Zeitschriftenartikel: „Geo-political History“

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Brutentz, K. „Great Geo-Political Revolution“. World Economy and International Relations, Nr. 10 (2012): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-10-3-12.

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Our time is the period of milestones’ shift, of the most dramatic changes. Geopolitics is one of the areas of mankind’ being where we can especially manifestly see how the history has quickened its run. The author analyses the developments of the last decade of the recent century and the first decade of this century. These decades faced two major geopolitical shifts, each of which has led to a radical change of the world’s landscape. The result was a sharp turn in the international political and economic relations, namely the breaking down of the unipolar order and the formation of a polycentric world. Major changes have taken place and continue to undergo in the balance and the alignment of forces on the arena of entire continents and in a planetary scale. Hundreds millions of people are increasingly involved in the historical creativity.

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Ali, Ismail, und Singgih Tri Sulistiyono. „A Reflection of “Indonesian Maritime Fulcrum” Initiative: Maritime History and Geopolitical Changes“. Journal of Maritime Studies and National Integration 4, Nr. 1 (12.06.2020): 12–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jmsni.v4i1.8081.

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The announcement of a maritime economic initiative known as the 21st Century Maritime Silk Route (MSR) by Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2013 created a new paradigm shift in the geo-economy and geo-politics of countries in the Pacific Ocean and Indian Ocean. With this initiative, China aims to rebuild maritime lines in the seas and oceans where China once was regarded as one of the world's leading powers. In contrast to countries in Southeast Asia, which still hold divergent views on the Chinese initiative, Indonesia sees it as an opportunity to develop regions that have long been marginalized from development. It is in line with the shift in Indonesia’s global economic-political agenda in the 21st century through a doctrine known as "Indonesia as a Maritime Fulcrum," which was initiated by “Jokowi” Widodo and Jusuf Kalla in 2014. Taking into account the importance of this idea in Indonesia's geo-economic and geo-political agenda, this study is to reflect on Indonesia’s history as a global maritime and trade power before it was undermined by the Dutch occupation. In addition, using historical approach, this study aims to see and evaluate how the idea of "Indonesia as a Maritime Fulcrum" can restore Indonesia’s reputation as a major maritime power in the Southeast Asian archipelago.

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Busuttil, Salvino. „Malta in its geo-political setting“. Revue du monde musulman et de la Méditerranée 71, Nr. 1 (1994): 217–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/remmm.1994.1645.

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4

Waheed, Seemi. „Sartaj Aziz. Between Dreams and Realities: Some Milestones in Pakistan’s History. Karachi: Oxford University Press. 2009. Pak. Rs 595.00.“ Pakistan Development Review 49, Nr. 1 (01.03.2010): 73–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v49i1pp.73-75.

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The geo-strategic location of a country gives it advantage or disadvantage in its relation with the comity of nations and addressing its domestic challenges. The vision, acumen and capacity of political leadership, however, determine the maximisation of advantages from geo-strategic location in attaining the national interests. Interplay of domestic political power, geo-strategic location and global power dynamics are aptly reflected in the political history of Pakistan as narrated in “Between Dreams and Realities”. “Between Dreams and Realities” is both an autobiography and dispassionate account of Pakistan’s chequered history as the author puts it “watched the political drama as ring side observer.” The author was actively engaged in roles, confronting formidable challenges to improve policy coordination and implementation. A sequenced political, economic, and foreign relations history of Pakistan is described illustrating turning points, milestones, and debacles in her existence as a country. The political scenario of Pakistan, marred by intermittent military takeovers, with disregard, and mutilation of the constitution, mainly served personal interests. The rulers, irrespective of whether elected or otherwise, conjoined survival of their rule with that of the country. Thereupon, usurpation of power is legitimised by engineered elections or putting in place pliable judiciary. The indiscipline in political parties, absence of vision, political inexperience, self-centered, and headlong political leaders, increased the vulnerability of parliament to complete its tenure. Weak organisation of political parties is, thus easily maneuverable to the wheeling, dealings, and gaming of ‘establishment’. This is amply visible in all military takeovers of elected governments, right from throwing of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s government to dissolution of Nawaz Sharif’s government in 1999.

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B.C., Gopal. „History of Mathematics in Nepal“. Academic Journal of Mathematics Education 4, Nr. 1 (31.12.2021): 13–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ajme.v4i1.45585.

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Nepal is one of the nations of South Asia, which is situated in the southern part of the Himalayan region. In retrospect, the ancient history of South Asian subcontinent reveals that it consisted of many kingdoms for several centuries of its history. The later geo-political subdivision of the subcontinent consists of eight nations, and these nations are coordinated by the institution of SAARC established in 1985AD (Schaaf, 1975). Modern India covers major part of the subcontinent. Obviously, the ancient India has influenced the religions, culture, costumes, social practices, etc. of other nations of the subcontinent.

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Petrovic, Milenko. „The role of geography and history in determining the slower progress of post-communist transition in the Balkans“. Communist and Post-Communist Studies 41, Nr. 2 (22.04.2008): 123–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2008.03.008.

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Central European and Baltic nations have progressed markedly faster than the other former communist states of Eastern Europe in post-communist transition. While five East Central European and three Baltic states have managed to successfully achieve the most important goals of political and economic transition and fulfil the criteria for EU membership, their counterparts from the Balkans continue to experience serious difficulties in implementing transitional reforms and merely hope for such an outcome. Scholarly analyses of the reasons for this division of post-communist Eastern Europe have often tended to emphasise the decisive importance of the initial geo-political, economic and socio-cultural conditions dating back to the deep pre-communist histories of the countries in question. Not denying the relevance and structural impacts of some historical and geo-political facts concerning the establishment of these differences, this paper argues that there is a limited explanatory value to structural arguments of the role of initial conditions in assessing the reasons for the slower progress of the Balkan states in post-communist reform.

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ORMEROD, PAUL, und SHAUN RIORDAN. „A New Approach to the Analysis of Geo-Political Risk“. Diplomacy & Statecraft 15, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2004): 643–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592290490886757.

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8

Kant Ghising, Aditya. „The Siliguri Corridor: A Historical Analysis of Geo-Political Vulnerability in Eastern India“. International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 7, Nr. 4 (09.04.2024): 217–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v7i4.2062.

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The Siliguri Corridor, a mostly geo-strategic term often associated with the security architecture of eastern India, is an important geo-political space that has received special attention from experts on security, strategy and foreign policy ever since India’s independence. It has been touted as one of the most vulnerable areas of India from a security perspective, as well as the gateway to the country’s north-east and by extension, towards Southeast Asia. The current structure and geography of this corridor is a result of gradual additions as well as losses of territory in its history. This includes various policies implemented under the British colonial rule in India, followed by subsequent treaties after independence. This paper studies the genesis of the Siliguri Corridor and in the process makes an attempt to understand the historical background of settlement, migration and development of the areas which compose this corridor. It also analyzes the impact of colonialism and its contributions towards the continuing security dynamics in the region. To achieve this, a detailed study of the addition of these areas into the Indian subcontinent throughout various stages of its history has been focused upon. The paper also contributes towards addressing the dearth of literature in understanding the exact area and geographical extent of the corridor with the objective of highlighting its structural composition to add to the discourse on its security which so far has been limited to the widely discussed idea that at its narrowest, the corridor is only about 20 to 22 kilometers wide.

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Biasillo, Roberta. „Historical tools and current societal challenges: reflections on a collection of environmental migration cases“. Fennia - International Journal of Geography 198, Nr. 1-2 (06.09.2020): 151–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.11143/fennia.86020.

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Through considering a "Geo Archive" as a tool of history, this paper explores several conundrums concerning environmental migration in social sciences. It demonstrates how historical perspectives can problematize and unsettle various automatisms that are widely present in journalistic, public, and policy discourses. Through examples from the Geo Archive, the article illustrates how unavoidable historical dimensions can enrich our understandings on the interaction between environmental issues and migration flows. This paper engages with an open access "archive in-the-making". This Geo Archive includes case studies of migration flows and puts those flows in conversation with environmental transformations and climatic changes. The analysed collection presents high-profile stories which are representative samples of different approaches, temporalities, geographies, sources of information, narratives, and scales. This endeavour encompasses different disciplines and fields of expertise: environmental humanities, IT and communication experts, and political ecology. The archive places itself within the realms of public history, environmental history, and history of the present and aims to reach out to wider audiences. This digital humanities project stemmed from a support action funded by the EU initiative Horizon 2020 titled CLISEL whose overarching goal was to analyse and better inform institutional responses and policies addressing climate refugees and migrants.

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Kaplan, Sam. „Territorializing Armenians: geo‐texts, and political imaginaries in French‐occupied Cilicia, 1919–1922“. History and Anthropology 15, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2004): 399–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0275720042000285169.

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11

Abid, Sobia, Nadia Naseem und Muhammad Zahid Bilal. „MEDIA COVERAGE AND PAK-US RELATIONS: ANALYSIS OF TV NEWS FRAMING DURING PTI’S REGIME“. Pakistan Journal of Social Research 05, Nr. 01 (31.03.2023): 230–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v5i01.994.

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Foreign relations of Pakistan (Pak) with the United State of America (US) have a very long history of Ups and Downs and remain central to the politics of Pakistan. Pak-US relations also remain part of political and public discourse during elections and during the tenures of different political parties in the Government. Political parties in power or in the opposition are discussed with reference to their approach to foreign policy towards the US. The current study aims at examining how Pak-USA Relations were seen through the lens of media coverage, during PTI Government, taking into account the issues of Military Cooperation; Afghanistan Situation; Regional Disputes; War on Terror; and CPEC. The study is based on the news coverage of Pak-US relations in primetime TV news bulletins of two eminent Pakistani news channels GEO and ARY. The Descriptive Content Analysis method is used as a tool of analysis. Data was collected by watching the news bulletin of GEO and ARY news from August 18th, 2018 to January 18th, 2018. Agenda Setting and Framing approaches have been employed to analyze the news bulletins. All hypotheses are proven statistically by using the “t” test. The finding of this study is that both news channels Geo and ARY give positive coverage related to Pak-USA relations. These news channels have almost the same frames used regarding Pakistan and USA relationships in their 9 pm news bulletin headlines. In these frames, GEO and ARY news channels show that the relationships between Pakistan and the USA were very good during PTI’s regime. Both countries were working bilaterally during this selecting time period. Keywords: Framing, PAK-USA Relations, News Channels, PTI, GEO, ARY

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Piatakov, A. N. „The relations between Turkey and Mexico: a comparative analysis, history and modernity“. Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, Nr. 1 (23.08.2020): 97–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-1-97-107.

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The author analyzes the history of formation and current state of Turkey-Mexico political and economic relations in the context of Ankara intercontinental relations with the Latin American region. Comparative analysis of the two powers in their geo-economic ‘weight’, international activity, and other aspects is carried out. Evaluation of historical aspect of bilateral relations is specially emphasized. For the first time in Russian Latin American studies the evolution of Turkey-Mexico diplomatic relations in the 20th century is studied in their phases, including political contacts dynamics at the turn of the 20th and 21st century. The author also analyzes current state of countries’ trade and economic relations, as well as their interaction at the international arena.

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Vinokurov, V. „Reasons, background and stages of the second world war“. Diplomatic Service, Nr. 4 (01.08.2020): 12–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2004-02.

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The article considers the geo-historical, socio-economic, demographic, military-political and other conditions of the second world war, as well as its stages, from the perspective of the requirements of objective history. Special attention is drawn to those international events and facts that became the trigger for the appearance of casus belli (the reason for war).

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Blank, Stephen. „Russia's Geo-economic Future; The Security Implications of Russia's Political and Economic Structure“. Journal of Slavic Military Studies 24, Nr. 3 (Juli 2011): 351–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518046.2011.598723.

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15

Liu, Qing. „To Be an Apolitical Political Scientist: A Chinese Immigrant Scholar and (Geo)politicized American Higher Education“. History of Education Quarterly 60, Nr. 2 (Mai 2020): 129–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/heq.2020.10.

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While educating international students is celebrated as a means of promoting mutual understanding among nations, American higher education has always been entangled with geopolitics. This essay focuses on Tang Tsou, the Chinese scholar who came to the United States as a student in 1941, eventually becoming the nation's leading China expert and producing knowledge about China for the United States during the Cold War. It analyzes how Tsou navigated a complex political terrain in which his Chinese identity was both a professional asset and a liability. Examining Tsou's personal and professional decisions as well as his response to the politicization of his Chinese identity reveals the (geo)politicization of higher education more broadly.

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Lee, Jaeyeon. „Melancholia is (geo)political! Postcolonial geography in the Wednesday Demonstration in Seoul“. cultural geographies 29, Nr. 1 (01.11.2021): 45–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14744740211054147.

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This article examines how melancholia constitutes a psycho-geopolitical space interweaving Korean subjects’ psychic and political lives with the dynamics of the (post) Cold War alliance between Japan and the US. The Wednesday Demonstration is the weekly protest in Seoul that calls for an official apology and legal compensation from the Japanese government for comfort women who worked in the sexual slavery system under the Japanese Empire during WWII. The fact that the weekly protests have continued for 30 years since 1992 signifies that the comfort women issue has remained an unresolved (geo)political issue between South Korea and Japan for three decades, despite apologies and monetary compensations by the Japanese government. This article offers a psychoanalytic-geopolitical rationale for the endless grief of Korean postcolonial subjects who cannot accept the measures of the Japanese government regarding the comfort women issue. Based on 1-year’s participant observations and in-depth interviews with Korean activists who engaged in the Wednesday Demonstration from September 2019 to August 2020, this article aims to accomplish three goals. Firstly, this article shows how Korean postcolonial subjects were/are haunted by colonial past. Secondly, I examine why Koreans cannot complete mourning for comfort women in the context of ROK-US-Japan geopolitical relations. Lastly, this article interrogates how ethno-nationalists intervene to turn melancholia into a motivation for ethnic solidarity and how their attempt might have failed by exploring a Korean postcolonial subject’s psychic lives. In doing so, I argue that the wounds of Koreans related to the comfort women issue are not simply from colonial history, but they are postcolonial wounds that have not healed ‘appropriately’ under the (US-sponsored) South Korean/Japanese (post-)Cold War security arrangement.

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Hoffmann, Clemens. „Environmental determinism as Orientalism: The geo-political ecology of crisis in the Middle East“. Journal of Historical Sociology 31, Nr. 1 (März 2018): 94–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/johs.12194.

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Prah, Kwesi Dzapong Lwazi Sarkodee. „Historical Perspectives on Relations between Chama Cha Mapinduzi and the Communist Party of China (1965-1985)“. African and Asian Studies 19, Nr. 1-2 (21.04.2020): 157–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341450.

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Abstract Between the respective anti-colonial movements in mainland China and Tanzania and the independence that followed, the political, economic and scientific development that ensued required systematic planning and implementation. The relationship that developed between Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) of Tanzania and the Communist Party of China (CPC) lay the foundation for what many regard as the proto-typical character and example of Chinese diplomacy and its influence in Africa, as well as how states and political parties interact with each other given certain global, geo-political challenges. This paper briefly outlines the main motivations, ideas, plans and implementation of the various exchanges and activities shared between the two political parties. It argues that the idea of party-to-party relations between China and Tanzania required a practical edge that prepared them for the global challenges they faced, and more importantly, prescribed the developmental nature of their relationship.

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Raja, Muhammad Yasin Sultan, Muhammad Rehan Zafar und Sidra Sulman Malik. „Dynamics of Sino Russian Cooperation: History and future Prospects“. Global International Relations Review V, Nr. III (30.09.2022): 35–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/girr.2022(v-iii).05.

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After the end of the cold war international politics had moved from bi-polar to uni-polar resulting in instability. The United States of America to achieve her geo strategic interests took aggressive action which made other states insecure. We have witnessed a rise in the number of wars happened in the last decade of the 20th century and the first decade of the 21st century. The Middle East is still facing the aftershocks of Arab Spring and the Europe is still divided the way it was during the cold war. To counter the hegemonic designs of the United States of America and its allies Sino Russian cooperation has tried to balance the dynamics of International power power politics. This Sino Russian cooperation is based on an economic, strategic and political level. The very nature of this Sino Russian cooperation revolves around the integration of interests and inclusiveness of other likeminded states. In the second decade of the 21st Century this cooperation has evolved at the international level as an alternative to the Western political block led by the USA

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Ravelli, Galadriel. „Strategies of Survival: Reviving the Neo-Fascist Network Through a Transnational Magazine“. European History Quarterly 52, Nr. 1 (Januar 2022): 65–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914211069262.

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In the late 1970s, a group of far-right activists launched a geo-political magazine named Confidentiel and published in Paris. Far from being a domestic project, the magazine was also launched in Spain, Italy and Argentina, thanks to the wide transnational network of which its founders formed a part. Although the magazine was relatively short-lived and enjoyed a modest circulation (despite its transnational reach), its history illuminates the trajectories of some key nodes of the neo-fascist transnational network after the fall of Franco's regime in Spain, where distinct generations of far-right activists had found a safe sanctuary. By exploring the personal trajectories of its founders and examining material published in the magazine, this article argues that members of the neo-fascist transnational network developed Confidentiel as part of a survival strategy and used it to maintain a stable presence in Europe after the mid-1970s, as well as to revitalize the network itself. Our analysis of Confidentiel shows that its founders’ choice to rely on cultural tools to revitalize their network was crucially influenced by the Nouvelle Droite's meta-political turn, which allows us to place the magazine within the European right-wing milieu. The magazine echoed neo-fascism's Pan-European vocation and the call for an independent, sovereign Europe. Nonetheless, its main goal was not to develop comprehensive and innovative geo-political analysis: as the vagueness of its political elaboration reflects. Instead Confidentiel was mainly a survival tool. The existence of several editorial seats across Europe and Latin America justified the network's movements and relations, significantly allowing them to support their allies by using the magazine to counter negative propaganda. In this sense, Confidentiel helps illuminate fascism's transnational dynamism and activism after 1945.

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Terret, Thierry, Cécile Ottogalli-Mazzacavallo und Jean Saint-Martin. „The puliti affair and the 1924 Paris Olympics: Geo-Political issues, National pride and fencing traditions“. International Journal of the History of Sport 24, Nr. 10 (10.09.2007): 1281–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523360701505429.

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Ambridge, Lindsay J. „Imperialism and Racial Geography in James Henry Breasted’s Ancient Times, a History of the Early World“. Journal of Egyptian History 5, Nr. 1-2 (2012): 12–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187416612x632508.

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Abstract James Henry Breasted (1865–1935), founder of the Oriental Institute at the University of Chicago, was a prolific writer of popularizing books on the ancient Near East. This article presents a critical analysis and historical contextualization of one of his most widely read books: Ancient Times, a History of the Early World. Published as a high school textbook in 1916 and revised in 1935, it serves as a reference point from which to investigate the effects of political and cultural variables on ancient historiography. Changes between the first and second editions of the book indicate that Breasted increasingly relied on scientific vocabulary to map the geo-racial boundaries of early civilization. Combining this with a model of enlightened exploitation, Breasted constructed a vision of the ancient past that was ultimately a commentary on the socio-political conditions of his own time.

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YAKOVLEV, Petr. „The EU after Brexit: Key Geopolitical and Geo-Economic Challenges“. Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, Nr. 1 (21) (2020): 30–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2020-1-30-44.

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The decision on Britain’s secession from the European Union, taken by the British Parliament and agreed by London and Brussels, divided the Union history into “before” and “after”. Not only will the remaining member states have to “digest” the political, commercial, economic and mental consequences of parting with one of the largest partners. They will also have to create a substantially new algorithm for the functioning of United Europe. On this path, the EU is confronted with many geopolitical and geo-economic challenges, which should be answered by the new leaders of the European Commission, European Council, and European Parliament.

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Melis, Claudia, Nicholas Wise und Jelena Đurkin Badurina. „Geo-political complexities of governmentality and Balkanism: Deconstructing UNESCO World Intangible Cultural Heritage discourses“. Political Geography 95 (Mai 2022): 102578. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2021.102578.

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Nicley, Erinn P. „Out of the grassroots and into a geo-political economy of post-conflict reconstruction“. Political Geography 28, Nr. 8 (November 2009): 508–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2009.11.005.

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Home, Robert. „History and Prospects for African Land Governance: Institutions, Technology and ‘Land Rights for All’“. Land 10, Nr. 3 (12.03.2021): 292. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land10030292.

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Issues relating to land are specifically referred to in five of the United Nations’ (UN) 17 Sustainable Development Goals, and UN-Habitat’s Global Land Tools Network views access to land and tenure security as key to achieving sustainable, inclusive and efficient cities. The African continent is growing in importance, with climate change and population pressure on land. This review explores an interdisciplinary approach, and identifies recent advances in geo-spatial technology relevant to land governance in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). It discusses historical legacies of colonialism that affect the culture of its land administration institutions, through three levels of governance: international/regional, national and sub-national. Short narratives on land law are discussed for four Anglophone former British colonies of SSA. A wide range of sources are drawn upon: academic research across disciplines, and official publications of various actors, including land professions (particularly surveyors, lawyers and planners), government and wider society. The findings are that African countries have carried forward colonial land governance structures into the post-independence political settlement, and that a gulf exists between the institutions, language and cultures of land governance, and the mass of its peoples struggling with basic issues of survival. This gulf may be addressed by recent approaches to land administration and technological advances in geo-spatial technology, and by new knowledge networks and interactions.

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Zaidi, Syed Muhammad Saad, und Adam Saud. „Future of US-China Relations: Conflict, Competition or Cooperation?“ Asian Social Science 16, Nr. 7 (12.06.2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v16n7p1.

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In contemporary times, the geo-political agenda and geo-economic strategy of the world is being dominated by the ongoing US-China hegemonic competition. Where the United States is trying to prolong the ‘unipolar moment’ and deter the rise of China; China is trying to establish itself as the hegemon in the Eastern hemisphere, an alternate to the US. The entirely opposite interests of the two Great Powers have initiated a hostile confrontational competition for domination. This paper seeks to determine the future nature of the US-China relations; will history repeat itself and a bloody war be fought to determine the leader of the pack? or another prolonged Cold War will be fought, which will end when one side significantly weakens and collapses? Both dominant paradigms of International Relations, Realism and Liberalism, are used to analyze the future nature of the US-China relations.

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Mishkova, Diana. „The Politics of Regionalist Science: The Balkans as a Supranational Space in Late Nineteenth to Mid-Twentieth Century Academic Projects“. East Central Europe 39, Nr. 2-3 (2012): 266–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-03903003.

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The article looks into the various scholarly (and disciplinary) conceptualizations of the Balkans/Southeastern Europe, which were spawned within the region itself prior to World War II. These regionalist schemes drew heavily on political values and relied on political support, while at the same time seeking to spearhead and legitimize political decisions or reformulate (geo)political visions. The article discusses the political implications of this scholarship with the idea to underscore notions of the Balkans which differed considerably from the one summarily and, in recent years, persistently conceptualized as mirroring the Western (discourse of) Balkanism. Not only were those notions more subtle and differentiated than an ‘orientalizing perspective’ would make us expect; a remarkable feature of the academic projects discussed here was their counterhegemonic thrust and the assertion that the Balkans are and should be treated as a subject.

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Dr. Indra Singh Dewal. „Mehrangarh – The Guardian abode of Marwar ruling Rathore dynasty“. Meadow International Journal of Advancements in Multidisciplinary Research 2, Nr. 1 (31.01.2024): 31–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.62060/mjamr.v2i1.77.

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The fort of Marwar as said by Rudyard Kipling “seems to be built by angels and gods sitting like a sanyasi or Yogi with calmness and fearlessness. Mehrangarh Fort today know as the fort of jodhpur standing as a pillar of fame of glorious history of Marwar stands firmly on chitrakoot hill like an invincible warrior. So an attempt has been made to understand the geo strategic and political importance of the Mehrangarh fort ruled by the Rathore dynasty Keywords: Fort, Mehrangarh, Jodhpur, Defence, Marwar, Rathore., Mandore, Rao Jodha,

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WEEKS, JEFFREY. „Pleasure and Duty“. Contemporary European History 22, Nr. 2 (04.04.2013): 277–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077731300009x.

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Three obvious, superficially simple but actually intensely complex questions embodied in the title immediately confront the reader of Dagmar Herzog's important new book. First, what do we mean by the ‘sexuality’ that constitutes the subject matter? Second, what is demarcated by the Europe that provides the geo-political boundaries of this study? Third, does the ‘twentieth century’ provide a useful temporal unity for the narrative and analysis that is at the heart of the book? Such questions are not mere scholarly nit-picking or academic point scoring, but a tribute to the problematising of the body in space and time that has been a hallmark of the deconstructive and reconstructive energy of recent scholarship on the sexual, and that is now making a welcome entry into mainstream history.

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Barkawi, Tarak, Christopher Murray und Ayşe Zarakol. „The United Nations of IR: power, knowledge, and empire in Global IR debates“. International Theory 15, Nr. 3 (November 2023): 445–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752971923000167.

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AbstractThis paper critiques a core premise of Global IR: the association of knowledge with geography, which we term geo-epistemology. It argues that ‘American’ and Global IR share a Eurocentric spatial imaginary, one that was a product of Western expansion and empire. Through its geo-epistemology, Global IR enables a conservative appropriation of the critique of Eurocentrism in IR. Globality becomes a matter of assembling sufficient geographic representation rather than an analysis of the discipline's political, historical, and spatial assumptions. Anglo-American policymakers and intellectuals invented the national/international world to replace the world of empires and races that came apart in the era of the world wars. This UN world of sovereign nation-states and their regional groupings was the foundational move of both what Stanley Hoffman called ‘the American social science’ – IR – and the American-centred world order. The paper uses the reception and legacy of Hoffman's classic essay to show how culture replaced power and history in the study of the discipline, obfuscating the Eurocentrism of Global IR.

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Aung-Thwin, Michael. „A tale of two kingdoms: Ava and Pegu in the fifteenth century“. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 42, Nr. 1 (14.01.2011): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463410000512.

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Over a half century after the great ‘classical’ kingdom of Pagan that produced the ‘golden age’ of Myanmar had declined in the first decade of the fourteenth century, the kingdoms of Ava and Pegu appeared. Thereafter, for the next century and a half, both dominated the land. While Ava was an ‘upstream’ agrarian kingdom ruling mostly Upper Myanmar, Pegu was a ‘downstream’ commercial polity with hegemony over Lower Myanmar. However, and contrary to convention that the history of fifteenth-century Myanmar was an ethnic struggle between two irreconcilable Burmese and Mon populations, their relationship should be characterised more as a dualism of different geo-political and economic factors instead. Indeed, the history of that ‘upstream–downstream’ relationship between Ava and Pegu established lasting patterns that became, thereafter, part of the fabric of Myanmar's history until today.

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Han, Song (Abel), und Yu (Heidi) Huang. „“Republic of Southern Sinophone Literature” and Its Memorandum“. Journal of World Literature 4, Nr. 4 (06.12.2019): 488–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24056480-00404003.

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Abstract This essay reexamines two Sinophone literary uchronias, i.e. Malaysian Chinese (Mahua) author Ng Kim Chew’s dystopian account of the People’s Republic of Nanyang, and Hong Kong writer Dung Kai-cheung’s fabrication of the history of a disappeared street in Hong Kong. As representative pieces of Sinophone literature, these two literary uchronias not only rewrite the authors’ local histories but also bring together a critical examination of the geo-political conditions in the Sinophone sphere. Reflecting on the spatialized and materialist models of world literature studies, this essay aims to investigate the Hong Kong-Mahua link in terms of their world-making power.

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Rathkolb, Oliver. „Austria's “Ostpolitik” in the 1950s and 1960s: Honest Broker or Double Agent?“ Austrian History Yearbook 26 (Januar 1995): 129–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800004276.

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In literature on diplomacy, the term Ostpolitik refers to the new foreign policy of the Federal Republic of Germany introduced in 1966. The policy, was initiated by the grand coalition of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), the Christian Social Union (CSU), and the Social Democratic party (SPD) and was continued after 1969 by the SPD and Free Democratic party (FDP) coalition. The policy aimed at reconciling Germany with Poland and the Soviet Union. Willy Brandt, the SPD foreign minister from 1966 to 1969 and chancellor from 1969 until 1974, and Walter Scheel, FDP foreign minister from 1969 to 1974, were the architects of this new “selective Détente.” From the beginning, Brandt's Ostpolitik was “controlled” by the Nixon administration, especially by Kissinger. The United States feared that Brandt and Scheel would go too far without taking account of Washington's geo-political point of view.

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Secomb, Linnell. „Interrupting Mythic Community“. Cultural Studies Review 9, Nr. 1 (13.09.2013): 85–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/csr.v9i1.3586.

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If nation is increasingly perceived as a less than honourable institution formed through war, invasion and geo-political territorialisation, and government is widely denounced as the site of political intrigue and the means of subjectification of citizen–voters, community appears to escape this critique and to be viewed as an idyllic formation based on bonds of affinity. However, this romancing of community is disrupted by trans-cultural and sub-cultural formations that expose the fantasy of a harmonious, homogenous community. While community is often conceived as arising organically from familial, tribal or cultural similarity, or as constituted through a common history and shared cultural institutions, this totalising conception of community is interrupted by the demands of difference and heterogeneity and by a questioning of the idyll of community authenticated in myths of archaic origin.

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Harding, Sandra. „The Tropical Agenda“. Journal of Tropical Psychology 1, Nr. 1 (01.03.2011): 2–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/jtp.1.1.2.

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The Torrid Zone, more casually referred to as the tropics, has been discriminated against since Aristotle divided the world into three zones. The tropics have been considered too hot for civilised habitation, a place of great horrors, and a dangerous place of pestilence. Consequently, others have chosen to explore the Temperate and Frigid zones. However, the tropics has become an increasingly critical global zone. With a huge, and rapidly growing, population it is facing some of the most formidable issues in history, including the impact of climate change and environmental degradation, poor health and educational outcomes, extreme poverty, and political and economic instability. This article advocates for the tropics to be recognised as a major expanding geo-political region that needs to be comprehensively understood by psychology and other disciplines through research and investigation.

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Gul, Shabnam, Waseem Ishaque und Muhammad Faizan Asghar. „Impact of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) on National Development and Integration in Pakistan“. Global Political Review VI, Nr. I (30.03.2021): 50–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(vi-i).05.

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Islam This research focuses on the impact of the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) on the national development and societal integration in Pakistan. Substantial literature is available on the geo-political and geo-economics of CPEC; however, a literature gap exists on the interplay of the domestic politics of Pakistan and the CPEC. I want to explore the intrinsic linkage of federal and provincial disputes, which influence the implementation of CPEC and how such dialectic relationship is affecting nation-building and societal integration in Pakistan. The central argument I want to build is that how such a mega-investment project to the tune of US$ 62 billion, unprecedented in Pakistan's history at the most critical times of economy and energy crisis, is creating inter-provincial disharmony and polarizing the masses. In answering this question, the articles examine multiple standpoints in Pakistan and present critical inquiry of the impact of domestic politics on the CPEC, nation-building and societal integration by applying the theoretical lens of nation-building and societal integration.

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Hine, Harry M. „Rome, the Cosmos, and the Emperor in Seneca's Natural Questions“. Journal of Roman Studies 96 (November 2006): 42–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3815/000000006784016224.

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This paper examines the political content and context of Seneca's Natural Questions. It argues that, on the one hand, Rome is marginalized in the context of the immensity of the cosmos; and philosophy is elevated above traditional Roman pursuits, including political activity and historical writing. But at the same time the work is firmly anchored in its Roman geo-political context; Seneca situates himself in a long and continuing tradition of investigation of the natural world, where Roman writers can stand alongside Greeks and others; and the current emperor Nero is presented not just as princeps and poet, but as sponsor of geographical and scientific investigation.

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Kathirithamby-Wells, J. „Forces of Regional and State Integration in the Western Archipelago, c. 1500–1700“. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 18, Nr. 1 (März 1987): 24–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400001235.

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Unity within the Malay-Indonesian region evolved as an economic force from within and was not artificially superimposed by any political authority. The region was inextricably linked as a ‘geo-economic’ unit which was of paramount importance to international trade. Although it was trade which laid the area open to external intrusions which ultimately forced the region into a single matrix, colonial authority was imposed largely upon a pre-existing inter-regional economic infrastructure.

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Yazdani, Enayatollah. „The Dynamics of India's Relations with Iran in the Post-Cold War Era: A Geo-Political Analysis“. South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 30, Nr. 2 (August 2007): 351–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856400701499276.

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Past, Elena Margarita. „Island Hopping, Liquid Materiality, and the Mediterranean Cinema of Emanuele Crialese // Saltando de isla en isla, materialidad líquida y el cine mediterráneo de Emanuele Crialese“. Ecozon@: European Journal of Literature, Culture and Environment 4, Nr. 2 (30.09.2013): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.37536/ecozona.2013.4.2.528.

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The history of the “mare nostrum” is a long history of the entanglement of human and more-than-human actors. Three films directed by the Italian Emanuele Crialese, Respiro: Grazia’s Island (2002), Golden Door (2006), and Terraferma (2011), recount stories of encounters and collisions on Mediterranean islands, where the challenges of political, cultural, and ecological cohabitation are intensified. Drawing on theories of material ecocriticism, this article argues that in this trio of films, the Mediterranean sea is not simply a picturesque liquid border. It is instead a generative space that participates in the very process of constituting the narratives, even while the films add another layer to the rich geo-archaeological palimpsest of the region. Resumen La historia del “mare nostrum” es una larga historia la implicación de actores humanos y más-que-humanos. Tres películas dirigidas por el italiano Emanuele Crialese, Respiro (2002), Nuovomondo (2006, Nuevo mundo), y Terraferma (2011), cuentan historias de encuentros y colisiones en islas mediterráneas, donde las dificultades de la convivencia política, cultural, y ecológica se intensifican. Apelando las teorías de la ecocrítica material, este artículo sostiene que en estas tres películas el mar Mediterráneo no es solamente una frontera líquida pintoresca, sino un espacio generativo que participa en el proceso de constituir las narrativas. Por su parte, las películas añaden una capa al palimpsesto geo-arqueológico de la región.

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Pauli, Dorothee. „Seeing Red and Feeling Blue: Social Commentary and Protest in the Work of Michael Reed“. Back Story Journal of New Zealand Art, Media & Design History, Nr. 9 (01.07.2021): 69–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/backstory.vi9.65.

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Accounts of politically inspired art occupy the margins of New Zealand art history. The career of Michael Reed (born 1950, Christchurch) offers an opportunity to discuss how a New Zealand artist has responded to shifts in 20th and early 21st century global debates regarding social justice, economic exploitation, cultural domination and war. He works across a range of mainly print-based techniques but has also found international recognition for his technically innovative ‘medals of dishonor.’ Through his frequent involvement in collaborative projects, Reed has become part of national and international networks of artists who attempt to speak for the many victims of geo-political power struggles.

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TEITELBAUM, JOSHUA. „SAUDI ARABIA, EGYPT, AND THE LONGUE DURÉE STRUGGLE FOR ISLAM'S HOLIEST PLACES“. Historical Journal 61, Nr. 4 (20.12.2017): 1017–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x1700036x.

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AbstractScholars inquiring into Saudi–Egyptian or Hijazi–Egyptian relations, or the history of modern Saudi state formation, have been tempted to concentrate on the June 1926 attack by the tribal Ikhwan on the Egyptian Maḥmal, or pilgrimage caravan, as the key to understanding these relations. But such a courte durée, sometimes known as the événementielle approach, leaves out much rich depth. In fact, when placed within the wider time frame of the longue durée of relations between Egypt and the Hijaz, which is Arabia's western littoral region and home to Islam's holiest places, its historical significance becomes more about ending Egyptian claims of primacy in the Hijaz than achieving internal Saudi state consolidation. It is the longue durée that should command attention, for the only way that Ibn Saud could refashion to his own favour the historical connections that defined Islamic legitimacy in a political form was to cut the Gordian knot between Egypt and the Hijaz. He had to break up the Red Sea littoral system, and tie the holy places instead to the Saudi heartland of Najd. At the Red Sea's expense, the Arabian Peninsula, dominated by Saudi Arabia, became the new geo-political feature of the region.

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Ayaz Khan, Muhammad, Sajid Hussain und Abdur Rehman. „DYNAMICS OF INTEREST IN CENTRAL ASIA“. Global Political Review 2, Nr. 1 (30.12.2017): 99–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2017(ii-i).11.

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This research is an endeavour to examine the dynamics of interest determining the complex political situation in Central Asia. These states have come into being from the trauma of freedom and became the master of their own destinies. The region has energy resources which attract the other countries of the world to get access to them. Many world countries such as Pakistan, Iran, India, China, U.S. and Russia have economic, political and strategic interests in the region. Its geo-strategic location makes it difficult for the Central Asian Republics to ignore it. The article concludes that only culture and history cannot be a bank on for the improvement of cooperation among the nations, but new strategic policies and the dynamics of the modern geopolitical world must be kept in mind while formulating a policy to follow the economic targets.

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Ullah, Muhammad. „Revisiting Partition in Tanvir Mokammel's Films in the Light of Geo-Cultural Identity Theory“. Outlook: Journal of English Studies 14 (17.07.2023): 83–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ojes.v14i1.56660.

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The partition of 1947 is the most tragic and remarkable incident in the history of modern South Asia in creating new political identities. It separated peoples of common ethno-cultural and religious origins with artificial political borderlines imposed on their historical homelands that transformed the traditional socio-political arrangement of this region into a regional international nation-state system. Consequently, two independent states, India and Pakistan, came into being as a result of partition based on the two-nation theory. Millions of the inhabitants had to be displaced and migrated from their birth lands. In the changed circumstances, the natural identity of the individual by birth has been replaced by the political identity of the state. Due to these changes, many people remain stateless and become refugees. It appears as an unending source of crisis in this region such as identity and citizenship crises, communal politics, linguistic and cultural conflicts, communal riots, force-displacement, border killings, etc. These issues are well addressed in the three partition films - Chitra Nadir Pare (Quiet Flows the River Chitra), Swapnabhumi (The Promised Land) and Seemantorekha (The Borderline) produced by Tanvir Mokammel, an internationally acclaimed auteur filmmaker in Bangladesh. His deep insight into post-partition impact has been reflected in these films. How a filmmaker perceives partition is revisited and analyzed in this paper by an idea of contemporary political philosophy known as ‘geo-cultural identity theory’.

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Ward, E. R. „Geo-Environmental Disconnection and the Colorado River Delta: Technology, Culture, and the Political Ecology of Paradise“. Environment and History 7, Nr. 2 (01.05.2001): 219–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3197/096734001129342478.

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Mokwena, Lebogang. „Along the museological grain: An exploration of the (geo)political inheritance in Isishweshwe Story: Material Women?“ African Studies 79, Nr. 3 (02.07.2020): 305–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00020184.2020.1799751.

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Hristov, Yanko, und Dafina Kostadinova. „Byzantine Battleships and Military Transport Vessels along the Hostile Shores“. Studia Ceranea 11 (30.12.2021): 579–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.11.30.

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The establishment of the Bulgarian Khanate along the Lower Danube River and the Northern Black Sea coast changed the geo-political situation in the early medieval Southeastern Europe. It is beyond doubt that the Bulgarians did not develop navy or commercial fleets at that time. However, one cannot reveal substantial reserves about the statement that Khan Asparukh’ descendants were not completely disadvantaged by their Black Sea coastline that they managed to keep under control due to political and military reasons. This becomes clear if the prolonged series of clashes between Byzantium and Bulgaria in 750s–770s are taken into consideration. Despite an obvious usefulness of the cooperation between land armies and navy squadrons in those endeavors, as well as the nonchallenged Byzantine maritime supremacy along the Black Sea shores, the Imperial navy met substantial difficulties or did not completely accomplish its tasks on many occasions.

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Singh, Pushpraj. „Fifteen Years of Right to Information Act in India: A Long Way to Go“. Age of Human Rights Journal, Nr. 17 (17.12.2021): 346–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17561/tahrj.v17.6537.

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The passing & enactment of Right to Information Act, 2005 in India has been rightly considered as a milestone in the evolution of Indian Parliamentary Democracy which attempted to ensure transparency & good governance at the grass root levels by making the public authorities accountable & responsible. This Act liberated the harassed commoners who now had a very potent weapon to seek information which had hitherto remained suppressed in the dusty files of Babus (Bureaucrats) under the garb of official secrecy & confidentiality. However, in spite of many initial success stories over a period of time this Right to Information act has been losing its effectiveness & potency as it has failed to adopt the dynamism of complex Socio-Political realities. This paper attempts to give an overview & explain the history of RTI in India, its present status, limitations/drawbacks /challenges & and suggests some remedial measures to ensure its relevance in the rapidly transforming geo political context.

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Tsuchiya, Kisho. „Representing Timor: Histories, geo-bodies, and belonging, 1860s–2018“. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 50, Nr. 3 (September 2019): 365–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463419000377.

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This article provides an outline of the historical construction of Timorese (East Timorese and Indonesian West Timorese) geo-bodies and communal identities from the mid-nineteenth century to the present time, thereby reconstructing the origins of many national imaginings amongst the Timorese people. Since the controversial annexation of Portuguese Timor by Indonesia in 1976, (East) Timor has been constructed as a place of two territorial identities: Timor as a part of Indonesia and East Timor as a homogeneous nation distinct from Indonesia. However, representations of Timor had been much more fluid and inconsistent in preceding ages. This article studies various communities’ representations of Timor to reveal dialectic relations between diverse colonial and post-colonial representations of the Timorese spaces and their senses of belonging. Thereby, it problematises the political role of global and regional place-making in a contested Southeast Asian locale.

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Geo-political History“

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