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1
Olejarz, Tomasz. „Zbigniew Brzezinski’s perspective on the geostrategic and geopolitical importance of Ukraine“. Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 21, Nr. 1 (Dezember 2023): 59–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2023.1.4.
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The aim of this article was to portray the complexity of the crisis/war in Ukraine, an event that has shaken Europe more than any other since World War II. The complexity of the crisis could be located in the involvement of external powers (Russia, US, NATO, EU, Turkey, etc.). Zbigniew Brzezinski throws light on the geopolitical significance of Ukraine in the context of the tendency of great powers to secure dominance in Eurasia. Brzezinski assigned Ukraine as a “pivotal” figure on the “Eurasian chessboard” due to its vital geostrategic position, major resources, access to the Black Sea, and importance for Russian strategic interests. In terms of a realist perspective and geopolitical thoughts, Brzezinski’s writings still represent a valuable asset in the analysis of the current crisis in Ukraine.
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Goltsov, A. „UKRAINE’S GEOSTRATEGY IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE“. National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, Nr. 3(59) (27.12.2023): 19–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2023.3(59).295001.
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The article examines the essential features of Ukraine's regional geostrategy in Central and Eastern Europe, reveals the main problems, and defines the prospects of Ukrainian geostrategy. In the conditions of war, Ukraine’s geostrategy regarding the RF should be offensive in nature and envisage the return of the entire geopolitical space of the state through the use, first of all, of military force. Ukraine's geostrategy in Central and Eastern Europe should be developed on the basis of its national interests, first of all, ensuring its own national security and achieving a sufficiently high level of integral potential development. When developing and implementing its regional geostrategy, Ukraine must take into account the interests of the US, other leading Western countries, and neighboring EU and NATO member states, since it needs their help. Ukraine's geostrategy in Central and Eastern Europe should be largely aimed at the formation of the Baltic-Black Sea regional security system, which will consist of two subsystems: the Baltic (Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Finland) and the Black Sea (Romania, Moldova, Ukraine, in cooperation with Turkey). In the formation of the Baltic subsystem, Poland can play a particularly significant role, whose military potential is strengthened thanks to the help from the US and the UK. The development of militarypolitical cooperation between Ukraine and the Baltic states, as well as Finland, is of great importance for the realization of its geostrategic interests. Regarding Belarus, Ukraine's contemporary geostrategy should be “confrontational”, aimed at the maximum weakening of this state as a geopolitical satellite of Russia. The Black Sea subsystem can be formed as a result of joint active efforts of Ukraine and Turkey in the field of military security. The involvement of Romania and, to a lesser extent, Moldova in subregional militarypolitical cooperation should also be important. The potential reintegration of Transnistria by the Republic of Moldova corresponds to the geostrategic interests of Ukraine, as it will eliminate the Russian geopolitical bridgehead. As a result of the implementation of its regional geostrategy, Ukraine is potentially able to become a leading “player” in the new security system in Central and Eastern Europe.
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Baniya, Dharma Bahadur. „Geo-strategic importance of Nepal“. Unity Journal 1 (01.02.2020): 39–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/unityj.v1i0.35693.
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The destiny of a country, to a great extent, depends upon its geo-strategic position in the world. Nepal’s unique geo-strategic position has contributed to expand its roles and enhance its strategic significance in the regional as well as the global affairs. Our neighbors are taking interest in Nepal mainly because of its connectivity potential, natural resources and their security concerns. By realizing our geo-strategic importance, immediate neighbors and some established powers are trying to expand their influences in various forms, over Nepal. With this background, this article forwards relevant recommendations to exploit maximum benefits by analyzing the importance of geostrategic position of Nepal.
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Stellner, František, Marek Vokoun, Pavel Szobi und Marek Kasa. „Transport Policy as a Way to Strengthen Geostrategic Position – A Review of Vienna as a Centre of Air and High-Speed Rail Transport in Central Europe“. Promet - Traffic&Transportation 35, Nr. 3 (28.06.2023): 285–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.7307/ptt.v35i3.58.
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Vienna’s geostrategic importance fluctuated through the ages because of the power clashes and subsequent political and socio-economic impacts on the population. This paper assesses its current position in a historical context and then focuses more on the socio-economic dimensions such as interconnectedness and other transport aspects of the geostrategic position. Air and environmentally friendlier modes of passenger transport like high-speed rail are considered and analysed in the European context. This paper also reviews the results and issues dealing with the development of the Vienna Airport and the progress of high-speed railway projects in the Central European Economies (CEEs) after the European Union’s enlargement in 2004. The results suggest that after a restoration period of Vienna’s geostrategic position between 1995–2005, there is currently only a moderate and slowly growing exercise of power, control or influence over the CEEs. The results suggest that there is competition from busier German hub airports as well as the growing importance of CEE airports in transit and growing passenger transport performance figures. The lack of environmentally friendly high-speed infrastructure as a viable option instead of the fastest air travel is preventing Vienna to strengthen its strategic position. Its strategic importance is highly affected by the underdeveloped transport networks in CEEs and the future development of the Vienna Airport as a major transport hub.
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Patsiorkovsky, Valery V., Yury A. Simagin und Djamila J. Murtuzalieva. „Population dynamics of priority geostrategic Territories of Russia in 2010-2018“. VESTNIK INSTITUTA SOTZIOLOGII 12, Nr. 2 (2021): 123–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/vis.2021.12.2.718.
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The article presents an analysis of the dynamics of the population of the priority geostrategic territories of the Russian Federation. They are highlighted in the "Strategy for the Spatial Development of the Russian Federation until 2025" as territories that are of particular importance for the development of the country as a whole and are distinguished at the same time by special life conditions and the functioning of the economy due to their geographical location. Population dynamics for such territories is both a factor determining socio-economic development and an indicator of the effectiveness of this development. The components of the population dynamics - natural growth and migration flows - are of particular importance. The article describes all four groups of priority geostrategic territories of Russia - isolated from the main territory of the country (exclaves), located in the North Caucasus and the Far East, in the Arctic zone of the Russian Federation. For each group, trends in population dynamics have been identified since the 2010 census, taking into account the components of natural growth and migration. The multidirectional aspect of the main demographic processes in the priority geostrategic territories of the country is revealed - natural growth is combined with the migration outflow of the population, and the migration inflow - with natural decline. At the same time, in the exclave and North Caucasian territories, the population is growing, and in the Far Eastern and Arctic territories it is decreasing. The features of both groups of priority geostrategic territories in comparison with Russia as a whole and of individual constituent entities of the Russian Federation and municipalities within groups of territories are shown. The latter became possible due to the use of the database "Municipal Russia", that summarises demographic statistics for all urban districts and municipal areas of the country, including those located in priority geostrategic territories. As a result of the analysis of the population dynamics, directions have been identified that can lead to an improvement in the demographic situation in the priority geostrategic territories of the country, and, accordingly, will contribute to the socio-economic development of not only these territories, but the entire Russian Federation
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Yazdani, Enayatollah, und Ma Yanzhe. „Geopolitical and Geostrategic Importance of the Iranian Islands in the Persian Gulf“. Review of European Studies 14, Nr. 3 (27.07.2022): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v14n3p30.
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Iran is a Middle Eastern country which located in the north of the Persian Gulf. Due to the vastness of its territory in the Persian Gulf, Iran has the most beaches in this sea and has a number of the valuable and strategic islands in the entrance of the Persian Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz. In this regards the Iranian islands in the Persian Gulf which are more than 30 islands due to their geopolitical, geostraegic and geoeconomic locations play important role in Iran domestic, regional and global arenas. In addition, some of its islands particularly, three islands of Greater Tunb, Lesser Tunb and Abu Musa have essential military role in Iran’s security.
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Khanal, Gopal. „Blending Foreign Policy with Nepal’s Geostrategic Location“. Journal of Foreign Affairs 2, Nr. 01 (05.09.2022): 121–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jofa.v2i01.44021.
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Over the course of a century, the Western world’s power hegemony has gradually shifted to Asia. China is emerging as a superpower with technological advancement, cashless transactions, 5Gdevelopment, and one of the most powerful military forces. China’s power in Asia has added worries to the United States of America. The purpose of this research is to emphasize Nepal’s geostrategic location and its impact on foreign policy. Nepal is located between the two rising economies in the world, China, and India, who have had conflicting and competitive relations, and therefore requires to delicately balance its relations given the sensitive geopolitical location. But it doesn’t mean Nepal should compromise her sovereignty and territorial integrity while maintaining geopolitical balance. Similarly, India and China need to respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Nepal. This has been a major challenge for Nepal to design its foreign policy based on sound geopolitical theories. Although literature on Nepal’s geostrategic importance is limited, this paper explores the impact of its geographic location on foreign policy in the changing global order.
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Rout, Madhusmita, und Bhagyadhar Sethy. „Geostrategic Significance of Energy: A Glimpse of India-Russia Relations“. Governance and Politics 1, Nr. 3 (11.01.2023): 88–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2782-7062-2022-1-3-88-100.
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History bears witness to how resources have become the object of many conflicts and wars between nations. The roots of imperialism and colonialism are embedded in the need for resources. Examples of these resources are both renewable and non-renewable resources such as water, minerals, fossil fuels and natural gas. Out of all these what stands prominent is energy derived from non-renewable resources. With modernization stepping into every aspect of civilized life, energy becomes the criteria to distinguish a developed country from an underdeveloped or developing country. A country brimming with fossil fuels and other natural gases shapes the foreign policy of other nations through export or making others inescapably dependent on it. It is said, then the geostrategic importance of these energy sources increases the status and position of that nation in the global power structure. In this backdrop, the geostrategic importance of Russia in power structure has been analyzed in this paper. For the bourgeoning population and sky-rocketing energy requirements, the energy available in India has not been adequate. For this reason, since independence India has been compelled to be dependent on other energy surplus countries. India's growing and deepening relationship with a reliable Russia can be explained in this light. With exit of western investments in Russia for exploration of energy the Indian companies have stepped in for new explorations and increasing production. This mutuality has strengthened their relations despite tumults in global politics and ongoing Russia's special operation in Ukraine. This geostrategic importance of energy in the friendship between India and Russia will continue till India attains self-sufficiency in producing energy.
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El-Din, Noha Muthana Najm, und Muhammad Yass Khudair. „The geostrategic position of the Arab Levant region in the Turkish realization“. International and Political Journal 54 (20.03.2023): 523–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.31272/ipj.54.22.
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This study aims at shedding light on the geopolitical position of the Arab Levant region in the Turkish perception, as this region occupies great importance in the global system, as it is considered the most important region that has central importance since ancient times in the relations of East and West, in addition to its modern strategic importance in its cultural and economic content. geographical and cultural. The region was the subject of the ambitions of the major powers to control it, which made it one of the regions most influential in global developments and events, and as a result of this strategic importance, it was the subject of intense regional competition to extend control over it, which prompted the competing regional countries, including Turkey, to try to reconsider with regard to this region, And trying to influence them to achieve goals and principles that are compatible with their interests.
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Simagin, Yury, und Djamilya Murtuzalieva. „Demographic problems of geostrategic territories of the Russian Far East“. Population 23, Nr. 4 (19.12.2020): 153–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/population.2020.23.4.14.
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The article presents an analysis of the demographic problems of the priority geostrategic territories of the Russian Far East. Such territories are characterized in the «Strategy for Spatial Development of the Russian Federation to 2025» as having a particular significance for development of the country as a whole, but differing in special conditions of the population life and functioning of the economy due to their geographical location. The main problem of the Far East geostrategic territories of the country is depopulation, which is both a factor that slows down the socio-economic development and an indicator that characterizes the low performance of this development. Components of the population dynamics that lead to its decline — natural growth and migration flows — are of particular importance. The article identifies multidirectional nature of the main demographic processes — natural growth is mainly combined with migration outflow of the population. The regions of the Far East that managed to increase their population in 2010-2018 with this combination are the Republics of Sakha (Yakutia) and Buryatia. Specific features of the Far East priority geostrategic territories in comparison with Russia as a whole are shown. The analysis is based on the «Municipal Russia» database, which summarizes the demographic statistics for all urban districts and municipal districts of the country, including those located on the priority geostrategic territories. As a result of the analysis of population dynamics, we have identified directions that can lead to an improvement in the demographic situation in the priority geostrategic territories of the Far East, and, accordingly, will contribute to the socio-economic development of not only these territories, but also the entire Russian Federation.
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Khan, Sidra, Zeeshan Ahmad und Maghfoor Ullah. „China’s Geostrategic Interest in the Indian Ocean Region“. Qlantic Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 4, Nr. 4 (30.12.2023): 141–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.55737/qjssh.917005034.
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The goal of this research is to look at China's expanding geopolitical interests in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), as well as the strategic implications of its involvement. As it climbs to importance on the global scene, China has escalated its role in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) via economic investments, maritime infrastructure projects, and naval activities. The research explores China's interest in the IOR, diving into the country's economic imperatives, energy security concerns, and the geopolitical significance of securing maritime routes. The report also assesses the impact of China's actions on the dynamics of the surrounding region, focusing on China's relationships with neighboring states and key players in the IOR. By evaluating China's evolving tactics and the responses of regional parties, this research aims to provide insights into the wider geopolitical context and potential issues coming from China's increasing influence in the Indian Ocean. These insights will be gained by examining China's shifting tactics as well as the reactions of regional players.
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Mohamed Zaydan, Rasha Suhail. „US-Chinese competition against the South China Sea (A study of geo-strategic dimensions)“. Tikrit Journal For Political Science, Nr. 20 (13.07.2020): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i20.229.
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International balances, especially the geostrategic balances the United States and China, are among the most important regional and international balances of the new international order, specifically the Asia-Pacific region. In addition to the importance of the strategic environment over which the two countries compete, if the South China Sea occupies a geostrategic position as a result of the political, economic and military security capabilities that it enjoys, then China regards it as a part of its territory and is subject to its regional sovereignty. The Asia_ Pacific region, and preventing the United States from competing with it and controlling it as a vital economic, commercial and military field, is security for it.
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MAISAIA, Vakhtang, und Salome KARELI. „‘THREE SEAS’ AREA PAN-REGIONAL SECURITY PROVISIONS AND ITS GEOPOLITICAL CONSEQUENCES – SECURITY DILEMMA VS. SECURITY DEADLOCK“. Ante Portas - Studia nad bezpieczeństwem 2(13)/2019, Nr. 2(13)/2019 (2019): 63–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.33674/201911.
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The geostrategic area that generally could be labelled as the ‘Three Seas’(TSI) pan-region (Baltic Sea-Adriatic Sea-Black Sea geostrategic space) has already been described as a hotspot and as an unstable zone caused by interference of not only global but also regional hegemon powers. The main cause of instability by the global power actors is defined as being described as a ’New Cold War’ game where Eastern and Central Europe as well as the Black Sea zone are becoming a new geostrategic ‘Rimland’ for the game. The area is the primary sphere of major interests for political regional organizations, including the EU and NATO, with increasing importance of the area from a geostrategic standpoint. The instability clause is being inspired by new challenges – violent non-state actors (like DAESH, Al-Qaida, etc.), black transit transactions (drug and arms smuggling), all types of terrorist entities, separatism war-gamers, low intensified conflicts, violent human rights violations, etc. All of these factors lead toward the emergence of a hybrid warfare concept r in regional security stability. Asymmetric challenges imposed by hybrid warfare initiators caused more. Unfortunately all these new challenges cause the development of new types of security infringement with involvement of non-state actors in regional geopolitics can be newly identified as ‘National Security Deadlock’ – political ruleship of the country and special conditions of political condition when any decision taken by the political leadership more increases risks occasion from internal as well as external origins. The jargon introduced and invented by the author of the abstract, namely linked with the situation in the geostrategic area, including the Caucasus region. even actors of international security systems also inflame the situation in the region and reach up to a level of security dilemma. Hence, two security challenges are competing at the area and causing the most dangerous situation on the spot.
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البدري, مجيد, und محمد الموسوي. „The location of Iraq and its importance in the foreign policy of the countries of the new Asian sphere (a study in political geography)“. Kufa Journal of Arts 1, Nr. 16 (18.11.2013): 181–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.36317/kaj/2013/v1.i16.6271.
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The dissolution of the Soviet Union at the end of 1991 after the end of the Cold War led to geostrategic adjustments that left significant impacts on the regional and international arenas. New international borders that did not exist before.
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Adhikari, Sandip. „The Significance of Nepal’s Geopolitical Location; Reality Checking“. Unity Journal 5, Nr. 1 (25.03.2024): 283–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/unityj.v5i1.63192.
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This research paper investigates Nepal's geostrategic importance by analyzing its role as a significant nexus in South Asia. In ancient times, Nepal occupied a crucial geostrategic position as it served as a pivotal crossroads connecting South Asia, Tibet, and China, facilitating the exchange of commodities, ideas, and culture. The central argument posits that Nepal's geographic location endows it with substantial strategic significance, both politically and economically, enabling it to influence regional dynamics. Employing a mixed methodology, the research delves into various facets of Nepal's geostrategic relevance through historical assessments, geopolitical analyses, and case studies of hydro-politic potentiality. The approach commences by examining Nepal's historical role as a buffer state amid regional powers, leading to a longstanding history of diplomatic struggles to safeguard its sovereignty. Furthermore, the paper explores how Nepal's geographical position shapes its security dynamics, particularly in the context of the escalating China-India rivalry in contemporary times, employing geopolitical frameworks to illuminate this aspect. To shed light on Nepal's involvement in facilitating global trade and connectivity, the methodology also includes case studies of infrastructure initiatives such as the Belt and Road Initiative and regional connectivity projects. In conclusion, the paper asserts that Nepal's geostrategic significance is a product of its historical development and proactive international relations, closely intertwined with its geographic positioning. It underscores Nepal's potential to serve as a conduit for regional cooperation and economic integration while emphasizing the need for astute navigation to preserve its independence in a challenging geopolitical landscape.
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Rodin, David. „Ending War“. Ethics & International Affairs 25, Nr. 3 (2011): 359–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679411000177.
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In “The Ethics of America's Afghan War,” Richard W. Miller argues that reflecting on whether and how to end the war in Afghanistan exposes serious deficiencies in just war theory. I agree, though for different reasons than those canvassed by Professor Miller. Miller argues that by focusing on the traditional categories of just cause, proportionality, and necessity (or last resort), just war theory obscures the importance of broader geostrategic considerations that he believes are the most plausible—though ultimately for Miller insufficient—rationale for continuing with the strategy of large-scale counterinsurgency in Afghanistan. I doubt that geostrategic considerations can play the role in moral assessment that Miller believes they do. But the phenomena he is pointing to do illuminate important defects in traditional just war theory.
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Khan, Waseem, Jahanzeb Khalil und Taimoor Khan. „Central Asian Republics’ relations with its neighbors and the US“. Journal of Management Info 3, Nr. 4 (01.01.2017): 4–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.31580/jmi.v12i1.64.
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The Classical Great Game of the 19th century in the region was a contest between the Russian and British empires over Afghanistan due to its geostrategic importance. The “New Great Game", being played out in Central Asia, is one in which powers on the borders of the Central Asian states, as well as the US, compete for influence in the region, but also one in which the Central Asian states themselves are active players. In order to explain the geostrategic importance of Central Asia, it is necessary to mention the interests of other countries in the region. The relationship with Russia, the successor state to the USSR, is of vital importance. During the Soviet era, the USSR held the CARs as a liability and gave them independence without much resistance. It soon regretted its decision after it realized that the CARs are important countries because other countries are trying to influence the CARs. Hence, Russia started actively pursuing its interests in the region. The most important interest is to maintain its traditional regional hegemony. This essay critically examines the above-mentioned fact in the context of Central Asian Republics’ relations with its neighbors and the US.
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Neag, Mihai Marcel, und Sorin Pînzariu. „The Geopolitical and Geostrategic Importance of the Danube in the Context of European Security“. International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 29, Nr. 1 (01.06.2023): 72–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/kbo-2023-0012.
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Abstract The work aims to make a contribution in the vast field of the concept of geopolitical system, applied to the geopolitics of the Danube. The location of the Danube basin within the European Union has made it possible to redefine the regional cooperation of the riparian states on the coordinates of Community policies and instruments. EU strategists for the Danube region highlight the strategic and economic stakes of the Danube, the emphasis being placed on achieving more efficient connections for transport, trade and energy..
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Blum, Ulrich, und Jiarui Zhong. „The Loss of Raw Material Criticality: Implications of the Collapse of Saudi Arabian Oil Exports“. Intereconomics 56, Nr. 6 (November 2021): 362–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10272-021-1015-4.
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AbstractRaw material criticality has played an important role in geostrategic thinking, especially since the crisis surrounding the price and supply of rare earths at the beginning of the 2010s. However, once dependency and strategic importance grow too strong, substitution efforts will take place that could reduce or even eradicate the previous criticality. Critical resources rarely become obsolete very quickly. However, this could happen in the case of crude oil because climate policy is forcing defossilisation, but also because artificial scarcity is falling as a result of geostrategic rivalries that are causing oversupply. This article analyses this process and the possible consequences using Saudi Arabia as an example. The development of a green hydrogen industry has potential, but it should not be overestimated in view of the absorption capacity of the economy.
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ROZMAN, JOŽE. „VOJAŠKOGEOGRAFSKA RAZSEŽNOST DOBRUDŽE IN (SLOVENSKI) PROSTOVOLJCI NA TEM BOJIŠČU V PRVI SVETOVNI VOJNI“. CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, VOLUME 2014/ISSUE 16/4 (30.10.2014): 51–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179//bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.16.4.3.
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Predstavljena je Dobrudža, geografska regija v jugovzhodnem delu Evrope, ki ima pomembne vojaškogeografske, geostrateške in geopolitične značilnosti. Določajo jih bližina kriznih žarišč, občasna mednacionalna trenja na širšem območju Podonavja, zgodovinska dediščina in geoprometna pomembnost. V prispevku so predstavljene splošne in fizične geografske danosti območja. Prikazan je razvoj prostorskih struktur, ki odločilno vplivajo na geoprometni položaj regije. Osrednji del prispevka predstavlja Dobrudžo kot bojišče operativnih razsežnosti in udeležbo Slovencev v bojih ter operacijah prve svetovne vojne na vzhodnem in jugovzhodnem bojevališču. Nakazane so nekatere sodobne geopolitične in geostrateške značilnosti območja. Zadnji del prispevka opozarja na vojaškogeografsko razsežnost in pomen Dobrudže zaradi bližine kriznih žarišč in nestabilnosti obrobja Črnega morja. We are presenting Dobrogea, a geographical region in south-eastern part of Europe with important military geographical, geostrategic and geopolitical characteristics. These are determined by the proximity of crisis areas, occasional international frictions in the wider Danube Basin, historical heritage and geostrategic importance. The article presents general and physical geographic resources of the area. It illuminates the development of spatial structures which decisively impact the geo- traffic situation of the region. The main part of the article presents Dobrogea as a battlefield with operational dimensions, and the participation of Slovenians in World War I battles and operations in eastern and south-eastern battlefields. It points to some of the contemporary geopolitical and geostrategic characteristics of the region. The final part of the article, however, brings attention to the military geographical dimension and the importance of Dobrogea due to the proximity of crisis areas and instabilities of the Black Sea fringe.
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Ezeh, Kelechukwu Dennis, und Gerald E. Ezirim. „Foreign Military Bases (FMBs) and Economic Security in Africa: Overview of FMBs in Djibouti“. International Journal of Geopolitics and Governance 2, Nr. 1 (15.05.2023): 10–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.37284/ijgg.2.1.1214.
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The importance of military bases for the economy and security of nations is enormous and serves different purposes. Thus, this study evaluates the impact of foreign military bases and economic security in Djibouti. This country in the Horn of Africa region was chosen because of its geostrategic location and because it currently hosts five foreign military bases in its small landmass. The specific objectives of the study are (i): to determine whether the geostrategic locations of these foreign bases in Djibouti are driven by the economic interests of the foreign countries and (ii) to ascertain whether the rent/premium on these bases has any significant impact on the economic development of Djibouti. The theoretical framework used in this study is the realist theory, while the method of data collection is the documentary method. The data collected were analysed using the qualitative descriptive method of data analysis that involves the explanation and description of the secondary sources of data. From this study, we observed that the geostrategic position of Djibouti in the Horn of Africa that hosts these foreign military bases drives its economy from premium and rent. Consequently, major findings include the locations of five military bases (US, France, Japan, China, and Italy) on the country’s landmass which are driven by economic/national interests. Again, the premiums/rents paid on the military bases have not significantly increased the economic development of Djibouti. The study, therefore, recommends that Djibouti should explore other uses of its geostrategic location from hosting military bases to tourism. Again, the country should step up to take charge and control such regional economic routes around its maritime corridor.
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Bosneagu, Romeo, Ionut Cristian Scurtu, Sergiu Lupu, Carmen Elena Lupu, Daniel Daneci Patrau und Carmen Elena Coca. „Black Sea Basin Geostrategic Region from History to Modern Times“. Technium EcoGeoMarine 1, Nr. 2 (04.09.2023): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/eco.v1i2.9514.
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For Black Sea its geostrategic importance has become increasingly evident in recent years, as major powers have become more aware of its potential benefits and risks. The region's location at the crossroads of Europe, Asia, and the Middle East makes it an important trade route and strategic point, connecting different regions and cultures. Its natural resources, such as oil, gas, and minerals, have also attracted the attention of major energy producers and consumers. In addition, the Black Sea has become an important arena for diplomacy, cultural exchange, scientific research, and military affairs. Major powers such as Russia, Turkey, and the United States have increased their presence and influence in the region, seeking to promote their interests and secure their strategic goals. These efforts have included political and economic partnerships, military alliances, and cultural initiatives, among others. These issues require collective action and cooperation among all stakeholders in the region.
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Aliyev, Shaiq. „Participation of the Republic of Azerbaijan in the transnational transport and communication system of the South Caucasus and global interests“. OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2021, Nr. 02 (01.02.2021): 80–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202102statyi09.
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In recent years, the development of Azerbaijan’s transport infrastructure, the increasing state support and control in this area, the creation of strategically important route corridors, and the opening of new international transport corridors have further increased the geostrategic importance of this country. The implementation of the international transport and logistics projects also allows other neighboring countries to use the transit opportunities of Azerbaijan. While analyzing the importance of the participation of the Republic of Azerbaijan in international projects, the author also highlights the aspects of potential interest to major countries of the world.
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Teixeira, Victor Alexandre G. „China on Stage: Assumptions and Strategies in South China Sea“. Asian Journal of Social Science Studies 3, Nr. 3 (23.07.2018): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.20849/ajsss.v3i3.436.
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This study attempts to better understand the geopolitical, geostrategic, and geo-economic underpinnings behind the USA’s so-called “Pivot to Asia” by analyzing the dynamics behind the South China Sea dispute. The emergence of Asia as the power epicenter of the world is the defining paradigm shift of our time; and China’s meteoric economic rise was the determining factor behind this repositioning of geopolitical polarity. The study analyzes this dispute from the perspectives of the Containment Theory, Assumptions, Geo-Economic Strategies and Power. It also points out solutions to the conflict through international law and cooperation. Finally, emphasizes the importance of both, the geostrategic point of view and a geopolitical standpoint and has demonstrated that the US policy strategies towards Asia and the SCS are not helpful at all. Instead of focusing on containing China, the US should embrace China as a trading partner and become a neutral player in matters of the region including South China Sea.
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Brambila Martinez, Francisco Javier. „Sino-Russian relations as a deterrent factor of the G2 conflict: prospects and policy recommendations“. Конфликтология / nota bene, Nr. 1 (Januar 2021): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2021.1.34098.
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This examines promising directions in Sino-Russian cooperation as a deterrent factor of multidimensional confrontation in the G2 format. The subject of this research is modern and advanced mechanisms of cooperation of geostrategic importance between the two countries, adapted to the global requirements. The goal of this work consists in the review of the common pursuit of the nations for more equal distribution of global power in the aftermath of American hegemony as a result of global trade. The emergence of new regional actors and their ability to operate on the global level and beyond the ideological constraints is analyzed through the United States-China relations, promising trade agreements of China with the European Union and Russia. The author considers the existing hypothesis on the prospects of concentration of regional power and emergence of new actors. The modern forecasts regarding the future of Sino-Russian cooperation are compared with geostrategic approach on the basis of the national interest and sovereignty of the countries in the absence of sound ideology for the purpose of conceptualization of future scenarios and mechanisms for prevention and settlement of conflicts. In conclusion, the author underlines the common pursuit of Sino-Russian cooperation for achieving the objectives of geostrategic nature, which constitutes the dynamic foundation for more equal distribution of world power. This article provides an actual approach towards future globalization scenarios, which would assist to prevent and resolve the conflicts using innovative models of international cooperation in the globalized region.
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Brambila Martinez, Francisco Javier. „Sino-Russian relations as a deterrent factor of the G2 conflict: prospects and policy recommendations“. SENTENTIA. European Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences, Nr. 2 (Februar 2021): 37–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/1339-3057.2021.2.34119.
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This examines promising directions in Sino-Russian cooperation as a deterrent factor of multidimensional confrontation in the G2 format. The subject of this research is modern and advanced mechanisms of cooperation of geostrategic importance between the two countries, adapted to the global requirements. The goal of this work consists in the review of the common pursuit of the nations for more equal distribution of global power in the aftermath of American hegemony as a result of global trade. The emergence of new regional actors and their ability to operate on the global level and beyond the ideological constraints is analyzed through the United States-China relations, promising trade agreements of China with the European Union and Russia. The author considers the existing hypothesis on the prospects of concentration of regional power and emergence of new actors. The modern forecasts regarding the future of Sino-Russian cooperation are compared with geostrategic approach on the basis of the national interest and sovereignty of the countries in the absence of sound ideology for the purpose of conceptualization of future scenarios and mechanisms for prevention and settlement of conflicts. In conclusion, the author underlines the common pursuit of Sino-Russian cooperation for achieving the objectives of geostrategic nature, which constitutes the dynamic foundation for more equal distribution of world power. This article provides an actual approach towards future globalization scenarios, which would assist to prevent and resolve the conflicts using innovative models of international cooperation in the globalized region.
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Golden, Seán. „The international order from an Asian perspective: the importance of global understanding“. Revista CIDOB d'Afers Internacionals, Nr. 134 (30.09.2023): 103–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24241/rcai.2023.134.2.103/en.
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With the Western order in crisis, the centre of gravity in terms of demographics and global trade has shifted to Asia. But this geopolitical area did not define the current world order nor is there an alternative yet. The non-Western Rest no longer shares a Western perception of geopolitics that thwarts its own development. Growing neonationalism and the prioritisation of domestic policy favours geostrategic rivalry, obstructing cooperation and a constructive international dynamic on every front. Contradictory ways of defining the terms of the debate lead to discrepancies that hinder the resolution of conflicts. From a constructivist approach, it is necessary to deconstruct the discourses on geopolitical power, which have been hijacked by realism. Understanding the underlying political philosophies of the Rest could facilitate a constructive debate on the nature of the emerging world order and how it might be organised.
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Lekaidze, Tamar. „Ideological Impact on Social-Economic Development of the Region of Tusheti (Georgia) after WWII“. Balkanistic Forum 30, Nr. 1 (05.01.2021): 196–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v30i1.12.
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The paper deals with one of the highland regions of Eastern Georgia - Tusheti, which represents a geoeconomic and ethnocultural phenomenon from a scientific and worldview perspectives. The research sheds light on ideological influences on the socio-economic and the cultural situation of Tusheti from the 1930s to the present day, a number of shortcomings and consequences of Soviet economic reforms, and on its backdrop. The Tush people, uncontented with the system joined an anti-Soviet organization linking the idea of Georgia's independence to the European countries. The centuries-old model of life based on communal relations, setting up on the democratic principles (the right to private property, equality, freedom of speech) was destroyed by Soviet ideological pressure. These principles naturally merged with European values. For centuries, Tusheti, placed in the geostrategic area was of great importance not only for the security of the region, but it also was a natural bridge in connecting the Eurasian cultures. Its strategic importance was particularly increased in the post-Soviet period. The contours of the geostrategic location of this region was revealed exactly in this period. The importance of the sustainable development of Tusheti has transcended national and state boundaries and has come under international environmental frameworks, which have laid the foundation for adapting traditional knowledge and experience with modern international standards and irreversible processes of cooperation. Based on the analysis of scientific literature, historical sources, and field materials, I conclude that the elements of the pro-Western orientation that affects Georgia have been felt in Tusheti from social and cultural viewpoints. Integration into European culture is of great importance for the preservation and further development of Tusheti cultural heritage.
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Qayyum, Sehrish, und Aleem Gillani. „MARITIME BORDER MANAGEMENT AND CHALLENGES IN WESTERN INDIAN OCEAN (WIO)“. Polaris - Journal of Maritime Research 4, Nr. 1 (01.12.2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.53963/pjmr.2022.002.4.
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Unsettled maritime boundaries can hinder economic exploitation of offshore resources and complicate the management of maritime borders. They thwart states from getting on path of prosperity and progress. This article explores factors which when taken together makes most likelihood of effective border management in WIO. It uses descriptive-analytical method of qualitative research to conduct retrospective analysis. The paper highlights key factors concerning WIO’s border management in terms of theoretical subjects. Findings revealed 14 main factors which make most likelihood of effective border management in WIO. In terms of the importance of the components, the greatest scale corresponds to the political dimension, and among the factors is the foreign policy of WIO states. Geopolitical, geostrategic, and topographical realities all have a significant impact on the efficient administration of maritime boundaries. To make matters worse, WIO's geostrategic location has the greatest intervening influence on states. The paper concludes that as per guidance of UN collective security patrols, forces had to be raised in CTF model. The punch line is that no country could be a ‘Net Security Provider’ in IO region.
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de Oliveira Estanqueiro Rocha, Miguel. „O vector açoriano na Política Externa Portuguesa | The azorean vector in the Portuguese Foreign Policy“. Revista Portuguesa de Ciência Política / Portuguese Journal of Political Science, Nr. 18 (2022): 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.59071/2795-4765.rpcp2022.18/pp.53-67.
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The Azores archipelago has influenced Portuguese diplomacy for a long time. In 1871, Andrade de Corvo had already defended, in his book Perigos, that bringing Portugal closer to the United States should be one of the priorities of the Portuguese foreign policy, given the geostrategic position of the Azores. This outlook proved to be accurate in the last cen-tury, during the two world wars, with the installation of US military bases on these islands. Since then, the Azores have become indispensable for the Power projection of the American military power in the Atlantic, and has been the main reason for the invitation addressed to Portugal to join NATO. If the end of the Cold War, the appreciation of the Pacific and tech-nological development posed serious challenges to the relevance of the Archipelago in the international system, it is necessary that the enlargement of the Portuguese Continental Pla-tform, alone, given the geostrategic importance of the Islands, again it gives them prevalence within the context of Portuguese foreign policy.
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Sarjito, Aris, Herlina June Risma Saragih und Dede Rusdiana. „Improving cooperation between Indonesia and ASEAN countries in the field of defense through ADMM to advance peace and stability in The South China Sea Region“. International Journal of Research in Business and Social Science (2147- 4478) 11, Nr. 7 (06.11.2022): 303–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.20525/ijrbs.v11i7.2068.
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The South China Sea, rich in mineral resources, has become a source of conflict dragging regional countries and ASEAN. The Council for Foreign Relations (CFR) noted that 900 trillion cubic feet of natural gas could be maximized into unlimited energy. The ASEAN Defense Ministers' Meeting (ADMM), which is assigned as a consultative instrument and cooperation in the defense sector, must address the SCS issue. Therefore, this study aims to promote peace and stability in the South China Sea Region by increasing cooperation between Indonesia and ASEAN countries in the defense sector through ADMM. This study uses a descriptive qualitative method. The main findings of the study demonstrate that (i) the geographical and geostrategic position of the SCS creates a security dilemma for almost all powers in East Asia and the wider Asia-Pacific region, (ii) ensuring freedom of navigation is essential, sea lines of communication (SLOCs) through the SCS have regional and geostrategic importance, and finally (iii) the use of approaches through the ADMM found a solid improvement in regional stability.
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SABBIR, Ahmad, Abdulla AL MAHMUD und Arif BÎLGÎN. „MYANMAR: ETHNIC CLEANSING OF ROHINGYA. FROM ETHNIC NATIONALISM TO ETHNO-RELIGIOUS NATIONALISM“. Conflict Studies Quarterly, Nr. 39 (04.05.2022): 81–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.39.6.
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Rohingya, an ethnic minority group in the Rakhine state of Myanmar, has been levelled as one of the most persecuted ethnic groups in contemporary time. For the last five decades, they have been undergoing systematic torture ranging from deprivation of citizenship to mass killing and forceful eviction from their inhabitants. The army of Myanmar spearheads this persecution, which is deemed as genocidal. However, the engagement of radical Buddhist groups and support from the local Burmese population worsened the situation. Along with army inter-vention and ethnic differences, some economic and geostrategic question is highlighted behind this inhuman situation. But Myanmar consists of more than 100 ethnic groups, and there are other similar areas with similar economic and geostrategic importance. Though there are several instances of conflict in some of those areas, they are almost unparalleled comparing that of the Rakhine state. Having acknowledged the multiple genealogies of this conflict, this paper focuses more on the state/nation building process of Myanmar to understand the exceptionalism of Rohingya persecution. We want to argue that rather than ethnic tension or geostrategic interest, the nation/state-building of Myanmar in different phases of its history can put more light on the unique suffering of the Rohingya population in Myanmar. Analyzing the key historical transition of Myanmar, we attempt to trace the gradual exclusivity of the Rohingya people in the evolution of State manufactured discourse on the question of nation and their deliberate enactment of speciϐic identity while alienating the other. Keywords: Rohingya, Myanmar, Nationalism, Identity, State/Nation-Building.
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Mohammed, Abdulkhaliq Shamil, und Salah Ibrahim Hamadi. „Future of the Arab Nationalist Security Under Regional Challenges“. Tikrit Journal For Political Science, Nr. 15 (11.05.2019): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i15.133.
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Given its geostrategic importance and geopolitical status, the Arab region has become, throughout its formative stages, an arena for competition and conflict between regional and international non - Arab forces and actors as each of these powers carried a perspective and a grand strategic vision towards the Arab region aiming through which to achieve their hegemony project in the region. This coincided with the absence of or lack of a unified Arab strategy or vision to prevent this from happening.
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MORARU, Andrei-Cristian. „TURKISH INTERVENTION IN SYRIA AND GEOSTRATEGIC IMPLICATIONS ON THE EUROPEAN UNION“. INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC CONFERINCE "STRATEGIESXXI" 18, Nr. 1 (06.12.2022): 108–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2971-8813-22-12.
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Operation "Peace Spring" is an event of major importance in understanding the relationship between Turkey and Syria, the future relations between the two states and the European and international community.Turkey's design of a security zone has created stability for the state in question and destabilized the entire region at the societal level. Thus, the instability generated is a vulnerability for European and international security, and can be exploited by countries that oppose the democratization process or countries that have political andfinancial interests in that area. In today's society, disinformation is a real risk, being a measure implemented by many state and non-state actors in order to achieve security objectives. The phenomenon is also present in the current case study, playing an important role in the evolution of regional instability. The implications for the European Union security stem from soft-power influences in the collective minds of imperialist states that threaten the continent, the continued disinformation of policymakers, and the influence of decision-making indemocratic states. The Operation set a precedent for the current military conflicts in the vicinity of Romania, being visible the intention of the Russian Federation to create a "safety zone", following the recent expansion of democratic and societal values.
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Sattar, Madiha, Muhammad Aslam, Abdul Rauf und Muhammad Irfan Ahamad. „Gwadar port's geostrategic significance: a gateway to regional prosperity and integration“. Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 7, Nr. 2 (23.12.2023): 24–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/7.2.2.
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Gwadar port is playing a pivotal part in its transformative trajectory. It possesses significant geostrategic value and is a crucial economic and strategic chokepoint due to its advantageous location, providing direct access to the Indian Ocean. Gwadar, recognised as the third-largest deep-water port globally, distinguishes itself by its ability to accommodate supertankers weighing up to 200,000 tons. This unique feature positions Gwadar as the only port in the region capable of handling vessels of such significant size. This maritime prowess positions Gwadar as vital in global trade and maritime activities. The depletion of global oil reserves and the increasing need for energy have greatly enhanced Pakistan’s geopolitical significance. The country is positioned to become a significant hub for energy and commercial lines, connecting the economically dynamic areas of China, Afghanistan, and Central Asia. The strategic posture holds great importance as it corresponds with the evolving dynamics of international energy markets. This paper examines various ramifications of Gwadar’s rise, analysing the possibility of spatial and commercial collaborations to stimulate regional integration. By examining the potential for collaboration in energy, trade, and infrastructure development, the analysis reveals the significant influence of Gwadar on the economic and geopolitical landscape of the associated regions.
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Abdulhameed, Attarid Awadh. „Russian Federation and the United States of America: geostrategic directions to manage the Ukrainian crisis“. Tikrit Journal For Political Science, Nr. 16 (02.07.2019): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i16.143.
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Ukrainia Remains of huge importance to Russian Strategy because of its Strategic importance. For being a privileged Postion in new Eurasia, without its existence there would be no logical resons for eastward Expansion by European Powers.
As well as in Connection with the progress of Ukrainian is no less important for the USA (VSD, NDI, CIA, or pentagon) and the European Union with all organs, and this is announced by John Kerry.
There has always ben Russian Fear and Fear of any move by NATO or USA in the area that it poses a threat to Russians national Security and its independent role and in funence on its forces especially the Navy Forces.
There for, the Crisis manyement was not Zero sum game, there are gains and offset losses, but Russia does not accept this and want a Zero Sun game because the USA. And European exteance is a Foot hold in Regin Which Russian sees as a threat to its national security and want to monopolize control in the strategic Qirim.
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Sekar Ayu, Galuh Anissa. „Navigating The Storm: ASEAN's Strategy Amidst Two Major Powers“. Global Political Studies Journal 7, Nr. 2 (30.10.2023): 116–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.34010/gpsjournal.v7i2.10008.
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This study aims to analyze ASEAN's stance and approach, particularly in managing confrontational politics amidst major power competition, this article will also demonstrate ASEAN's attitudes and policies in navigating confrontational politics, including how ASEAN leverages its regional community norms to respond to such competition. Through this exploration, the author seeks to delve into the role and theoretical implications of ASEAN as a regional actor grappling with the management of political competition in the rapidly evolving East Asian and Indo-Pacific regionalism. The author used an impartial enmeshment concept and a descriptive qualitative method. The results showed that the intense geostrategic competition between China and the United States has placed ASEAN in a dilemma. ASEAN strives to maintain its centrality in the region by fostering fair, impartial, and neutral cooperation relationships. ASEAN bases its approach on the norms and principles of the organization, such as transparency, openness, inclusivity, good conflict management, and the importance of sovereignty and non-intervention (ASEAN Way). The ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP) is one policy that reflects ASEAN's efforts to build a new framework of cooperation based on its own rule in the region. However, this Southeast Asia organization faces several challenges that can threaten its position.
Keywords— ASEAN, Indo-Pacific, Impartial, Enmeshment, Geostrategies
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Sokolova, Flera K., und Anna V. Lyalina. „MIGRATION ATTRACTIVENESS OF THE COASTAL ZONE OF RUSSIA’S NORTH-WEST: LOCAL GRADIENTS“. Baltic Region 13, Nr. 4 (2021): 54–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2021-4-4.
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A well-acknowledged driver of change, population movement intensifies the development of coastal territories. The Russian North-West holds a vast coastal zone. Granting access to the Baltic, the White, and the Barents Seas, it is an area of geostrategic importance where much of the country’s coastal economy — one of the national priorities — is located. Push and pull factors are enormously diverse in the area, as are migration flows forming attraction poles for migrants. There is little research on the issue despite its social and practical significance. Thus, research is required to examine how the coastal factor can benefit the migration attractiveness and human resources of Russian coastal territories of geostrategic importance. This study aims to delineate coastal territories and investigate local migration flows compared to those recorded in inland regions. The research draws on the concept of coastalisation, employing universal, geographical, and statistical research methods. It uses documentary sources and official 2011—2020 statistics. The findings show that the coastal position and maritime economic activity are relevant factors for migration attractiveness. Saint Petersburg and the coastal municipalities of the Leningrad and Kaliningrad regions are more attractive to migrants than more northerly territories. However, there are attraction poles farther north too, and the coastal zone of the Arkhangelsk region attracts more migrants than its inland part. The study demonstrates the growing polarisation of migration space in the coastal areas and especially agglomerations. Changes in the age structure of immigration flows have caused social factors in attractiveness to migrants to replace employment-related factors.
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Wagle, Geja Sharma. „Geopolitical rivalry of global powers and its implications in Nepal“. Unity Journal 1 (01.02.2020): 57–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/unityj.v1i0.35695.
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National unity and independence, territorial integrity, people's sovereignty and national security are the supreme priority for any sovereign and independent country across the world. The essence of national unity and security is the most important and highly sensitive issue for Nepal in account of its geopolitical sensitivities and geostrategic balance as Nepal is located between two giant nuclear countries and rising global powers – India and China. Analyzing the national interests and national security policy of all three countries – India, China and the US, it is open secret that they have direct strategic, defense and security interests in Nepal. They, therefore, have strategic rivalry to extend their political, diplomatic, economic, strategic, defense and security and cultural influence in Nepal because of its geopolitical importance and geostrategic sensitivity. The emerging triangular strategic rivalry may undermine Nepal’s national interests and national security in the future as their rivalry gets intensified. It is a grave situation for Nepal which will have significant immediate as well as long-term implications. Nepal, therefore, should thoughtfully study to analyze the emerging global powers’ defense, military, security and foreign policies and strategies and should protect and preserve Nepal’s national interests and national security maintaining diplomatic and strategic balance among them.
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Cvetićanin, Neven, und Marijana Maksimović. „Geopolitics as the elder sister of geoeconomics and the transformation of the world system in the 21st century“. Socioloski pregled 57, Nr. 2 (2023): 586–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/socpreg57-43563.
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The subject of the undertaken research is the analysis of geopolitical and geoeconomic changes in the multipolar world of the 21st century, which lead to the transformation of the world system. There is an ongoing evolution of the geostrategic position of the United States of America (USA), the rise of China, as well as the division of the world that occurred with the offensive activities of Russia and the expansion of other countries such as India, Brazil, and Saudi Arabia. The goal of the research is to emphasize, in addition to the basic geopolitical component, the importance of the geoeconomic component, as derived, in international relations, which is often less clearly visible in the background of many international conflicts and alliances. The main thesis of the paper is that dominant geostrategic powers such as the USA, China and Russia follow their long-term geopolitical and geoeconomic interests and goals putting them into conflicting or allied relations, which is again responsible for the configuration of power and the relationship between the great powers in the arena of world politics. The paper applies a multidisciplinary combined method that is based on political and economic sciences, and sometimes studies broader geopolitical processes or focuses on a narrower geoeconomic analysis of individual parameters.
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Estachy, Laurent. „2022 INFLATIONARY TREND: GEOSTRATEGIC HYPOTHESES IN THE ERA OF UKRAINE’S INVASION“. Economic Thought journal 68, Nr. 2 (05.06.2023): 163–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.56497/etj2368202.
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Are the root causes of the current inflationary tensions geostrategic in nature? A global perspective of the major geostrategic issues pitting the United States and its Western allies against China and Russia, for the most part, is not only necessary but unavoidable. Is a clash of blocks now at work with the Russian invasion of Ukraine? These tensions are not only of a military nature but, above all, an economic, commercial and financial one. Monetary and budgetary responses, particularly those implemented in the United States, must be placed in this geostrategic context, as they form, by their magnitude, developments that have not been seen since the Second World War. In this respect, the guidelines announced in August 2020 by Jerome Powell, President of the US Federal Reserve Bank, constitute a revolution in monetary policies, the importance of which was not immediately perceived: after 40 years’ fighting against inflation since Paul Volker in 1979, the FED deliberately wished for a return to inflation and acted accordingly. One hypothesis adopted here is that the debt generated in part by the repeated trade deficits suffered by the United States in its “systemic” relations with China, especially since 2001 and its acceptance into the World Trade Organization, can only be reduced – in the minds of American leaders – by a fiscal-monetary “policy mix” which must lead to strong growth and moderate inflation just as in the years following the Second World War. The other two debt reduction options are austerity policies and default: the former have never had priority in the United States, while the latter is not possible because the US dollar must remain the world’s currency. The paper’s contents resituate the rise of inflationary pressures on goods and services observed in 2021 and 2022 within the framework of the systemic relations (economic, commercial, financial, etc.) that have developed between the United States and China since the early 1980s. With Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, and against the background of a “new type” of relationship between Russia and China, should the economic and financial globalization phenomena of the past 40 years be called into question?
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Mertillo, Marc. „La coopération militaire de la France en Afrique“. Revue française d'administration publique 46, Nr. 1 (1988): 89–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfap.1988.2140.
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Military Assistance Programs. Africa has assumed geostrategic importance, making military assistance a key element of French foreign policy. Aid is covered by accords de défense with the Ministry of Defense and/or conventions d’assistance militaire technique with the Military Cooperation Mission (MCM). The extent of the latter has doubled in the past 15 years. Aid takes three forms : (a) materiel, (b) military advisors, and (c), officer & NCO training. The MCM budget has not changed since 1978 ; furthermore, there is a chronic gap between the allocated budget and actual outlays, which complicates MCM capability to respond to individual African aid requests.
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Luo, Tianyi, und Patrick Thomsen. „Exploring Sustainability through Chinese Study and Interest in the Sāmoan Language: A Situational Analysis Informed by Fa’afaletui“. Ekistics and the new habitat 81, Nr. 3 (30.09.2022): 47–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.53910/26531313-e2021813567.
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Sāmoa and the Pacific region has become an area of intense geostrategic importance of late. With a rising China expressing interest in the Pacific and a reposturing US, Australia and New Zealand, the success of all sustainability efforts in the region will be mediated through the lens of geopolitics. This paper intervenes in this conversation by focusing on the commitment to culture and cultural diversity articulated as part of the framework that guides the New Urban Agenda through the question of language. We explore potentiality in the recent rise of Chinese interest in Sāmoan language learning and studies as part of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) for the preservation of Indigenous Pacific languages like Sāmoan. To answer this question, we use a blended research methodology (Sāmoan fa’afaletui framework with Situational Analysis) to map the factors that have led to the rise of Chinese interest in the Sāmoan language. In doing so, we critique the present geostrategic explanation for the BRI through presenting a nuanced model of factors and explore what space there is for Sāmoan to be promoted in places like China. This is important, the Sāmoan language, like all Pacific languages, is intrinsic to the understanding and embodiment of cultural knowledge systems that bear major significance on the sustainability and diversity of Pacific world views and ways of knowing.
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Satem, khedeer, und Kareem Geegan. „The geostrategic importance of the Arabian Gulf and its impact in attracting colonial ambitions after the Second World War“. Al-Anbar University Journal For Humanities 2010, Nr. 3 (01.09.2010): 89–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.37653/juah.2010.14442.
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Kornegay, Francis. „A ÁFRICA DO SUL, O ATLÂNTICO SUL E A EQUAÇÃO IBAS-BRICS: O ESPAÇO TRANSATLÂNTICO EM TRANSIÇÃO“. AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations 2, Nr. 3 (08.02.2013): 77–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.22456/2238-6912.35010.
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In a context of increasing South-South cooperation, the members of an important trilateral dialogue forum that represent the emergent powers – IBSA –, have been incorporated into another organization, BRICS. It resulted from an overlap of the Southern developing countries into the domain of the Euro-Asiatic great powers. Bearing in mind that both alliances are centered on the geostrategic space of the Indian Ocean and the South Atlantic, South Africa´s South Atlantic strategic potential in tandem with Brazil is of extreme importance. It is possible to differentiate two steams in the transatlantic ties: the Afro-Latin and the trans-Mediterranean. It is also relevant to place the role of Angola in the African continent as a possible influence in South Atlantic´s dynamics, given due importance to the Lusophone ties which are represented by CPLP.
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REÇI, Erjona. „The Importance of EU Integration for Albania“. Jus & Justicia 15, Nr. 1 (2021): 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.58944/xljp6822.
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Throughout its history, Albania, has felt, both in terms of geographical position and culture, being part of the Europe. Under the slogan “ We want Albania to be like the rest of Europe “, popular protests in the early 90’s revealed the century’s-old dream. The first step taken by the country in the early 90s was the establishment of diplomatic relations with the European Union, and the two parties signed in 1992 a number of agreements that included the areas of Trade and Cooperation Development. By signing them, Albania was given the opportunity to benefit from the programs that the European Union offered to third countries. After these steps, came the expansion of these relations in other areas of special interest for Albania. Albania’s main achievement was the signing of the Stabilization and Association Agreement with the EU, which includes the establishment of a legal framework for cooperation and the gradual adoption of European standards. The signing of the SAA in 2006, the liberalization of visas in 2010 and the membership in NATO in 2009, constitute some of the most important milestones in the context of the Albania’s integration into the European Union. The signing of the SAA marked Albania’s arrival at a closer station to the European Union, as well as the successful crowning of a multi-year effort in this direction. The NATO Summit of April 2009 officially confirmed a dream of Albanians, by granting it the NATO membership. The image of the European Union for Albania is multifaceted. It is conditioned by bilateral relations and bilateral geostrategic interests, the historical legacy and the perception that the “receptors” of the EU or the representatives of its institutions in Albania or for Albania have for the country.
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Kofroň, Jan. „Tragedy of small power politics: geostrategic perspectives of Czechia through the lenses of offensive neorealism“. Geografie 121, Nr. 2 (2016): 324–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.37040/geografie2016121020324.
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The article introduces theoretically deduced scenarios as an interesting method promising an enhanced practical relevance for social geography. The importance of scenarios is given by their affinity to planning, decision-making and their central position in countless public debates. The article illustrates the promises and deficiencies of scenario-building efforts by constructing scenarios of the Czech geopolitical future. The scenarios, which are based on the theory of offensive neorealism, show that in the case of U.S. withdrawal from Europe, Czechia will face a highly competitive and dangerous geopolitical environment. Unfortunately, if China continues to grow, such a future seems to be (according to the theory) inevitable. Offensive neorealism allows to identify the crucial factors of Czechia’s current security situation and to outline the main contours of its geopolitical future. As a result, the theory provides an interesting springboard for a theoretical and application development of classical geopolitics.
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الخفاف, عبد علي, und ظلال كاظم. „Strategies of regional and international powers towards Socotra Island (*)“. Kufa Journal of Arts 1, Nr. 18 (21.04.2014): 37–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.36317/kaj/2013/v1.i18.6432.
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The importance of the island comes mainly from its geographical location, which gave it geostrategic importance, as it overlooks vital sea passages, which are the Indian Ocean, the Arabian Sea and the Gulf of Aden. This site achieved for it the supervision of the navigation route between west and east in both parts, whether military navigation or economic navigation, in particular, and energy supplies through the Bab al-Mandab Strait, which is the transit route towards the African continent. Its location in the Indian Ocean has strengthened its commercial position linking the countries of the Arabian Peninsula and the countries of North Africa with the countries of South and Southeast Asia, and has made it an island in the middle of international navigation routes, making it easy for ships to dock in its ports. The geomorphological factors have helped shape its winding coasts, which provided sheltered ports from strong winds.
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Krishnan, Tharishini, Abu Sadat Mahmud Safeer und Inderjit Singh. „The Growing Power Struggle in Indian Ocean Region: Security Road Map for Bangladesh“. JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH 14 (28.10.2019): 3372–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jssr.v14i0.8470.
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The Indian Ocean Region (IOR) is rising significantly as the center stage for world politics in the current century. Due to the geostrategic and economic importance, the region has created conflicts in strategic interest leading to power confrontation among regional and extra-regional powers resulting in security threats for small littorals like Bangladesh. Some of the threats are influential attachments of the powerful states in foreign, trade, economy and defense sectors, poor regional security architecture and an increase of non-traditional security threats. Analyzing the issues reveals that, Bangladesh can navigate these challenges by playing strategic hedging, pursuing multilateralism, recalibrating trade and economic engagements, and comprehensive drive by government agencies to deal with non-traditional security threats.
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Botić, Jurica, und Marija Boban. „Geostrateški i sigurnosni aspekti potencijalnih utjecaja suvremenih migrantskih kretanja na Dalmaciju“. Geoadria 23, Nr. 1 (26.07.2018): 7–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/geoadria.1456.
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In 2015, the European geographic and political space faced culmination of one of the greatest migration crises in its history, which particularly affected the politically vulnerable region of Southeast Europe as a traditional area of migration movements. These statements gain more importance if we take into consideration the fact that Southeast Europe, as an area of traditional interlocking of geopolitical force lines, nowadays is additionally burdened with security challenges, which makes its geostrategic position more important. Moreover, as it is affected by the migrant crisis in the north and the east, and considering tourism as one of its core economic activities, the Republic of Croatia must pay special attention to maintaining an image of a safe tourist destination, although Croatian tourist destinations like Istria and Dalmatia are not directly affected by the migrant crisis. Therefore, the authors discuss geostrategic and security aspects as well as the probabilities of Dalmatia’s exposure to the effects of the recent migrant crisis. In fact, the authors in the article confirm that the physical-geographical features and political-territorial fragmentation in immediate neighbourhood do not make Dalmatia as an attractive solution for migratory movements. However, the authors also conclude that the political instability of the neighbourhood, which is potentially strengthened by the impact of the migrant movements, with the great potential of conflict at the ethno-religious level, may produce new security challenges in Southeast Europe and indirectly in Dalmatia as well.