, and created specific representations of other peoples. Latin literature, which (as T. N. Habinek has noted), served the interests of Roman power, abounds with examples of ethnographic and literary descriptions of foreign peoples consciously aimed at defining and marginalizing ‘the other’ in relation to Roman founding cultural values, and functional to evolving Roman interests. Outstanding examples are Caesar's Commentarii and Tacitus' ideological and idealized representation of the Germans as an uncorrupted, warlike people in the Germania. In several cases there is evidence of layering in the representation of foreign peoples, since Roman authors often re-craft Greek representations: thus, the biased Roman portrayal of the Near East or of the Sardinians largely draws on Greek representations; in portraying the Samnites, Latin authors reshaped elements already elaborated by the Tarentines.

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28

Warren, Richard. „C. Krebs, A MOST DANGEROUS BOOK: TACITUS’ GERMANIA FROM THE ROMAN EMPIRE TO THE THIRD REICH. London: W.W.Norton & Co., 2011. Pp. 303, illus. isbn9780393062656. £18.99/US$25.95.“ Journal of Roman Studies 103 (14.10.2013): 346–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435813000762.

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29

Fratantuono, Lee M. „A Most Dangerous Book: Tacitus' “Germania” from the Roman Empire to the Third Reich. By Christopher B. Krebs. (New York, NY: W. W. Norton, 2011. Pp. 303. $29.95.)“. Historian 74, Nr. 3 (01.09.2012): 618–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.2012.00328_51.x.

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30

Pomeroy, Arthur J. „Tacitus' Germania - Günter Neumann, Henning Seemann (edd.): Beiträge zum Verständnis der Germania des Tacitus, Teil II: Bericht über die Kolloquien der Kommission für die Altertumskunde Nord- und Mitteleuropas im Jahre 1986 und 1987. (Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen, Philologisch-Historische Klasse, Dritte Folge, 195.) Pp. 378; 10 plates, 63 maps. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1992. Paper, DM 136.“ Classical Review 44, Nr. 1 (April 1994): 58–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00290446.

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31

Dobat, Andres Siegfried. „En gave til Veleda – Om en magtfuld spåkvinde og tolkningen af de sydskandinaviske krigsbytteofringer“. Kuml 58, Nr. 58 (18.10.2009): 127–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kuml.v58i58.26392.

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A gift to VeledaThe large finds of military equipment in Southern Scandinavian bogs (the so-called war booty sacrifices) have long comprised a central aspect of research into the Iron Age. During recent decades, research has focused on the chronology and origin of these find assemblages, the hierarchical structure of Iron Age armies and their military strategic organisation and logistics. Comparably little attention has, on the other hand, been paid to the finds in their primary sense, i.e. as votive offerings and, accordingly, expressions of ritual acts with ideological and religious connotations. Our knowledge concerning the character of the acts performed before and during the actual depositions, and the religious background for these acts, is very limited. An historical account of which there has, until now, been little awareness in this respect, is the history of Veleda. According to Tacitus’ Historiae, Veleda was a prophetess of the German tribes north of the Lower Rhine. Tacitus’ account may serve as a source of inspiration towards a better understanding of these war booty offerings. The aim of this article is to draw attention to the ritual and sacral dimension of the Southern Scandinavian war-booty sacrifices and to paint a picture of the possible background and religious connotations for these finds.About the South Scandinavian war booty sacrificesThe Southern Scandinavian war booty sacrifices typically contain various types of weapons and elements of the personal equipment of individual warriors, as well as tools and other elements belonging to an army’s logistical apparatus. The find sites are concentrated geographically relative to the eastern coast of Jutland and on the island of Funen. The majority dates from the Late Roman Iron Age and the beginning of the Migration Period. It is generally accepted that the war booty offerings represent the equipment belonging to defeated armies, deposited by the victors of the conflicts. Recent debate has focussed on the question of whether the sites mirror offensive or defensive military actions. With regard to the ritual background and religious connotations of the sites, discussions have traditionally been based on descriptions by Classical writers of the sacrificial rituals of Celtic or Germanic tribes. These traditionally form the explanatory framework for the interpretation of the sites as representing votive offerings of a victorious army to some war god or other.The sacrificial sites as a ritual sceneCommon features of the war booty offerings are their location in a wetland environment, originally a lake or bog, and the intensive destruction of the artefacts previous to their deposition. Analyses indicate that this destruction was conducted very intentionally and according to a firmly structured pattern of ritual behaviour. The sacrifices thus represent considerable organisational and logistical investment(s), involving the participation of large groups of people. Through an association with high steep moraine hillsides, the topography of some of the offering sites resembles that of a natural amphitheatre. The localities seem to have been intentionally chosen to allow a large audience to witness the performance of the offering. The offerings can thus be seen as highly performative and dramatic spectacles, which, drawing on both additive and visual effects, can be expected to have left a lasting impression in the memories both of individuals and of the community.Tacitus’ account of VeledaTacitus’ account of Veleda forms part of his report in books IV and V of Historiae, on the revolt of the tribes of the Batavi and the Bructeri against Roman administration, which took place around 70 AD in the province of Germania Inferior. The prophetess is introduced in the context of the siege and destruction of Castra Vetera, near modern Xanten, in 69/70 AD. According to Tacitus, she had foretold the victory of the alliance of Germanic tribes; one of the legionaries of the defeated legions was sent to her along with other gifts. She is described as a woman of the tribe of the Bructeri. Furthermore she is told to have had enormous authority, due to her prophetical and even divine power. Shortly after the siege of Castra Vetera, the Germans are reported to have succeeded in capturing the flagship of the Roman Rhine fleet, which again was brought as a present to Veleda.Veleda and her giftsVeleda is described more elaborately as being one of many prophetesses worshipped by the Germanic tribes, and who even may have achieved divine status. She was said to dwell in a tall tower of some kind, and direct contact with her was prohibited. Against the background of Veleda’s divine status, and her role as a mediator between gods and humans, the gifts which were brought to her after the Germans’ two victories can be seen as offerings. The Roman legate, said to have been killed on his way to Veleda, corresponds to the presentation and execution of the enemy commander in the context of the Roman triumph, or the killing of the Roman officers in the aftermath of the Battle of Teutoburg Forest. The trireme, the largest type of contemporary military vessel, cannot be expected to have been intended for military use but as an obvious expression of Roman military power, and hence clear proof for the Germans’ triumph.From Castra Vetera to IllerupThe range of gifts which, according to Tacitus, were brought to Veleda, correlates with some of the elements of the war booty offerings. With regard to the Roman officer, it was especially weapons and personal equipment, presumably those of the leading commanders of the defeated armies, that were deposited at several sites. These probably received special attention during preparation of the offerings. Tacitus’ account on the captured trireme is reminiscent of the finds of either complete or parts of what can be assumed to have been specialised military vessels seen in a number of war booty offerings. The similarities between the example of Veleda and the war booty offerings are not limited to the respective gifts/offerings. In both cases, the giving of gifts/offerings is in the context of a military campaign. The vessels, in particular, can be characterised as very spectacular items, and in both cases the victor of the military conflict was responsible for the giving of gifts/offerings.Veleda and her sisters in the NorthTacitus’ description of Veleda, and other references to Germanic prophetesses in Classical writings, shows parallels to the description of the Völva in much later Old Norse written sources from the medieval period. Fulfilling a role as a mediator between the gods and humans, these female prophetesses seem not only to have been part of actual society, but also an element of contemporary mythology. The Völva can be perceived as being associated with the mythological concept of the Norns, which again relate to other mythological figures, such as the Valkyries, Disir and a number of minor deities. Like Veleda, these religious specialists and mythological beings all relate to the general concept of fate, and in particular to warriors and war. Several mythological beings and female deities that appear in the Old Norse written sources, presumably representing an old stratum within the mythological narrative, show close links to a wetland environment, in the form of lakes, wells or bogs.The goddess in the lakeEven though both the various historical sources and the archaeological evidence are characterised by considerable variation in terms of space and time they nevertheless open up far-reaching perspectives and can be used as source of inspiration for a better understanding of war booty offerings. This applies not least to the question of whether these phenomena result from unsuccessful invasions or successful raids abroad. The latter hypothesis has been promoted more recently with reference to the Roman Triumph. The example of Veleda shows that the tribe of the Bructeri celebrated a version of the Triumph, indicating a similar practice in a Germanic context. This supports the above hypothesis that at least some of the war booty offerings may result from the showing off to the native community of war booty acquired abroad. The story of Veleda is of particular interest with reference to the nature of the ritual and religious dimension of the finds. Tacitus’ account of Veleda resembles the Southern Scandinavian war booty offerings on several counts. Additionally, there are obvious parallels between Veleda and the other Germanic prophetesses, on the one hand, and a large number of female characters in Old Norse written sources on Pre-Christian mythology, on the other. These similarities may be rooted in a shared conceptualisation of the influence of the divine powers on the outcome of a battle, of the predictability of the will of these powers and how appreciation could be expressed to such powers or to the ones who had communicated their will. The example of Veleda can be seen, like the later written accounts of Vølvas, Norns, Valkyries and other mythological beings, as a distant echo of this concept; it presumably belongs to the oldest strata of Pre- Christian cosmology reflected in our written sources. The historical sources can be seen as mirroring a past cognitive reality and religious world view; according to which female beings, both as religious specialists and as mythological characters, fulfilled a crucial role in the context of coercion, war and death. Against this background, one may ask whether the war booty offerings can be interpreted as reflecting votive offerings relating to religious specialists who were incorporated into preparation of the military campaign. Additionally, one may ask whether the nameless war god, to whom the war booty offerings are traditionally thought to have been dedicated, may also be sought among the various female beings mentioned in Classical and later Old Norse sources. These sources mirror a mythological conceptualisation of wells, lakes and bogs as not merely transitional zones or entrances to the supernatural, but as the very dwelling place of various mythological beings. Against this background, the changing context of votive activities in Scandinavia, practised in both wetland environments and in the context of settlements, may have been rooted in the dualism of a female and masculine sphere in religious and military practice.Andres Sieg fried DobatMoesgård Museum/Aarhus Universitet

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Thorne, James. „M.-W. SCHULZ, CAESAR ZU PFERDE. ROSS UND REITER IN CAESARS KOMMENTARIEN UND IN DER GERMANIA DES TACITUS (Spudasmata 123). Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlag, 2009. Pp. x + 322, illus. isbn9783437139296. €49.80.“ Journal of Roman Studies 102 (November 2012): 361–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435812000548.

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Martin, R. H. „The Germania - Herbert Jankuhn, Dieter Timpe (edd.): Beiträge zum Verständnis der Germania des Tacitus, Teil I: Bericht über die Kolloquien der Kommission für die Altertumskunde Nord- und Mitteleuropas im Jahr 1986. (Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen, Philologisch-historische Klasse (Dritte Folge), 175.) Pp. 233; 1 map. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1989. Paper, DM 69.“ Classical Review 41, Nr. 1 (April 1991): 72–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00277317.

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Strauss, Gerald. „James S. Hirstein. Tacitus' Germania and Beatus Rhenanus (1485-1587): A Study of Editorial and Exegetical Contribution of a Sixteenth Century Scholar. (Studien zur klassischen Philologie, ed. Michael von Albrecht, 91.) Frankfurt am Main, 1995. 324 pp. $52.95.“ Renaissance Quarterly 50, Nr. 4 (1997): 1242–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3039438.

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François, Paul. „Tacite, La Germanie. L’origine et le pays des Germains, traduit, présenté et annoté par Patrick Voisin“. Pallas, Nr. 83 (01.10.2010): 445–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/pallas.11921.

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Walsdorf, Hanna. „Nudes, Swords, and the Germanic Imagination: Renditions of Germanic Sword Dance Narratives in Early Twentieth-Century Dance“. Dance Research Journal 47, Nr. 3 (Dezember 2015): 27–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0149767715000340.

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The written history of German sword dance has seen a number of quaint twists. With the rediscovery in 1455 of a short Tacitus quote (98 C.E.) presumably proving the existence of the sword dance in ancient Germanic times, claims were soon made that it had persisted for millennia. From the late nineteenth century onward, nationalists and body culture theorists, each in their way, favored the idea of revitalizing an ethnic German dance form. This article aims to delineate the respective discourses, and illustrates these by portraying the choreographic renditions of an imagined German sword dance tradition by Olga Desmond and Harald Kreutzberg.

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Goffart, Walter. „Two Notes on Germanic Antiquity Today“. Traditio 50 (1995): 9–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900013143.

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The history of the early Germans is controversial terrain. This is known, though not invariably admitted. A few years ago, Klaus von See summed up the underlying predicament:Germans (Deutsche) have it hard with the origins of their national past. The oldest texts are not indigenous; they stem from Latin and Greek authors — Tacitus, Ammianus Marcellinus, Procopius. If stone vestiges are sought, one mostly has to be content with Celtic and Roman remains…. Supplementary efforts are made to unearth authentic Germanic monuments in large parts of Old Norse [literature]… — it being readily overlooked that the Edda and the sagas bear witness not to Germanic antiquity, but to the Scandinavian early and high Middle Ages, [and were] only written long after Christianization. As a result, studies of the early Germans are a difficult terrain for historical science….

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Krebs, Christopher B. „An Innocuous Yet Noxious Text: Tacitus’s Germania“. Historically Speaking 12, Nr. 4 (2011): 2–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hsp.2011.0050.

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Werner, Michael. „La Germanie de Tacite et l'originalité allemande“. Le Débat 78, Nr. 1 (1994): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/deba.078.0039.

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Mambwinikivuila-Kiaku, José. „Fleuves et forêts dans la Germania de Tacite: éléments représentatifs de l’espace germanique“. Classica - Revista Brasileira de Estudos Clássicos 29, Nr. 1 (15.03.2017): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24277/classica.v29i1.407.

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Dois elementos naturais surgem regularmente na paisagem germânica da Germania, a saber: as água (cursos d’água, rios, pântanos e mesmo lagos) e as imensas florestas. Essa constante na Germania significa tão-só que Tácito define o território da Germânia por meio de imagens espaciais da liquidez e da inacessibilidade em razão da vastidão das florestas. Se os rios deixam correr suas águas até a desembocadura no Oceano, são eles a força que, nessas imensas florestas, organiza a vida. Como Tácito representa esses dois elementos naturais – os rios e a floresta –; de que artifícios ele se vale para melhor representá-los, e que função(ões) lhes atribui? Estas são as questões que tentaremos responder neste artigo, sem muito estendermo-nos.

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Devillers, Olivier. „Images du Germain dans la Germanie de Tacite“. Vita Latina 182, Nr. 1 (2010): 75–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/vita.2010.1699.

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Tillisch, Søren Skriver. „Oldtidsforfattere under arkæologisk kontrol – Om skriftlige kilder og materiel kultur i Sydskandinavien“. Kuml 58, Nr. 58 (18.10.2009): 213–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kuml.v58i58.26395.

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Archaeological “checks” of classical writers Written sources and material culture in Southern ScandinaviaThe writings of classical authors have rarely been used in the study of Southern Scandinavian prehistory during the last 50 years. This is primarily because of their misuse in the early part of the 20th century and the professionalisation of archaeology after the Second World War. As the interests of archaeology have moved from a local to a regional scale this situation has changed. However, there has been no theoretical or methodological discussion of the relationship between written sources and material culture in Southern Scandinavia in the past 10-15 years, despite the employment of a wide selection of sources in studies of material culture. This is problematic since much research suggests that great theoretical and methodological care is needed in approaching this problem. Through the study of three examples, the basics of a methodology for studying prehistoric societies such as that existing in Southern Scandinavia during the Iron Age will be laid down. The three examples are: Pytheas the Massaliot and his journey to the amber island of Abalus, a comparison between exchange at the Gudme-Lundeborg ‘emporium’ with Roman-Indian trade and the historical-archaeological emergence of “the Danes”. Written sources and material cultureThe relationship between written sources and prehistoric archaeology is ambivalent. There is nothing like a reference to a written source to enliven a dry treatise! However, a direct relationship between written and archaeological sources is rare. But an archaeological interpretation is pieced together using information from many sources, and given the close relationship with historical science it is not prima facie feasible to leave out historical sources in archaeological treatises. The anthropology of antiquity is also important here since it considered the northern Barbarians to be wilder and more hot-headed and, conversely, more just and free, the further they lived from the Graeco-Roman centre of the world. Similarly, the southern and eastern Barbarians were said to be lazy and live under tyranny – a reference to the climate in which they existed. In light of this, the use of written sources relative to the archaeological record presupposes a careful consideration of textual and historical context (fig.1). The interrelation of the written sourcesThe interrelation of the sources may best be described as an equation containing an abundance of unknowns. Overall we can distinguish two main groups of sources: mythological, such as those concerning the myths of the Hyperboreans and of Apollo, and factual historical-ethnographic. The oldest factual source is undoubtedly the fragments of “On the Ocean” by Pytheas the Massaliot, mainly surviving in Strabo and Pliny. Pytheas was followed by a number of lost Hellenistic authors. In the 1st century AD, Pomponius Mela, Pliny and Tacitus all concerned themselves to some degree with lands now recognised as being in Southern Scandinavia, as did Claudius Ptolemaeus in the mid-2nd cen- tury AD. This latter work was, however, based on a compilation produced no later than c. 110 AD by Marinus of Tyros. After Claudius Ptolemaeus there is no direct mention of Southern Scandinavian prior to the 6th century AD writers of Jordanes and Prokopios.Historiographical surveyIn the early days of archaeology, J. J. A. Worsaae, Oscar Montelius and Sophus Müller considered archaeology, to a greater or lesser degree, to be part of historical science, albeit with certain specific core objectives related to material culture. It was only with the arrival of Johannes Brøndsted that archaeology thought itself able to ‘check’ the written sources against the archaeological record. This trend became more pronounced in the latter part of the 20th century as the developments of the 1930s and 1940s were denounced, and processual archaeology reigned supreme from the early 1960s onwards. Ulla Lund-Hansen’s study of Roman imports in Scandinavia changed the situation somewhat and since then teleological projects, like Fra Stamme til Stat in Denmark, the Borre project in Norway and the Svealand project in Sweden, have dominated archaeological research into the Iron Age of Southern Scandinavia. Simultaneous with these developments, other researchers have pointed out the complexity inherent in using a combination of written sources and material culture. More especially, they have shown that Germania libera, a common denomination of non-Roman Germania, is a historiographic misnomer as well as Germania magna and Germania transrhenana, none of which is mentioned in the sources. All this leads to the need for an evaluation of the relationship between written sources and the archaeological record in order to provide a sound basis for a future methodology. Pytheas the Massaliot and the NorthIn international research there is no doubt that Pytheas’ visit to Abalus, the amber island, and Ultima Thule far to the north was a real historical event. This has been questioned somewhat by Scandinavian archaeologists on the basis of, as I see it, incorrect readings of the written sources and the lack of any direct evidence of such a journey. Such evidence should, however, not be expected to exist from a single journey and the surviving fragments are sufficient to enable a few archaeological-historical suggestions to be made. For example, identification of the amber island as the former island of Thy in Northwest Jutland, and the idea of amber as fuel as being reminiscent of its use in conjunction with burial rites.The Romans in India and in Scandinavia – an analogy?Southern Scandinavia takes up no more than a few lines in Claudius Ptolemaeus’ geographical treatise of the 2nd century AD. Despite this, the meagre information offered has, in recent years, been used in conjunction with the rich sites of Gudme- Lundeborg and Himlingøje to argue for close contacts with the Roman Empire. This trade has been perceived as being analogous to that between Roman Egypt and India. This conclusion is shown to be wrong by a comparison of the archaeological records of Southern Scandinavia and India, and by considering the continuity of sources on India against the fragmentary state and diminishing number of the sources relating to Southern Scandinavia. For example, there are abundant finds of amphorae from India and none from South Scandinavia, and there is at least one major work on Romano-Indian exchange and only fragments relating to the Romano- German equivalent. The ethnogenesis of the DanesIn the first half of the 6th century AD the Danes are mentioned three times in written sources. Although we will most probably have to disengage completely Jordanes’ creation myth of the Goths from the usual link to the assumed but unproven Gothic migration from Sweden around the turn of the era, this is still an important source. Accordingly, the contemporary archaeological record indicates the appearance of a polity in Southern Scandinavia fairly likely to be connected with the Danes, and maybe even a pax Danorum of the 6th –8th centuries AD. Cultural historical fragmentsIt has been shown that it is possible both to falsify and to qualify archaeological interpretations using written sources. It has been demonstrated that Pytheas the Massaliot’s journey was a real historical event, backed up by archaeological evidence. It has also been shown that the Roman imports at Gudme-Lundeborg and Himlingøje do not seem to reflect trade equivalent to that between Rome and India. A direct comparison of the material and historical evidence seems to exclude that possibility. Furthermore, sources from the 6th century AD, together with the material culture, strongly suggest the appearance of a polity centred on the Danes and demonstrate that there is no inherent connection between Jordanes’ Gothic creation myth and the assumed Gothic migration. Methodologically it seems clear that material culture and written sources must be evaluated separately in order to judge the potential for synthesis. Only after careful consideration of the pros and cons can an argument be proposed. A major conclusion is that some modern archaeological interpretations of material culture are based partly on anachronistic readings of the relevant written sources. Accordingly, while there is positive confirmation that the written sources, even those referring to the Early Iron Age of Southern Scandinavia, may be of use in the study of prehistory, there is also a warning that this is not always the case. Very serious contextual considerations must precede any attempts at a synthesis between these two diverse groups of evidence relating to the past. Søren Skriver TillischAtheneskolen, København

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Young, Andrew T. „From Caesar to Tacitus: changes in early Germanic governance circa 50 BC-50 AD“. Public Choice 164, Nr. 3-4 (09.08.2015): 357–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-015-0282-7.

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Stafford, Pauline. „Women and the Norman Conquest“. Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 4 (Dezember 1994): 221–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679222.

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IN 1779 William Alexander published what is probably the first history of women in English. The work is in the eighteenth-century Enlightenment tradition of Montesquieu or the Scot Millar in its wide comparative reference; it ranges over ancient and modern societies, civilised and savage. Alexander was interested, like Millar, in the historical changes which had produced change for women; and convinced, like so many eighteenth-century thinkers, that change was a western phenomenon. In his story, the first great change after Rome came with the arrival of the Germans, who gave ‘law and custom to all Europe’ and who brought with them a new view of women. ‘Their women were in many respects of equal and sometimes even greater consideration and consequence than their men’. His sentiments echo those of the French writer Thomas, whom he had certainly read. In 1772 Thomas had begun his essay on the character, manners and spirit of women in different centuries by dividing the world into savages, who oppress as tyrants, orientals, who are driven to oppress due to an excess of love, and the denizens of temperate climates, where less passion allows greater freedom. It was thus from the cold ‘shores of the Baltic and forests of the North’ that the primitive Germans brought to Europe their spirit of gallantry and great respect for women. Both Thomas and Alexander echoed and adapted Tacitus’ classic picture of Germanic women. Tacitus had long since written of the high regard in which the German women were held: of the mothers and wives who urged their sons and husbands to valour, of their inspirational chastity, of the austere frugality of Germanic marriage, of wives whose controlled passions loved the married state itself rather than their husbands.

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Andrews. „Domitianus Germanicus: Tacitus's Germania and the Memory of Domitian“. Illinois Classical Studies 44, Nr. 2 (2019): 408. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illiclasstud.44.2.0408.

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Arkæologisk Selskab, Jysk. „Anmeldelser 2016“. Kuml 65, Nr. 65 (25.11.2016): 259–358. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kuml.v65i65.24836.

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Charlotte Boje Andersen og Jytte Nielsen (red.): Metaldetektiverne. Detektorfund fra Thy og Mors.(Jens Jeppesen)Rainer Atzbach, Lars Meldgaard Sass Jensen & Leif Plith Lauritsen (red.): Castles at War.(Lars Krants)Thomas Bertelsen & Martin Wangsgaard Jürgensen (red.): hikuin 39. Sorø-Studier. Om kirkens og klosterets historie og brug.(Morten Larsen)Margareta Biörnstad: Kulturminnesvård i efterkrigstid – med Riksantikvarieämbetet i centrum.(Ulf Bertilsson)Anders Bøgh, Helle Henningsen og Kristian Dalsgaard (red.): Nørre Vosborg i tid og rum.(Rikke Agnete Olsen)Tom Christensen: Lejre bag myten. De arkæologiske udgravninger.(Lotte Hedeager)Daniel Dübner: Untersuchungen zur Entwiklung und Struktur der frühgeschichtlichen Siedlung Flögeln im Elbe-Weser Dreieck.(Torben Egeberg)Anton Englert: Large Cargo Ships in Danish Waters 1000-1250. Evidence of specialised merchant seafaring prior to the Hanseatic Period.(Otto Uldum)Pernille Foss og Niels Algreen Møller (red.): De dødes landskab. Grav og gravskik i ældre jernalder i Danmark.(Martin Winther Olesen)Catherine Frieman & Berit Valentin Eriksen (eds.): Flint daggers in prehistoric Europe.(Jan Apel)Julia Gräf: Lederfunde der Vorrömischen Eisenzeit und Römischen Kaiserzeit aus Nordwestdeutschland.(Ulla Mannering)Svend Illum Hansen: Jættestuebyggerne. Arkitektur i Danmarks stenalder.(Anne Birgitte Gebauer)Kristina Hegner: Aus Mecklenburgs Kirchen und Klöstern. Der Mittelalterbestand des Staatlichen Museums Schwerin.(Morten Larsen)Christofer Herrmann & Dethard von Winterfeld (Hrsg.): Mittelalterliche Architektur in Polen. Romanische und gotische Baukunst zwischen Oder und Weichsel, Bd. 1-2.(Hans Krongaard Kristensen)Jesper Hjermind & Hugo Støttrup Jensen: Vitskøl Kloster. Den middelalderlige bygningshistorie.(Morten Larsen)Anne Nørgård Jørgensen & Hans Chr.H. Andersen: Ejsbøl Mose. Die Kriegsbeuteopfer im Moor von Ejsbøl aus dem späten 1. Jh.v.Chr. bis zum frühen 5. Jh.n.Chr.(Rasmus Birch Iversen)Hans Krongaard Kristensen: Franciskanerklostret i Horsens.(Martin Wangsgaard Jürgensen)Tenna R. Kristensen (red.): Haderslev – en købstad bliver til. Udgravninger ved Starup og Møllestrømmen.(Hans Krongaard Kristensen)Mette Svart Kristiansen, Else Roesdahl and James Graham-Cambell (eds.): Medieval Archaeology in Scandinavia and Beyond. History, trends and tomorrow.(Axel Christophersen)Ulrik Langen: Tyven. Den utrolige historie om manden, der stjal guldhornene.(Jeanette Varberg)Nina Lau: Das Thorsberger Moor, Band 1: Die Pferdegeschirre. Germanische Zaumzeuge und Sattelgeschirre als Zeugnisse kriegerischer Reiterei im mittel- und nordeuropäischen Barbaricum.Ruth Blankenfeldt: Das Thorsberger Moor, Band 2: Die persönlichen Ausrüstungen. Susana Matešić: Das Thorsberger Moor, Band 3: Die militärische Ausrüstungen. Vergleichende Untersuchungen zur römishcen und germanischen Bewaffnung.Ruth Blankenfeldt, Claus von Carnap-Bornheim, Walter Dörfler, Julia Gräf, Klemens Kelm, Nina Lau & Susana Matešić: Das Thorsberger Moor, Band 4: Fund- und Forschungsgeschichte, naturwissenschaftliche und materialkundliche Untersuchungen. (Xenia Pauli Jensen)Jim Leary: The Remembered Land. Surviving Sea-level Rise after the Last Ice Age.(Peter Moe Astrup)Allan A. Lund: Tacitus – Germania.(Thomas Grane)Jens Christian Moesgaard: King Harold’s Cross Coinage. Christian Coins for the Merchants of Haithabu and the King’s Soldiers.(Jon Anders Risvaag)Viggo Nielsen og Niels-Chr. Clemmensen: Oldtidsagre i Danmark. Fyn og Langeland.(Mette Løvschal)Lis Helles Olesen og Esben Schlosser Mauritsen: Luftfotoarkæologi i Danmark.(Jens Andresen)Teresa Østergaard Pedersen: Sammenlignende vandalisme. Asger Jorn, den nordiske folkekunst og arkæologien.(Inger-Lise Kolstrup)Dalia Anna Pokutta: Population Dynamics, Diet and Migrations of the Unetice Culture in Poland.(Rune Iversen)Felix Riede (ed.): Past Vulnerability. Volcanic eruptions and human vulnerability in traditional societies past and present.(Mads Ravn)Christiane Ruhmann & Vera Brieske (red.): Dying Gods – Religious beliefs in northern and eastern Europe in the time of Christianisation.(Kent O. Laursen)Martin Rundkvist: In the Landscape and Between Worlds. Bronze Age Deposition Sites Around Lakes Mäleren and Hjälmaren in Sweden.(Lise Frost)Olaf Wagener (Hrsg): Arborte im Mittelalter und der Frühen Neuzeit. Bauforschung. Archäologie. Kulturgeschichte.(Lars Meldgaard Sass Jensen)Rainer-Maria Weiss & Anne Klammt (Hrsg.): Mythos Hammaburg. Archäologische Entdeckungen zu den Anfängen Hamburgs.(Silke Eisenschmidt)

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Ribeiro, Daniel Valle. „Nero: Política externa e defesa do império“. Classica - Revista Brasileira de Estudos Clássicos 2, Nr. 1 (03.02.2018): 35–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.24277/classica.v2i1.622.

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Annotation:

Néron, le moins belliqueux des empereurs romains du premier siècle, s’est trouvé aux prises avec des problèmes militaires. L’historiographie moderne étudie et analyse de nouveaux aspects de son gouvernement, que l’antique historiographie. appuyée sur des textes de Tacitus. Dion Cassius et Suetonius, n’a pas compris. En Orient, les partes envahissent l’Arménie et causent des problèmes jusqu’à ce que Rome arrive à les pacifier. En Occident, la guerre de Bretagne a causé plus de cinquante mille morts. En même temps, en Germanie, les barbares ne sont pas du tout tranquilles. En outre, les relations entre les juifs et les romains sont très dlfficiles: la domination est oppressive; les extorsions, fréquentes; et les juifs se soulèvent.

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Gebühr, Michael. „The Holsteinian housewife and the Danish Diva: Early Germanic female images in Tacitus and cemetery evidence∗“. Norwegian Archaeological Review 30, Nr. 2 (Januar 1997): 113–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00293652.1997.9965614.

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Kerremans, Bernt. „Een Romeinse prins tussen Rijn en Elbe - Germanicus, Tacitus en de veldtochten in Germanië (14-16 n.C.)“. Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis 124, Nr. 3 (01.10.2011): 300–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2011.3.kerr.

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Laederich, Pierre. „Stratégie impossible ou stratégie inachevée? Tacite et les campagnes de Germanie“. Bulletin de l'Association Guillaume Budé 1, Nr. 3 (1991): 290–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/bude.1991.1477.

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