Dissertationen: „Genocide – history“

1

Ahmed, Nahleen. „Pluralism and Genocide: Case Study of the Genocide in Bangladesh, 1971“. W&M ScholarWorks, 1987. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625401.

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2

Kehoe, Earl. „The teaching of history in post-genocide Rwanda : a case-study of a post-genocide secondary school history curriculum“. Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2016. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/33446/.

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The focus of this thesis is an investigation of secondary school history in post-genocide Rwanda. The thesis addresses a knowledge gap by examining the 2008 O-level Rwandan history curriculum as a case of a post-genocide secondary school history curriculum. The issues surrounding the construction of the 2008 O-level history curriculum and the wider opportunities and challenges of teaching and learning history in Rwandan schools are addressed. The research is located in the field of literature that investigates school history in different post-genocide and post-conflict countries and the connections between history education, conflict, peace and reconciliation. Research involved two periods of fieldwork in Rwanda of 11 weeks and 16 weeks respectively. During this time curriculum documents were collected and field-notes taken. Also, interviews were conducted with Rwandan policy-makers (3), secondary history teacher-educators (5) and secondary history student-teachers (10). Informal discussions were held with four additional policy-makers. The empirical research was related to the research question: What opportunities and challenges does teaching history face in post-genocide Rwanda - perceptions of what, why and how history is taught to secondary school pupils? A thematic analysis of the data resulted in three key inter-related findings. Firstly, there are competing policy visions and curriculum processes at the heart of the 2008 O-level secondary school history curriculum. Secondly, the memory of the 1994 genocide is central to the 2008 O-level history curriculum construction (policy), mediation (teacher-educators) and implementation (student-teachers). Finally, and related to finding two above, limited learner-centeredness in student-teachers’ classroom practice demonstrates how the legacy of the Rwandan 1994 genocide impacts on the delivery of the 2008 O-level history curriculum. Based on these findings the thesis makes three original contributions to knowledge. The legacy of the genocide in terms of post-genocide fears of future violence and aspirations for unity and reconciliation needs to be at the centre of our understanding of school history curriculum reform in post-genocide Rwanda. Also, over 20 years after the 1994 genocide the on-going emotional legacy of the genocide in the classroom shapes the classroom practice of a new and university trained generation of history teachers. Yet, student-teacher classroom practice also challenges the uniform depiction of teacher-led history teaching by writers, suggesting a more complex history classroom reality. Finally, this is the first empirical study to use the theoretical framework of ‘unity in homogeneity’, ‘unity in diversity’ and ‘diversity’ approaches to frame and investigate the opportunities and challenges the teaching of history faces in post-genocide Rwanda.

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3

BAHIA, RENATO SABBAGH. „GENOCIDE AND ITS POLITICAL USE: A CONCEPTUAL HISTORY“. PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2017. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=30952@1.

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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
PROGRAMA DE EXCELENCIA ACADEMICA
O presente trabalho propõe uma investigação de algumas das condições de possibilidade quanto ao conceito de Genocídio. Buscando entender alguns dos limites políticos e sociais na utilização do termo Genocídio – no Internacional ou não -, estabelece-se uma análise que tenta conciliar as bases que tornam possível a invenção do conceito em 1944 pelo jurista polonês Raphael Lemkin, bem como sua recepção, abordagem, e disputas quanto ao que o conceito deve(ria) significar entre 1944 e dezembro de 1948, quando a Convenção para a Prevenção e a Repressão do Crime de Genocídio foi aprovada pela Assembleia Geral das Nações Unidas. Mais do que apenas determinar a politização (Politisierung) do Conceito, argumenta-se que um entendimento sobre o que Genocídio é ou deveria ser, seja no recorte temporal proposto, seja nos debates que se seguem no Campo de Estudos sobre Genocídio, requer uma abordagem que reflita as múltiplas temporalidades que cada reinvindicação de significado do Conceito traz em si.
This work seeks to investigate a few of the conditions of possibility for a concept of Genocide. By establishing an analysis that tries to reconcile the basis under which the creation of the concept in 1944, as well as its reception, take and dispute of what the concept must (have) mean(t) between 1944 and December 1948, when the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide was approved by the United Nations General Assembly, this work aims for an understanding of a few of the political and social limits on the employment of the term Genocide. More than just considering the politicisation (Politisierung), it is argued that a certain understanding of what Genocide is or ought to be, be it through the proposed temporal frame or through the debates that follow in the Field of Genocide Studies, requires an approach that reflects on the multiple temporalities that each claim for a certain meaning that is brought within the Concept.

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4

Grimshaw, Daniel. „Britain’s Response to the Herero and Nama Genocide, 1904-07 : A Realist Perspective on Britain’s Assistance to Germany During the Genocide in German South-West Africa“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Hugo Valentin-centrum, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-396604.

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5

Ubald, Rafiki. „The Role of the Bourgmestres during the Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Hugo Valentin-centrum, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-353268.

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In this thesis I use qualitative comparative methods to analyze The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) court transcripts related to bourgmestres who were in office at the time of the genocide against the Tutsi in 1994. I argue that a few bourgmestres resisted the genocide, others engaged in the genocide after a short-lived resistance, while a larger number totally engaged in the genocide. I propose that moral disengagement and dehumanization, altruistic dispositions, or deep-seated ethno-nationalist convictions help account for the different actions and attitudes of the bourgmestres in the genocide. Finally, I found that the Rwandan government implemented genocide regardless of the opposition, the direct and/or indirect involvement of the concerned bourgmestres. Key words: genocide, bourgmestre, Rwanda, ICTR, commune, actions, attitudes.

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6

Gelber, Emily O. S. „Fear of Forgetting: How Societies Deal with Genocide“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/382.

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This thesis discusses how certain societies (Germany, Israel, and Argentina) that have been involved in two documented cases of genocide in the 20th Century -- one that was the source for and falls within the United Nations Treaty definition of genocide (the Holocaust), and one that does not (the Dirty War in Argentina) --have dealt with these events in their recent past. In dealing with these issues, the thesis employs the analysis of genocide developed by the Argentine scholar, Daniel Feierstein, who has proposed that all genocides progress through a series of steps that first create what he calls a "negative otherness" to the victims of the genocide, that then isolates and debilitates the victim group, and that ultimately leads, as a penultimate (not final) step, to the physical annihilation of the victims of the genocide. Feierstein's most novel and provocative contribution to the study of genocide, however, is his concept that there is an additional and final step -- which he calls the threat of “symbolic realization” -- that will actually take place in society after the killing or physical annihilation has been completed and the historical order of things has been restored. In Feierstein’s view, the purpose of genocide is to use the technologies of power of the state against the victim group in order to permanently change social relations within the state by excluding and then annihilating the victims of the genocide. For this reason, Feierstein argues that, unless the post-genocide society continues to confront the causes and reality of the genocide as a present and ongoing political and social dynamic in the society, so that the memory and cultural and social presence of the victim group is preserved in an immediate way, the genocide will be realized on a symbolic level in the sense that the change of social relations that the perpetrators of the genocide intended will in fact occur. In the analysis that follows of the issues of assigning culpability, providing reparations, and constructing memorials in post-genocide societies, the thesis argues that, whether consciously articulated or not, what drives the bitter controversy and debates over these matters in post-genocide societies is an underlying fear on the part of victims and victim groups that the significance of what they have suffered and why they have suffered will be lost and forgotten (symbolically realized, in Feierstein’s terminology) in the state's efforts at reconciliation precisely through the process of assigning guilt, awarding reparations, and constructing memorials. Going a step beyond where Feierstein leaves off, the thesis suggests, however, that this sort of symbolic realization is, in fact, an inevitable and unavoidable consequence of the process of writing the history of the genocide (or any event) and the detachment, analysis, contextualization, reductiveness, and simplification that history requires.

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7

Basuayi, Clement Bula. „Fertility in Rwanda: Impact of genocide, an ananlysis of fertility before, during and after 1994 genocide“. Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2006. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_3790_1248421768.

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The 20th century has witnessed several wars and genocides worldwide. Notable examples include the Armenian and Jews genocides which took place during World War I and World War II respectively. The Rwandan genocide of 1994 is a more recent example. These wars and genocides have impacted on the socio-economic and demographic transition with resounding crisis. The present study focused on the Rwandan genocide which affected households and families by reducing the fertility rate. Hence the fertility transition in Rwanda was analyzed for the period before, during and after genocide.

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8

Bryant, Michael Scott. „Words That Kill : Reflections on the Rhetoric of Genocide“. The Ohio State University, 1996. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1391602111.

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9

Hudson, Rica. „Love Thy Neighbor: Genocide in Africa“. Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2005. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/764.

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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf
Bachelors
Arts and Sciences
Political Science

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10

Stone, Daniel. „The construction of the Holocaust : genocide and the philosophy of history“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.361889.

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11

Osmar, Christopher M. „Vanguard of Genocide: The Einsatzgruppen in the Soviet Union“. Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1281029869.

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12

Diamadis, Panayiotis. „Hellenism under the Crescent : a case study in an ongoing genocide“. Phd thesis, Department of Modern Greek, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/6288.

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13

Thandra, Shashidar Rao. „Annihilation and accumulation| Postcolonial literatures of genocide and capital“. Thesis, Wayne State University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3665007.

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The emergence of South-South relations in politics and economics refracts strangely through the literature produced in these postcolonial regions. Two primary worldviews emerge in these texts. The first focuses on the continued presence of imperial powers in the South and their culpability in eruptions of violence. The second shifts to modes of domination emerging within South-South interactions. Salman Rushdie's canonical Midnight's Children examines the Bangladeshi genocide through a variety of literary strategies, especially hyperbole, to produce a crisis of history to indict the Cold War arms trade on equal terms with a war criminal. Similarly, Boubicar Boris Diop's novel Murambi, The Book of Bones helps contextualize the Rwandan genocide within the circuits of international attention—weapons supplies, political support and humanitarian aid—that put the lie to the world's supposed "indifference." On the contrary, Murambi's fragmented and polyvocal form evinces the multiple and contradictory investments Rwandans suffered through. East Africa is also home to a South Asian diaspora that arrived before the European powers and now advance India's exponential trade relations with Africa. M.G Vassanji's The In-Between World of Vikram Lall caricatures one of these "Asian Shylocks" to critique the diaspora's class politics and, simultaneously, the racism and xenophobia that led to their 1969 mass deportation from Uganda by Idi Amin. Vassanji's focalizer weaponizes capital accumulation to claim that it protects against such racism, even if it confirms racist caricatures. This argument is not unlike that made by emergent economies from the postcolonial South, which have turned to neoliberal developmental policies to guarantee their independence. Despite the unsustainability of such policies, both Vassanji's novel and Aravind Adiga's The White Tiger take seriously capitalism's ability to nullify old hierarchies even while building new ones. Adiga's focalizer breaks free of his place in the caste system on the strength of capitalism's ability to profane this scared hierarchy. Such anti-caste politics challenge the category of 'radical politics' as espoused by anti-capitalists and adherents of Gandhi, who fought feverishly for the preservation of caste. Taken together, these two novels represent emergent Southern businessmen who fight local antagonisms through international capital, producing a complicated situation that helps us understand the allure of accumulation in emergent economies and its impact on South-South relationships.

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14

Powell, Stephen. „Positive Autonomy as a Mechanism in Rwanda’s Post-Genocide Development“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1592.

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Rwanda is a small resource poor country in East Africa that has experienced almost two decades’ worth of significant growth following a genocide that claimed almost 10% of the country’s population. This paper explores the role of positive autonomy in the countries path to development hoping to demonstrate that countries that are ready to pursue independent policy initiatives ought to be encouraged to do so by their international partners. Positive autonomy has three defining characteristics; the ability of a country to pursue its own internally driven policy choices, especially in the face of external opposition but not necessarily in the face of opposition, “ownership” of a community over policy developments that affect them, i.e. their involvement in the administration of policy, and lastly, the ability of a country to reject policy propositions from the outside. Negative autonomy would be a lack of two or more of those conditions. Using this model, I seek to show that these three characteristics have been pursued by Rwanda as a result of its pre-genocide history. I also seek to show that these three characteristics have played a vital role in the development of Rwanda by allowing the government to pursue innovative strategies outside of international norms. To demonstrate this conclusion, I first look to the pre and post-colonial histories of Rwanda in order to examine the role of negative autonomy, seeking to build a case that demonstrates its lasting impact in Rwanda’s political character. I then examine an extreme case of negative autonomy in the case of the CFA monetary union followed by an extended examination of a clear case of positive autonomy in Rwanda and the benefits and failures it has produced. I then briefly examine the relationship between development aid and influence also demonstrating that Rwanda’s position on development aid mirrors its position on positive autonomy in general. Finally, I briefly examine three different examples of positive autonomy in Rwanda as a supplement to the extended example to demonstrate that some of the biggest policy initiatives undertaken by the Rwandan government are either the result of positive autonomy, are successful because of positive autonomy or can be drastically improved by a better implementation of positive autonomy. I hope that this research can be seen as a fresh lens for examining the relationship between weak and powerful states to validate the position that more autonomy for weaker states in their decision-making processes can produce much more successful results in their development drives.

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15

Herron, Michael Francis. „Denial of the Armenian genocide in American and French politics“. Thesis, Kingston University, 2013. http://eprints.kingston.ac.uk/29892/.

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The dissertation seeks to address three sets of questions: Why have the United States and France become involved in the issue of the Armenian genocide several decades after the genocide? How and why do the American and French debates have different outcomes? What conclusions can be drawn from these differences? It examines how the unresolved conflict between the competing Turkish narrative of denial and the Armenian narrative affirming the reality of the genocide has led the Armenian diaspora and the Turkish state to influence political actors in the United States and France to support their arguments for and against the reality of the genocide. This thesis focuses on the debates in the United States in 2007 and 2010 on a Congressional Resolution to recognise the genocide. It also traces the progress of French legislation from French official recognition of the genocide in 2001 to the passage of legislation to criminalise denial of the Armenian genocide in 2012, ultimately ruled unconstitutional by the French Constitutional Council. The contribution to knowledge this thesis makes is to demonstrate that recognition of genocide is a political question that involves more than the perpetrators and victims. Just as genocide does not only involve these two actors, recognition of genocide also involves other states and societies. Just as bystander states have to think about what they do when a genocide is being perpetrated when it comes to recognition they have to evaluate what to do, particularly when they have been involved from the outset.

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16

Holcom, Andrew C. Young Kathleen Z. „Misrepresentations as complicity : the genocide against indigenous Americans in high school history textbooks /“. Online version, 2010. http://content.wwu.edu/cdm4/item_viewer.php?CISOROOT=/theses&CISOPTR=351&CISOBOX=1&REC=12.

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17

Bastien, Danielle. „When Silence is Betrayal: Genocide and United States Foreign Policy“. Thesis, Boston College, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/545.

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Thesis advisor: Eve Spangler
United States foreign policy must balance national interests with international obligations, including a commitment to human rights. Genocide represents an enormous violation of human rights but also a significant challenge to the formulation of United States foreign policies. The word genocide was created to encompass the multi-layered characteristics of the systematic and intentional nature of mass human destruction. Though the US has vowed to prevent and stop genocide from occurring, its actions do not indicate so. In Turkey the US failed to defend Armenians, using political principles to justify the decision. Association between the Holocaust and genocide has limited US recognition and action in other situations. Various methods were employed in response to genocide in Rwanda in order to avoid an obligation to action. Emphasizing the people and the society which they compose, the United States must not focus on a strict definition of genocide but must broaden its comprehension beyond technicalities in order to responsibly recognize and respond to genocide, and in doing so capture the intended comprehension of the word
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2008
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: History
Discipline: Sociology
Discipline: College Honors Program

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18

Letsinger, Michael A. „The Nazi Genocide: Eugenics, Ideology, and Implementation 1933-1945“. Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2015. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/2472.

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The purpose of this study is to seek knowledge of how eugenics justified extreme racial policy, territorial expansion, committing unprecedented crimes against humanity; and to understand why and how eighty million human beings yielded to totalitarianism and racial murder. Further, by examining Nazi science and policies, through the lens of concentration/extermination camps at Dachau and Auschwitz, we sought to understand the linkage between scientific racism, Nazi ideology and genocide. Critiquing Germany’s failure to exercise sound science and morality in its occupation, subjugation, and depopulation during WW II, this paper will argue Nazi Germany’s evolution to systematized, industrial mass murder of Untermenschen (or “subhumans”) ‘justified’ their territorial expansion, and the elimination of whole populations based on the concept of an inferior class war. Consequently, my research indicates apathy and greed, ignorance and intolerance will inevitably pull society into the abyss of perdition, thus services humanity as a grave warning to remember the fallacy of racial intolerance.

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19

Bloxham, Donald. „Genocide on trial : war crimes trials and the formation of Holocaust history and memory /“. Oxford : Oxford university press, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb390951061.

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Texte remanié de: Ph.D.--Southampton, 1998. Titre de soutenance : The Holocaust on trial : the war crime trials in the formartion of history and memory.
Documents en annexes (verdicts du procès de Nuremberg et d'autres procès). Bibliogr. p. 233-261. Index.

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20

Colwill, David. „'Genocide' and Rome, 343-146 BCE : state expansion and the social dynamics of annihilation“. Thesis, Cardiff University, 2017. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/109080/.

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As the nascent power of Rome grew to dominance over the Mediterranean world in the Middle Republic, they carried out mass killing, mass enslavement, and urban annihilation. In doing so, they showed an intention to destroy other groups, therefore committing genocide. This study looks at the kinds of destruction enacted by Romans between 343 BCE and 146 BCE, using a novel application of definitions and frameworks of analysis from the field of Genocide Studies. It proposes typologies through which the genocidal behaviours of the Romans can be explored and described. Mass killing, enslavement, and urban annihilation normally occurred in the context of siege warfare, when the entire population became legitimate targets. Initial indiscriminate killing could be followed by the enslavement of the survivors and burning of their settlement. While genocide is a valid historiographical tool of analysis, Roman behaviours were distinct from modern patterns of mass killing in lacking a substantial component of racial or ethnic motivation. These phenomena were complex and varied, and the utter destruction of groups not regularly intended. Roman genocidal violence was a normative, but not typical, adaptation of the Romans of the Middle Republic to the ancient anarchic interstate system. In antiquity, there was no international law to govern conflict and international relations, only customs. This study posits that the Roman moral-based custom of fides as an internal preventative regime that inhibited genocide through rituals of submission to Roman hegemony. This process was flawed, and cultural miscommunication risked causing mass violence. Furthermore, the wide discretion of Roman commanders accepting submission could result in them flouting the moral obligation to protect ii surrendered groups. In such cases, attempts at punishment and restitution from other members of the elite were only partially effective.

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21

Mackay, Anna Georgia. „The idea of ‘genocide’ in the Australian context 1959-1978“. Thesis, Department of History, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/14028.

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This study attempts to trace the meaning of the word ‘genocide’ in its use in the Australian context. Adopting an historical contextualist approach. the study finds that ‘genocide’ emerged in 1959, in the assimilation critique of Stanley F. Davey, where it was used to condemn the perceived psychological effects of assimilation policy upon Aborigines as an emergent social collectivity. This idea of ‘genocide’ was predominant in Australian discourse throughout the 1960s and 1970s, gaining recognition as ‘the Aboriginal perspective’. As such, it encountered the obstacle of European Australians who maintained an objective understanding of Aboriginal identity, contained in visions of both ‘assimilation’ and ‘integration’. I examine the case of Tasmanian discourse history, where these two perspectives on Aboriginality and ‘genocide’ came into direct conflict over the claim of Tasmanians’ extinction. The study concludes by raising the question of how scholars may approach the identification and discussion of this Aboriginal concept of identity genocide in a scholarly context, given that its meaning is predicated on subjective historical experiences and feelings.

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22

Smythe, Dana Renee. „Remembering the Forgotten Genocide: Armenia in the First World War“. [Johnson City, Tenn. : East Tennessee State University], 2001. http://etd-submit.etsu.edu/etd/theses/available/etd-0625101-231057/unrestricted/smythe0720.pdf.

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23

Abdoo, Jayma Ann. „The Scourge of "Discovery": A Case Study of the Genocide of Native Americans in English North America“. W&M ScholarWorks, 1992. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625768.

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24

Cieplak, Piotr Artur. „The Rwandan genocide and its aftermath in photography and documentary film“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609170.

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25

Hanafin, Niamh. „Unanswered Questions and Empty Spaces: The Challenge of Communicating History and Memory in Post-Genocide Cambodia“. Thesis, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för konst, kultur och kommunikation (K3), 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23277.

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Twenty-eight years after the fall of the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, many Cambodians are still unclear about what really took place during the 1975-1979 regime, during which an estimated 1.7 million people died. Cambodia still suffers economically, socially and psychologically from the legacy of the Khmer Rouge and the years of war before and since. This has also impacted on the next generation of young Cambodians, who are reportedly poorly informed and sceptical about the Khmer Rouge. This research explores the root causes of the apparent disinterest and lack of knowledge among Cambodia’s youth. It also examines the potential role that radio can play in supporting and contextualising survivors’ testimonies and educating young people about their recent history. This is achieved by studying a phone-in radio series entitled Ka Pit (The Truth), which aims to educate young people about the Khmer Rouge regime. The overall supposition of this study is that real and meaningful reconciliation requires documenting, memorialising and communicating past violence and conflict, a process which has been slow to occur in Cambodia. The research methodology consisted of focus group discussions with young Cambodians, and a comparative survey of listeners and non-listeners of Ka Pit. The field research reveals that 91.7% of survey respondents lost relatives during the Khmer Rouge regime. However, only 8.5% of survey respondents claimed to be very aware of the KR while 87.5% know a little. 91.7% of respondents learned about the Khmer Rouge from their parents and relatives. In general, young people know about the day-to-day hardships suffered during the regime but do not understand the wider geopolitical, ideological and historical context of the Khmer Rouge. While urban educated youths can educate themselves by accessing other sources such as books, memorials, Internet, magazines and videos, rural young people rely almost exclusively on survivors’ testimony and the mass media as sources of information about the Khmer Rouge. Family stories play a crucial and primary role in informing young people about the Khmer Rouge. However, they also contain inherent limitations and provide neither adequate proof that such a horrific regime existed nor sufficient explanation for why it happened. On the other hand, radio is still a popular pastime and an important source of information for young people in Cambodia. It is a versatile medium that can be listened to throughout the day. 87% of respondents listen to the radio sometimes or often and 41.7% learned about the Khmer Rouge through radio. Young people enjoy Ka Pit and find it extremely informative and interesting. They feel that the information in the programme is trustworthy and can contribute to their understanding of the Khmer Rouge time. The impact of Ka Pit to date has been very impressive, given it has only been on the air for a short time. 90.9% of respondents believed that the programme can have a positive impact on society, most notably that young people will understand their history and that a similar regime would be prevented from taking power in Cambodia. Listeners of Ka Pit were consistently better informed that non-listeners about conditions during the Khmer Rouge regime. Furthermore, listeners of Ka Pit are far more likely to discuss the Khmer Rouge than non-listeners.

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26

Hopkins, Russell A. Esq. „The Simele Massacre as a Cause of Iraqi Nationalism:How an Assyrian Genocide Created Iraqi Martial Nationalism“. University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1464911392.

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27

Sumner, Lindsay McRae. „Problematizing Humanitarianism: A Critical Analysis of Major American Newspaper Coverage of the 1994 Rwandan Genocide“. Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1243880099.

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28

Oppenheimer, Joshua Lincoln. „Show of force : film, ghosts and genres of historical performance in the Indonesian genocide“. Thesis, University of the Arts London, 2004. http://ualresearchonline.arts.ac.uk/6253/.

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This thesis is a critical reflection on Vision Machine's North Sumatran film project, articulating a cinema practice that seeks to address a genocide that has barely been investigated. The primary footage comprises extensive interviews, re-enactments and dramatisations of the various practices and procedures that constituted the core of the 1965-66 Indonesian genocide in Sumatra's plantation belt. The participants in these dramatisations and enactments are, for the most part, death squad leaders and members who participated in the killing. This data, comprising over 100 hours of video, constitute revelatory primary research into the history and operation of the Indonesian genocide. This research forms the historical context for the project, and is therefore summarised in the thesis. The reflection on the epistemological, cultural and historical status of these re-enactments constitutes the basis for the core argument of this thesis. To this day, in North Sumatra, the genocidaires remain largely in power. This fact transforms our film project into a unique laboratory for exploring the cultural politics of film, media and history within a context of victory and impunity. Specifically, the project examines the ways in which historical narrative - inevitably told by victors - becomes an instrument of terror within a spectral economy of terror. This project is both an intervention into this economy, as well as an analysis of its mechanisms and protocols. As such, the thesis comprises both completed films, extracts from works-in-progress and this writing, and lies at the intersection of the disparate fields of cinema studies, Indonesian area studies, trauma studies and film practice. This thesis proposes a theory of performativity, spectrality and genres of historical performance; specifically, it is argues that spectres are performatively conjured as the obscene to any symbolic performance - including both historical acts as well as their rehearsal and restaging in re-enactment, testimony, or dramatisation; such spectres constitute a power that may be claimed by the performer. This power interacts with actual structures of power, as well as processes that seek to record, circulate or excavate such historical performances, including our filmmaking process. In the case of this film project, perpetrators are lured by the apparatus of filmmaking into naming names and revealing routines of mass murder hitherto obscene to official histories, and they do so through dramatisations and re-enactments manifestly conditioned by the codes of film and television genres. This latter point reveals the complex ways in which remembrance is always already well-rehearsed, scripted and generic. Thus does the research excavate (by catalysing) perpetrators' performative use of film genres to conjure as a spectral force that which must remain obscene to the codes of genre. And thus does the research excavate (by miming) the way genre fashions historical narratives into instruments of terror. As perpetrators of the genocide name names and reveal secrets, the process by which they seek to claim and manifest their spectral power is short-circuited by the filmmaking process, which condenses a miasmic spectral into specific ghosts. By shorting one circuit, the filmmaking closes another through which the process of remembrance, working through and redemption may begin for survivors. From this emerges an understanding of both the filmmaking process and its products (i.e., the completed films) as filmic interventions into a spectral economy of terror. This thesis describes a film practice that is necessarily a social practice, at once producing works and doing work. Building on models of collective filmmaking developed by Jean Rouch and George Stoney, we incorporate experimental production techniques including spirit possession, re-narration, infiltration, and genre-based fiction filmmaking in order to define a new model for film production that the author has termed "archaeological performance". Moving beyond the interview-based approaches of Lanzmann and Ophüls, archaeological performance suggests a hybrid and interventionist form of cinema adequate to addressing a history whose very incoherence has served as an instrument of terror.

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Taylor, Jessica L. „Through the Eyes of the Post: American Media Coverage of the Armenian Genocide“. Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2009. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1862.

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Many historians refer to the Armenian Genocide of 1915 as the first genocide of the twentieth century. In the context of the first global war, the Armenians of the Ottoman Empire were systematically persecuted and many eliminated while the world watched. Yet today, American memory and conception of the Armenian Genocide is remarkably different from similar historical events such as the Holocaust. The Armenian Genocide and America's reaction to it is a forgotten event in American memory. In an attempt to better understand this process of forgetting, this thesis analyzes the Washington Post's news coverage of the Armenian Genocide. By cataloguing, categorizing, and analysizing this news coverage, this thesis suggests Americans had sufficient information about the events and national reaction to it to form a memory. Therefore, the reasons for twenty-first century collective loss of memory in the minds of Americans must be traced to other sources.

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Arnold, Richard A. „From Graffiti To Genocide: Why Are There Different Forms of Ethnic Violence?“ The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1244224599.

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Benda, Richard Munyurangabo. „The test of faith : Christians and Muslims in the Rwandan genocide“. Thesis, University of Manchester, 2013. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-test-of-faith-christians-and-muslims-in-the-rwandan-genocide(b83bdce7-1f06-4532-b463-eaefe5f774bb).html.

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This thesis is a critical inquiry into the response to the Rwandan genocide of 1994 by Christians and Muslims. Structured around the thesis that Muslims resisted the genocide better than Christians, it explores the historical, cultural, political and theological causes that motivated and explain the actions of both faith communities in the face of genocide. The first chapter offers a critique of the dominant colonial perspective from which the topic of religion and genocide has been studied so far. It presents pre-colonial Rwandans as evolving in a complex spiritual universe, Gakondo, where religion, morality and politics were closely linked. The rise of a centralised state and sacred monarchy resulted in the theological marginalisation of the Rwandan divinity Imana and the deformation of the political conscience of the Rwanda subject. The second and the third chapter deal respectively with the beginnings of Christianity and Islam in Rwanda within the context of colonization. They show the genealogy of Christianity’s political ambivalence and Islam’s marginalisation, both which played an important role in the genocide of 1994. One significant contribution of the second chapter is to problematise the epistemological confusion between Rwandan Christianity and Roman Catholicism. Chapter four suggests a framework for the understanding of ‘Rwanda 94’ as an instance of evil. It offers a critique of the epistemic hijacking that characterises research in the Rwandan events. The chapter argues for a historical and naturalistic approach to the study of ‘Rwanda 94’, which should be qualified as ‘autocide’ instead of genocide because of the intimacy between victims and perpetrators. Chapter five and six tackle the thesis that Muslims resisted the genocide better than Christians. Examination of the factual data and revisionist discourses in post-genocide Rwanda lead to the conclusion that the imputation of success to Islam and failure to Christianity is operated by virtue of expectations on both faith communities. More specifically, chapter six provides a theological reading of Christianity’s shortcomings as sin. Chapter seven addresses the paradoxical phenomenon of religious blossoming in post-genocide Rwanda and argues that it is faith-based resistance to genocide shown by many Muslims and individual Christians which made ‘God-talk’ possible and ensured the survival of institutional religion. Chapter eight gives a summary and critique of the process of reconciliation in post-genocide Rwanda. It argues that Islam and Christianity need to develop an alternative model of reconciliation that challenges and moralises the State-engineered politics of reconciliation.

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Redwood, Nyanda J. „Genocide in Guatemala: Geopolitical Systems of Death and Power“. The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1396448630.

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Björk, Martin. „Folkmord i läromedlen : En undersökning om folkmords behandling i fem läromedel för gymnasiets A kurs i historia“. Thesis, Södertörn University College, Lärarutbildningen, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-3497.

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A large number of genocides have taken place in our history. The purpose of this essay is to examine how genocide is treated in five high school history textbooks. I have studied a large number of issues. I have examined which genocides are discussed in the textbooks and which genocides the textbooks don’t discuss. I have also examined if there are differences between the textbooks about that matter. I have studied in which context the genocides are discussed. I have also examined how the genocides are described and if there are any differences between the authors about that matter.

The method of the essay is a quantitative and qualitative text analysis. I have used the following history theories in my analysis: a critical emancipation perspective of history, the materialist conception of history and the idealist conception of history. In the essay a have used Frank Chalks and Kurt Jonassohns definition of genocide.

The study has shown that a large number of genocides are discussed in the textbooks, but also that a large number are not discussed. There are differences between the textbooks about that matter. The study has confirmed the critical emancipation perspective of history.

The study has shown that the descriptions of the genocides have its similarities and it's differences.

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Ruhunga, Sam. „Military integration as a factor for post-conflict stability and reconciliation Rwanda, 1994-2005“. Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Sep%5FRuhunga.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Security Studies (Stabilization and Reconstruction))--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Douglas Porch, Jessica Piombo. "September 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 81-86). Also available in print.

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Peltola, Larissa. „Rape and Sexual Violence Used as a Weapon of War and Genocide“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1965.

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Rape and other forms of sexual violence have been used against civilian populations since the advent of armed conflict. However, recent scholarship within the last few decades proves that rape is not a byproduct of war or a result of transgressions by a few “bad apples,” rather, rape and sexual violence are used as strategic, systematic, and calculated tools of war, ethnic cleansing, and genocide. Rape has also been used as a means of preventing future generations of children of “undesirable” groups from being born. Rape and sexual violence are also used with the purpose of intimidating women and their communities, destroying the social fabric and cohesion of specific groups, and even as a final act of humiliation before killing the victim. In each conflict that is examined in this thesis, sexual violence is used against civilian populations for the specific purpose of genocide.

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Mattsson, Per-Göran. „Den politiska maktens bruk, missbruk och icke-bruk av historien : En analys av debatten om Sveriges och EU:s erkännande, samt Turkiets förnekande, av folkmordet på armenier, assyrier/syrianer/kaldéer,och pontiska greker 1915-1917“. Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-3529.

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This essay is about use, misuse and non-use of history in politics. To recognize genocide is a use of history that has been established in politics, but also sparked debate. The position of non-use of history in international policy towards Turkey's denial policy has increasingly been replaced by recognition of genocide as a matter of making up with the story, moral consider, and where fundamental issues of culture, identity, history and morality has become guiding element in the discourse behind European expansion and integration policies. A breakthrough for this change is due to the Cold War's end; since the 1980s it has become possible to realize the humanitarianism which has its roots in the Enlightenment humanism underlying the United Nations, and later the EU conventions on human rights and genocide conventions. A genocide concept has become an important discourse in world politics that puts moral pressure on states to act. Parliamentary recognition of the genocide of the Armenians, Assyrians / Syrians / Chaldeans and Pontic Greeks, is partly redress for the victims and their descendants, but also an opportunity for reconciliation.

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Dantzler, Camille Ciara. „Exchange of Fictions: Exploring the Intersections of Gendered Self-narration and Testimonio Representations on the Rwandan Genocide“. The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1343847882.

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Isaksson, Malin. „The Holocaust and genocide in history and politics : a study of the discrepancy between human rights law and international politics /“. Gothenburg : School of Global Studies. Peace and Development Research, University of Gothenburg, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2077/21348.

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Kahn, Michelle Lynn. „Manufactured Morality: German-British Humanitarianism as Realpolitik Tool a Decade after the Boer and Herero Wars“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/427.

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Situated within the fields of diplomatic history and comparative genocide studies, this thesis examines the German colonial period from the standpoint of German-British relations before, during and after the Second Boer War in British South Africa (1899-1902) and the Herero and Nama War in German South West Africa (present-day Namibia, 1904-1908). I contend that German and British diplomatic efforts at cordiality functioned as a means of tacitly condoning each power’s humanitarian abuses—or at least “letting them slide”—for the sake of stability both on the European Continent and within the colonies. Despite activism against reported maltreatment and violence—even among citizens of “the perpetrating power” and among those of “the observing power”—neither the German nor the British government was willing to chastise the other openly, for fear of alienating a key ally. Only with the advent of the First World War, when the former allies became enemies, did an explosion of criticism of each other’s maltreatment of their colonial subjects erupt. In the wake of German defeat, the British victors reaped the spoils of war—including the ability to shape perceptions of what had happened nearly two decades before in the African colonies—and succeeded in expropriating the German overseas territories in the 1919 Treaty of Versailles. From this narrative the following conclusion emerges: German and British official responses to humanitarian concerns in the colonies were dictated not by morality or compassion but rather by realpolitik expediency. And, as often in history, the one-sided narrative that emerged from this rather hypocritical series of events continues to skew perceptions of both British and German colonialism today. Thus, as a whole, this thesis poses broad theoretical questions regarding the politicization of morality and the social construction of genocide classifications, as well as the extent to which changing perceptions of violent conflicts have played a role in how the international community has categorized these conflicts through legal means in the wake of the Holocaust.

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Levey, Benjamin Samuel. „Jungar Refugees and the Making of Empire on Qing China's Kazakh Frontier, 1759-1773“. Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11292.

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This dissertation tells the story of what happened to Jungar refugees on the Qing empire's Kazakh frontier in the years immediately following the collapse of the Jungar confederation, 1759-1773. Narratives of violence have dominated the historiography on the fall of the Jungars. Nearly every history of the Jungars' demise highlights the Qing's violent massacres against the Jungar people, with several works even asserting these massacres were tantamount to "genocide." Based on a large corpus of previously unstudied Manchu documents, this dissertation moves beyond historical narratives that view the Jungar collapse solely through the lens of Qing violence by highlighting the important historical role that Jungar refugees played in the years following the disintegration of the Jungar state.
East Asian Languages and Civilizations

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Mimboui, Nguema Ida Paola. „Enquête, Histoire et Fiction : Jean Hatzfeld au prisme de l'écriture“. Thesis, Cergy-Pontoise, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016CERG0837/document.

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Penser l’écriture par rapport à l’histoire c’est mettre en relation deux moments importants de l’activité. On peut considérer que ce qui est écrit, c’est ce qui reste, c’est-à-dire jugé digne d’être transmis. Il en va ainsi des événements historiques qui grâce à l’écriture sont transmis de génération en génération. L’écriture est ainsi une trace, une mémoire de l’histoire. Toutefois, l’histoire semble s’opposer à l’écriture littéraire. Car il est généralement admis qu’on ne trouve guère dans les œuvres littéraires que ce qui s´oppose à la réalité et ce point de vue relèverait de l’imaginaire voire de la simulation. Cette approche du texte littéraire se trouve désormais quelque peu ébranlée, si l’on intègre les témoignages, les biographies, notamment les témoignages de survivants de génocide et même ceux des « assassins ».Cette question est d’autant plus présente que ces dernières décennies on assiste à l’émergence dans le débat critique d’une question, que la poétique n’avait jamais explicitée en tant que telle : celle des frontières de la fiction. Toutes choses qui ont permis de repenser la poétique de l’œuvre littéraire fondée comme l’indique les organisateurs d’un colloque en ligne « sur une prescription de distanciation et de subordination du réel concret ou factuel au profit de la fiction ». Il apparaît donc que c’est dans le déploiement même du texte que la difficulté à définir le statut du texte se dévoile dans toute sa complexité. Loin des approches structuralistes du milieu du XXe siècle qui concevaient encore le texte comme un système de relations clos sur lui-même, la critique contemporaine pense le texte dans son rapport avec le hors texte. Ainsi, on redécouvre la nécessité non seulement d’inclure les sciences humaines dans le travail critique mais aussi de lire les faits historiques et sociologiques à partir du texte littéraire. Comment concilier histoire et écriture ?Ce questionnement général s’applique également à toutes les littératures, notamment aux textes sur le génocide rwandais. Ici se pose identiquement la question de la mise en écriture d’une page tragique de l’Histoire. Comment dire sans totalement sublimer le factuel ? Le langage est-il apte à saisir les horreurs de ce génocide, comment écrire ? Telles sont en quelques mots les questions que pose cette littérature. Dans cette perspective Jean Hatzfeld se présente comme enquêteur qui transmet les résultats d’une profonde expérience sur le génocide du Rwanda. Son texte Une Saison de machettes : La parole des assassins, le deuxième récit d’une trilogie consacrée au génocide Rwandais, révèle un processus de reconstitution des traces de l’histoire à travers le témoignage presque naturel de Hutus ayant participés aux massacre des Tutsi. La particularité de ce texte est la mise en discours du récit des bourreaux. C’est-à-dire ceux-là qui ont pleinement participé aux massacres humains en tant qu’acteurs, meneurs de troupes. Il s’agit pour l’auteur de faire parler des personnes qui ont fait l’expérience du pouvoir de vie ou de mort sur leur semblable. Ici, l’homme est d’abord perçu selon la formule de Thomas Hobbes comme un ‘‘loup pour l’homme.’’ Le voisin ou l’ami d’enfance qui devient cet être diabolique capable des pires atrocités.Nous allons orienter notre analyse vers trois principaux axes de recherche que sont : l’étude du texte, celui du contexte et du métatexte
To look at writing in relation to history is to link two important moments of the activity. It might be considered that what is written is that which lasts, that is, worthy of being transmitted. It goes the same with historical events which are transmitted through writing from generation to generation. Writing is thus a sign, a memory of history. However, history seems to be opposed to literary writing. It is a common opinion that only the things which are opposed to reality are found in literary works and this idea comes close to being an imagination or even a simulation. This literary text approach is henceforth a little bit rattled if testimonies and biographies are included, especially the testimonies of the genocide survivors and not to say those of the “killers”.This general questioning equally applies to all literatures, notably to the texts about the Rwandan genocide. The issue of the putting down in writing of a tragic page of History identically arises here. How to tell without transcending the factual? Is language capable of grasping the horrors of this genocide, how should one write? These are in few words the issues addressed in this literature. In this regard, Jean Hatzfeld presents himself as an investigator who passes down the results of a profound experience about the Rwandan genocide. His book “Machete Season: The Killers in Rwanda Speak”, a second narrative of a trilogy concerning the Rwandan genocide, reveals a process of reconstituting the traces of history through an almost natural testimony by the Hutus who took part in the massacre of the Tutsi. What makes this text unusual is the setting down in terms of discourse of the executioners’ narrative. That is, those who fully took part in the massacre of humans as actors and troop leaders. To the author, it is a question of getting people to speak, who had the power of life or of death over their fellow. Man is seen here by Thomas Hobbes formula as “a wolf to man”. The neighbour or childhood friend becomes that diabolic being capable of the worst atrocities.Our analysis will be focussed on the following three main aspects: text, context and metatext studies

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Galway, Matt. „From the Claws of the Tiger to the Jaws of the Crocodile: Pol Pot, Maoism, and Ultra-Nationalist Genocide in Cambodia, 1975-1979“. Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28556.

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This thesis argues that Pol Pot was an unsophisticated political theorist and that he attempted to localize Maoism to serve his virulently ultra-nationalist agenda against Cambodia's ethnic Vietnamese. This is contrary to the existing assertions that Pol Pot was either a Maoist fundamentalist or adopted an ideology close to Maoism. The thesis postulates that Pol Pot used Maoism as a framework from which to launch his Khmer revivalist anti-Vietnamese program. The Cambodian leader's revolution was intended to "outdo" Mao, based solely on the use of antiquated Khmer agricultural developments, and surpass the grandeur of the great Angkor kings. This evidence can be found when one compares Pol Pot's writings, speeches, and slogans with Mao's own political works. Pol Pot was fascinated with Maoist rhetoric but never took action in building industry or improving social welfare. The Cambodian leader's overarching goal was to achieve a uniquely "pure" Khmer communism while also eradicating the entire Vietnamese race. The following thesis provides an analysis of Pol Pot's early political life, examines his infatuation with Mao Zedong and the Chinese revolution, and details the Cambodian leader's unique interpretation of the Chinese Chairman's political ideology. This thesis also aspires to she'd new insight into the study of Pol Pot's ultra- nationalist inspiration and disbar the convenient assumption by current scholars that he was merely a Maoist fundamentalist. In Pol Pot's attempts to create a uniquely Khmer communist ideology, he lost sight of the class struggle and espoused a racialist agenda based on Cambodian historical notions of revenge. These forms evolved from a mere grudge to notions of disproportionate and total revenge and dictated the Cambodian leader's treatment of the Vietnamese. Pol Pot was obsessed with Cambodia's long lost greatness and possessed an inherent need to reestablish the utopian Angkor kingdom in the present while punishing those responsible for its demise. In the end, his legacy was one of unbridled bloodshed that led to nearly three million deaths and the near-total destruction of his country.

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Russell, Aidan Sean. „Talking politics and watching the border in Northern Burundi, c.1960-1972“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:75d77271-53de-4942-a315-020c5296d590.

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This is the history of a turbulent borderland in a time of transition. Colonialism redefined the meaning of borders in Burundi, and in the traumatic shift from colonial rule to Independence it became dangerous to live on the frontier. Responding to Newbury’s plea to ‘bring the peasant back in’ to the written history of the Great Lakes region, the thesis takes a micro-history approach, viewing the tumultuous events of the 1960s and 1970s from the perspective of the hills and the homestead. The border with Rwanda, as experienced in the two communes of Kabarore and Busiga, is tested as the point of encounter between society and state in this crucial time. It reveals the function and dysfunction of political linkage, and the tensions of being a citizen and a subject in the margins of a political community ruled by suspicion and paranoia. The themes - dissent, collaboration, elimination, repression - link this local history to the flow of national politics and the making of a new African state. Taking as its scope the pivotal period from decolonisation to the military state’s ‘selective genocide’, enacted against its Hutu population, the thesis identifies ‘vigilance’ as the most productive concept by which to study concepts of governance, political community and political linkage in the Great Lakes at the vital point of transformation. A communicative act that blends the stance of the citizen and the subject to shape a means of cautious cooperation and mutual recognition between people and state, vigilance also proved the destructive weapon that violently distilled the population into a subjugated peasantry beneath a bloodied state. The interaction on the border reveals these vital issues in acute contrast, opening the door to their examination elsewhere. This thesis studies the border; its conclusions may be chased far beyond it.

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Passage, Jeffrey Scott M. A. „THE COLLAPSE OF YUGOSLAVIA AND THE BOSNIAN WAR: THE IMPACT OF INTERNATIONAL INTERVENTION IN A REGIONAL CONFLICT“. DigitalCommons@CalPoly, 2011. https://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/theses/552.

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This thesis examines the role of international intervention in the area formerly known as Yugoslavia during its collapse in the first half of the 1990s (1991-1995). The Cold War had just ended, and the United Nations (UN), NATO, and the nations they represented were reevaluating their roles in a world without competition between two superpowers. The collapse of Yugoslavia and ensuing civil war presented these international bodies with an opportunity to intervene and show that they were ready to take charge in future conflicts in pursuing and achieving peace. However, what followed revealed them to be short-sighted and ill-prepared for this role as the conflict quickly escalated leading to genocide again taking place in Europe. The country of Bosnia, which emerged as its own nation in the collapse of Yugoslavia, will receive special interest due to its place as the geographic and active center of most of the war and atrocities. The United States will also be examined in detail since it eventually played a key role in achieving peace with the Dayton Peace Accords. The purpose of this study was to determine whether the intervention in Bosnia and former Yugoslavia was implemented well. After examining primary documents from the United States, the UN, NATO and other organizations, as well as secondary documents in the form of journal articles and books, it became clear that the intentions of these groups were good, but their abilities in achieving peace were not. Many leaders were highly influenced by prior experiences in either World War II or Vietnam which made it difficult for them to see this new conflict in a different light. Thus, it was only when key figures in leadership changed that the situation in Bosnia was turned around and peace became attainable. Unfortunately, this peace was only achieved after hundreds of thousands had died and millions had been displaced creating a difficult rebuilding and reunifying process for those that remained or returned following Dayton.

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Langley, Brandy Marie. „The Black Experience in the United States: An Examination of Lynching and Segregation as Instruments of Genocide“. Scholar Commons, 2014. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/5057.

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Abstract This thesis analyzes lynching and segregation in the American South between the years 1877 and 1951. It argues that these crimes of physical and social violence constitute genocide against black Americans, according to the definitions of genocide proposed by Raphael Lemkin and then the later legal definition adopted by the United Nations. American law and prevailing white American social beliefs sanctioned these crimes. Lynching and segregation were used as tools of persecution intended to keep black people in their designated places in a racial hierarchy in the United States at this time period. These crimes were two of many coordinated actions designed to physically and mentally harm a group of people defined and targeted on grounds of race. These actions of mentally and physically harming members of the group do constitute genocide under both Lemkin's original concept of genocide and the United Nations' legal genocide definition. Studies of the black experience, although starting to gain some research popularity, are virtually absent from genocide historiography. This thesis aims to fill part of that void and contribute to the emerging studies of one of America's "hidden genocides."* * "Hidden genocides" is a term that Alexander Laban Hinton, Thomas La Pointe, and Douglas Irvin-Erickson have used to describe intentional destruction of groups in human history (genocide) that are often denied, dismissed or neglected in popular and scholarly discussions about genocide. [Alexander Laban Hinton, Thomas La Pointe, and Douglas Irvin-Erickson. Hidden Genocides: Power, Knowledge, Memory. New Brunswick, NJ.: Rutgers University Press, 2014).

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Stavhagen, Niclas. „Bilden som röst för ett rop på hjälp : En semiotisk bildanalys av svenska pressbilders iscensättning av folkmordet på den kurdiska befolkningen i Irak 1988“. Thesis, Högskolan i Jönköping, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-40605.

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An important starting point for the thesis is the enormous importance of photography as a source for historical research. Earlier in history, this approach has not been obvious among many historians, but recent decades’ new trends have emerged that have changed the attitude towards the image as historical source. Against this background, the main purpose of the thesis is to study how the Swedish media have chosen to portray the genocide of the Kurdish population in Iraq in 1988. The material consists of photographs that has been published by Swedish newspapers from 1988. In order to visualize general patterns, trends and a symbolism in the images, the methodological approach has been based on a semiotic image analysis where the image has been placed in a context while analyzed from two levels. In addition to this, a cultural theoretical perspective has also formed the theoretical framework for the thesis. Here, the starting point has been that the photographs published in the Swedish press papers reflected a cultural as well as a historical context in which they existed in. The results of the thesis have shown that the imagery has testified to a clear tendency to create clear dividing lines between male and female individuals in the photographs. The research have showed that women and children got strong positions as victims while the men usually became absence or they became more dominant in the situations when they showed up. When it came to the context in which the images were published, it showed that the photographs usually came to be placed in context where they came to symbolize or manifest events that concern parts of the genocide. Sometimes images also came to complement each other like a story where each part had to manifest certain parts of the story.

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So, Farina. „An Oral History of Cham Muslim Women in Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge (KR) Regime“. Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1276009791.

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Becker, Lior. „The Devils of History : Understanding Mass-violence Through the Thinking of Horkheimer and Adorno – The Case of Cambodia 1975-1979“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Hugo Valentin-centrum, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-299886.

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Annotation:

Why does mass-violence happen at all? This paper takes the first steps to establish a model to answer this question and explain extreme mass-violence as a phenomenon. This paper seeks to fill a gap in the field of research, in which models exist to explain the phenomenon of violence, with cases of genocide being seen as problems or exceptions, and as such researched as individual cases rather than as part of a wider phenomenon. This paper uses a selected part of the writings of Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer to establish the basis for a model to explain extreme-cases of mass-violence. The Five-Pillar Model includes 5 social elements - (1) Culture Industry (2) Mass-Media (3) Propaganda (4) Dehumanization (5) Ideological Awareness. When these pillars all reach a high enough level of severity, conditions enable elites to use scapegoating - to divert revolutionary attention to a specific puppet group, resulting in extreme mass-violence. The Five-Pillar Model is then used to analyze an empirical case - Cambodia 1975-1979 and shows how these pillars all existed in an extreme form in that case. This paper presents scapegoating as a possible explanation for the Cambodian case.

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Delvaux, Denise. „The politics of humanitarian organizations : neutrality and solidarity : the case of the ICRC and MSF during the 1994 Rwandan genocide /“. Thesis, Rhodes University, 2005. http://eprints.ru.ac.za/146/.

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Mulinda, Charles Kabwete. „A space for genocide: local authorities, local population and local histories in Gishamvu and Kibayi (Rwanda)“. Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2010. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_3491_1363784144.

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Dissertationen zum Thema „Genocide – history“

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