Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Gendarmes – Formation“

Drawing on statistical and press data, the article analyses the dynamics and socio-political context of violence on the part of the Hungarian Royal Gendarmerie on the eve of the Great War. It attempts to establish the political context of the formation of the Gendarmerie in Hungary in 1881, to identify situations in which its officers engaged in physical violence, and to trace the dynamics of its development up to 1914. The Gendarmerie, formed in 1881 primarily from ethnic Magyars, was the largest law enforcement body at the direct disposal of the Hungarian government. Its personnel rose from 5,500 in the mid-1880s to 12,000 by 1914. During this time, its law enforcement responsibilities extended beyond the countryside to towns and cities. Gendarmes were regularly called upon by the authorities to suppress mass demonstrations and strikes, and to organise parliamentary elections and conduct political investigations. Official reports indicate that violence peaked in the late 1880s, mid-1890s, and 1905–1910. The Trans-danubian region was the most dangerous zone for the gendarmerie, but the quietest were Felvidék and Transylvania. The death toll at the hands of the gendarmes remains unknown, but the royal gendarmerie reported using weapons around hundred times a year. The article suggests that the violence and relative impunity of the gendarmes undermined public confidence in the government.

The work highlights the activities of adjutants of the political police, their place and role in the work of the gendarmerie apparatus of the Russian Empire. The source base of the research was made up of archival documents and materials, memoirs of the employees of the Kostroma provincial gendarmerie department, rotmistrov A.M. Polyakov and V.V. Parfyonov. The authors have studied the legal framework governing the activities of adjutants of a separate corps of gendarmes, the directions of their activities, as well as their place and role in the structure of the security body. The article studies the historical and legal foundations of the creation, development and functioning of the institute of adjutant of a separate corps of gendarmes on the territory of the Russian Empire, and their main directions. Conclusions are drawn about the formation and development of a separate corps of gendarmes of the Russian Empire, as well as the special role of its adjutants in the field of external and internal security. The continuity and significance of law enforcement agencies in the historical context is emphasised.

The article examines the process of origin and formation of the political police of Kostroma Province in the mid-19th century. Special attention is paid to the issue of its staffi ng and the wide use of army offi cers for service in the political police. The chronological framework covers a little-studied period of activity of the political police in Kostroma Province. The authors of the article note that the Highest orders of military ranks that had a special place in the appointment of the headquarters and chief offi cers of the political police. On the basis of archival materials, the main directions of service activities of the highest ranks of the political police in the region are analysed. The article reveals the contribution of the gendarmes’ Corps chiefs to the protection of public order during the period under review. The author reveals the attitude of the authorities to literacy among the lower ranks of the gendarmerie. On the basis of historical and archival documents, it is concluded that the successful career of offi cers was promoted by conscientious performance of their offi cial duties, their «excellent-diligent and zealous service». It is concluded that special attention was paid to discipline among the gendarmes. The political police were independent of other branches of government, and were subordinate only to the headquarters of the gendarmes’ corps and the third division of His Imperial Majesty’s own offi ce. Gaps in the historical and legal coverage of the work of the state security Agency in the province of the Russian Empire at the fi rst stage of its existence are fi lled.

В статье актуализируется вопрос образования розыскного пункта — отдельного подразделения политического розыска в составе Калужского губернского жандармского управления. Установлена личность жандармского офицера, первого непосредственного руководителя оперативно-розыскной службы Калужской жандармерии. Рассмотрены права и обязанности данного офицера по вопросам руководства созданным учреждением. Авторы анализируют и дают оценку результатам его деятельности по двум главным направлениям работы специальных служб Российской империи: организации работы внешней и внутренней агентуры — агентов наружного наблюдения и провокаторов, внедренных в различные подразделения Калужского комитета Российской социал-демократической рабочей партии (РСДРП) на территории Калуги и Калужской губернии. Доносы провокаторов помогли калужским жандармам установить точный адрес конспиративной квартиры Калужского комитета РСДРП для встреч с иногородними революционерами, а также пункт связи калужских социал-демократов со своими однопартийцами из других уездных городов Калужской губернии, и разгромить одну из конспиративных квартир военной организации РСДРП в Калуге. К лету 1907 года калужская военно-боевая организация РСДРП была окончательно разгромлена. Авторы делают вывод, что за первые два года реализации «Основного положения об охранных отделениях» розыскной пункт Калужской жандармерии продемонстрировал достаточно эффективную работу. The article focuses on the formation of a political investigation department, a unit of the Gendarmerie force in the Kaluga Province. The article discloses the name of the superior gendarmerie officer who supervised political investigations performed by the Gendarmerie force in the Kaluga Province. The article treats the officer’s rights and duties associated with the supervision of the department. The authors analyze and assess the results of the officer’s work in the spheres controlled by the secret services of the Russian Empire (cooperation with inside and outside informants, snitches, surveillance agents working in various departments of the Kaluga Committee of the Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party in Kaluga and the Kaluga Province). Informants, snitches and surveillance agents were employed by a specially trained gendarmerie officer. Informants and snitches helped Kaluga gendarmes to locate printing houses of the Kaluga Committee of the Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party and places where printing equipment was stored. Informants and snitches helped Kaluga gendarmes to locate the safe house members of the Kaluga Committee of the Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party used to meet with revolutionaries from other cities. Informants and snitches helped Kaluga gendarmes to locate a place Kaluga Social Democrats used to meet with party members from other towns of the Kaluga Province. Due to informants’ help Kaluga gendarmes managed to destroy a safe house used by the fighting squad of the Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party in the Kaluga Province. By the summer of 1907, the fighting squad of the Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party in the Kaluga Province had been completely destroyed. The authors conclude that the political investigation department of the Gendarmerie force in the Kaluga Province functioned really effectively during the first two years of its existence.

In this article, the authors for the fi rst time using little-known historical and archival footage to trace the history of the origin, formation, development of Kostroma provincial gendarmerie management (hereinafter referred to as the КPGM). The chronological framework of the article covers the period of 1857—1890. The theme of daily life of employees of the КPGM is not widely enough disclosed in modern research, the history of one person, including the heads of local law enforcement agencies. Topicality of the article lies in the lack of knowledge of the provincial gendarmerie managements. The effectiveness of the political police is impossible without a wise, professional, competent leader. In the scientifi c circulation for the fi rst time are archival documents relating to the identity of the fi rst head of the КPGM Ivan Nikolaevich Chaleyev. In the formative years, the КPGM faced some diffi culties in recruitment, however, Ivan Chaleyev successfully coped with the selection and placement of staff. The authors for the fi rst time investigated the personnel of the KPGM, which served experienced offi cers. Special attention is paid to the formation of school for training and preparation for the future activities of the lower ranks Of the gendarmes on October 29, 1870 in St. Petersburg. For the fi rst time, attention has been drawn to the attitude of gendarmes to religion. We have come to the conclusion that the activities and effectiveness of the political police authority on the ground largely depended on the personality of its leader. In the study period, the activities of the CPGM professionalism, personal qualities, its authority in the region and leadership entrusted to Ivan Chaleyev provided adequate security of the ruling regime in Kostroma Province.

This article lays the groundwork for a more systematic history of the Ottoman gendarmerie (jandarma), with special emphasis on the men in the corps and their working conditions. Through this paramilitary police institution, 19th-century Ottoman bureaucrats aimed to extend their authority into the provinces, which at that time could be described as only marginally under Ottoman sovereignty according to contemporary definitions of the term. From the late 18th century on, extending state sovereignty to recognized territorial boundaries emerged as a vital need for most European states as well as the Ottoman Empire. Along with other modern military and civil institutions and modern administrative practices, introducing various types of paramilitary provincial police forces enabled governments in Europe to enhance and extend their authority over territories where it had been limited. The gendarmerie thus emerged in both Europe and the Ottoman Empire as integral to modern state formation and its technologies of government. While acknowledging the Pan-European context of the gendarmerie's emergence and its theoretical ramifications, the present article is concerned more with the Ottoman context within which this police corps was established, evolved, and took on a uniquely Ottoman form.

This article lays groundwork for a more systematic history of the Ottoman gendarmerie (jandarma), here with special emphasis on the men in the corps and their working conditions. The gendarmerie, which before 1879 reform the Ottomans called asakir-i zabtiye, was a provincial paramilitary police organization established by bureaucrats of the Tanzimat state during the 1840s on an ad hoc basis. This force later acquired a more uniform and centralized character, becoming the empire's principal internal security organization. Through this paramilitary police institution, 19th-century Ottoman bureaucrats aimed to extend their authority into the provinces, which at that time could be described as only marginally under Ottoman sovereignty according to contemporary definitions of the term. From the late 18th century on, extending state sovereignty to recognized territorial boundaries emerged as a vital need for most European states as well as the Ottoman Empire. Along with other modern military and civil institutions and modern administrative practices, introducing various types of paramilitary provincial police forces enabled governments in Europe to enhance and extend their authority over territories in which it had been limited. The gendarmerie thus emerged in both Europe and in the Ottoman Empire as integral to modern state formation and its technologies of government. Although acknowledging the Pan-European context of the gendarmerie's emergence and its theoretical ramifications, the present article is concerned more with the Ottoman context within which this police corps was established, evolved, and took on a uniquely Ottoman form.

Entre décembre 1861 et mars 1867, la gendarmerie impériale de Napoléon III fournit une force publique attachée au corps expéditionnaire du Mexique. Ses activités ne se limitent pas à la prévôté mais s’étendent aux opérations militaires dans un contexte de conflit asymétrique. Certains gendarmes sont ainsi amenés à combattre l’ennemi. Grâce aux registres de la troupe, il est possible de dresser le portrait de ces hommes et de constater que le recrutement de la prévôté s’opère directement dans le corps expéditionnaire. Par ailleurs, cette force publique se voit confier la mission originale de mettre sur pied une gendarmerie impériale mexicaine au service de l’empereur Maximilien. Ce modèle d’exportation témoigne de l’intérêt du commandement pour la gendarmerie en matière de sécurisation de territoire dans la perspective d’une sortie de crise. Toutefois, cette formation ne survit pas au retrait du corps expéditionnaire français.

The peculiarities of the fight against political terrorism in the Russian Empire on the example of Ukrainian provinces in this period have been studied. In particular, the authors have analyzed historical conditions for the formation and development of various political forces of terrorist orientation, have demonstrated the basic measures on the part of state authorities and specialized law enforcement agencies on counteracting political terrorism. The emphasis has been placed on the fact that such concepts as terror and terrorism are very often interchangeable, although there is currently no their established definition. Terrorism is an attempt to pursue political interests by violent means. Terror is usually used after revolutions in order to gain complete control over society. In general, the authors have demonstrated the conditions and circumstances under which there was the transition to political attempts on various representatives of public authorities, and their motivation. It has been determined that one of the dominant motives for the transition to political terror was revenge for the repressive actions of the authorities against the populist movement during 1877-1878. Particular attention has been paid to regulatory legal documents of various levels; the authors have clarified their impact on the further fight against terrorism in the Empire; have determined the role of emergency lawmaking, such as: “On measures to protect public order and public safety”, “On the formation of military courts”, “On special measures to maintain public safety”, “Regulations on the structure of the secret police in the Empire”, etc. The authors have demonstrated the activities of specialized law enforcement agencies, without the functioning of which the fight against terrorists has not been successful. Among them were: the palace guard, the police department, the palace agency, security departments of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the corps of gendarmes. Their work was regulated in accordance with such documents as “Temporary Rules on the Arrangement of the Police”, “Regulations on the Gendarmerie Corps” and others.

The legislative process of the first half and middle of the 19th century is considered. in Ukraine, in particular, the constitutional projects of Cyril and Methodius. A historical and legal analysis of the constitutional drafts of the youngest member of the Cyril and Methodius Brotherhood, George Andrusky, entitled «Outlines of the Constitution of the Republic» was made. The influence on the preparation and content of the documents of the ideas of the «Book of the Being of the Ukrainian People» and the revolutionary ideas of Taras Shevchenko is emphasized. Against the historical background of the era, the reaction of the tsarist guard to the creation of St. Volodymyr’s Kyiv University and its role in modern Ukrainian nation-building, the formation of ideas of political resistance and free-thinking are highlighted. The work of Ukrainian lawyers, historians, philosophers who studied this problem was analyzed. The historical and legal features of Ukrainian constitutionalism, the influence of the Cyril-Methodist heritage on the germs of civil society ideas in Ukrainian political and legal thought are highlighted. The evolution of the constitutional concept of H. Andruzhsky from the ideas of the constitutional monarchy to the republican form of government is revealed. The ideas of equality before the law of the rights of citizens, the need to abolish serfdom and estate privileges, land reform in the context of giving peasants land, the introduction of political freedoms, a fair tax system for the population, the creation of an accessible general education system, the establishment of central and local press, military reform, defense of Ukrainians’ right to their language, literature, and culture in general. Considerable attention is paid to the structure of state power of the future state, especially local self-government, the community, which in the project is almost the main, basic link of the state. A solution to the problems of health care and social security is proposed. Worthy of attention in the project are the provisions that set out the requirements for candidates for management positions, in which the age, educational and residency qualifications, the absence of a criminal record and other punishments during the last three years, and the voting procedure were established. The order of coexistence with neighboring countries, first of all with Slavic countries, was envisaged. The statement that the basis of the state’s well-being is the agricultural sector is considered relevant. The essence of a citizen’s freedom, religious education at school, maintenance of the church at the expense of the community has been determined. It is emphasized that the thoughts and considerations expressed by H. Andruzky in the draft constitution were developed in the future in the process of development of Ukrainian constitutionalism and law-making. Key words: Ukraine, Cyril and Methodius brotherhood, George Andrusky, Taras Shevchenko, «Outlines of the Constitution of the Republic», Mykola I, Kyiv University of St. Volodymyr, M. Kostomarov, Hetmanship, constitutional jurisdiction, state formation, Ukrainophiles, Slavophiles, autocracy, gendarmes.

Lorsque des enfants sont victimes, leur témoignage occupe bien souvent une place centrale dans le processus d'enquête. Pour recueillir leur parole dans les meilleures conditions possibles, plusieurs techniques d'audition ont été développées et testées au cours des dernières décennies. Le protocole d'audition du National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (NICHD), un guide qui aide les enquêteurs à mener l'audition, semble constituer à l'heure actuelle l'une des techniques les plus conseillées et les plus validées au niveau international. Il a ainsi été intégré dans les programmes de formation des gendarmes et des policiers français en 2016. Toutefois, depuis, aucune étude ne s'était penchée sur les effets de cette mise en place sur les pratiques de terrain. Les objectifs poursuivis par cette recherche étaient donc d'en savoir plus sur les modalités du recueil des témoignages des mineurs en France, de vérifier si les recommandations nationales et internationales étaient respectées et si les formations mises en place avaient permis la mise en œuvre effective du protocole du NICHD. Les recherches se sont concentrées sur les pratiques des gendarmes français. En 2021, la plupart des auditions de mineurs victimes faisaient l'objet d'un enregistrement vidéo et se déroulaient dans une salle spécifiquement dédiée. Toutefois, la majorité des enquêteurs qui auditionnaient des enfants n'étaient pas formés au protocole du NICHD. De plus, la parole des mineurs témoins semblait être recueillie selon des conditions moins optimales. Les enquêteurs formés au protocole du NICHD ont rapporté adopter plus souvent les meilleures pratiques en audition que ceux qui n'avaient pas reçu une telle formation. Ces retours obtenus via un questionnaire en ligne ont été en partie confirmés par l'analyse de 92 procès-verbaux d'auditions réalisées avant et après la formation. Les auditions préformation étaient peu conformes aux recommandations : les invitations, bien que vivement conseillées, étaient les questions les moins utilisées ; à l'inverse les questions fermées et suggestives représentaient 58 % des questions posées, alors qu'elles devraient être évitées. Les auditions postformation étaient quant à elles de bien meilleure qualité : elles contenaient plus de 7 fois plus d'invitations, 2 fois plus de facilitateurs et 2 fois moins de questions suggestives que les auditions préformation. Par ces résultats, nous avons ainsi pu confirmer les bénéfices de la formation française au protocole du NICHD. Toutefois, malgré l'amélioration de la qualité des auditions constatée, le questionnement reste perfectible, tous les interviewers formés n'appliquent pas toujours le protocole et la qualité des auditions se dégrade au fil du temps écoulé depuis la formation. Afin de mieux comprendre les raisons pour lesquelles les enquêteurs français utilisent ou non le protocole, nous avons mobilisé un modèle d'acceptance et d'utilisabilité d'une nouvelle technologie, le modèle Unified Theory of Acceptance and Use of Technology (UTAUT). Ainsi, nous avons pu mettre au jour que plus les enquêteurs formés pensent que le protocole du NICHD les aide à mieux auditionner les mineurs (attentes de performance) et que cela demande peu d'efforts de le mettre en place (attentes d'effort) plus ils ont l'intention d'utiliser ce protocole lors des auditions. Cette intention d'utilisation et la présence de ressources matérielles et intellectuelles suffisantes (conditions facilitantes) constituent des prédicteurs importants de l'utilisation effective du protocole du NICHD en audition. Plusieurs préconisations ont ainsi pu être proposées afin d'augmenter l'intention et l'utilisation effective du protocole sur le terrain
When children are victims, their testimony is often central to the investigation process. In recent decades, several interview techniques have been developed and tested to ensure that the child's testimony is gathered under the best possible conditions. The National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (NICHD) interview protocol currently appears to be one of the most recommended and validated techniques at the international level. It was included in the training programs of French gendarmes and police officers in 2016. However, since then, no study has examined the impact of this implementation on field practice. The objectives of this research are therefore to learn more about how child testimonies are gathered in France, to verify whether national and international recommendations have been followed, and whether the training courses provided have enabled the NICHD protocol to be effectively implemented. In 2021, most interviews with child victims were video-recorded and took place in a dedicated room. However, the majority of investigators interviewing children were not trained in the NICHD protocol. Moreover, child witnesses seemed to be interviewed under less optimal conditions. Investigators trained in the NICHD protocol reported adopting best practices in interviews more often than those who had not received such training. These self-reported practices, collected via an online questionnaire, were confirmed by an analysis of 92 interview reports and transcripts of pre- and post-training interviews. The pre-training interviews did not comply with the recommendations: invitations, although strongly recommended, were the questions least used; conversely, closed and suggestive questions accounted for 58% of the questions asked, although they should be avoided. In contrast, the post-training interviews were of much higher quality: they contained over 7 times more invitations, 2 times more facilitators, and 2 times fewer suggestive questions than the pre-training interviews. These results confirm the value of the French training in the NICHD protocol. However, despite the improvement in quality, there is still room for improvement in questioning: not all trained interviewers use the protocol all the time, and the time that has elapsed since training has led to a deterioration in the quality of questions. To better understand the reasons why French interviewers use or don't use the protocol, we mobilized a model of acceptance and usability of a new technology, the Unified Theory of Acceptance and Use of Technology (UTAUT) model. We found that the more trained interviewers believe that the protocol help them to interview children better (performance expectation), and that it requires little effort to implement (effort expectation), the more they intend to use the NICHD protocol during interviews. This intention to use the NICHD protocol and the presence of sufficient material and intellectual resources (facilitating conditions) are important predictors of the actual use of the NICHD protocol in interviews. A number of recommendations have been put forward to increase the intention and effective use of the protocol in the field

Chapter three centers on the participants themselves. Who led the riots and why? What motivated people to join the action? The dissemination of outlandish rumors played a pivotal role in the formation of communities of anti-Jewish action during and after the violence, as did the constant efforts at mobilization by new political parties. What were the confrontations between Jews and Christians like? Many of the rioters and Jews knew each other. How did this familiarity affect events? What defensive actions did Jewish individuals, families, small communities, and organizations take? This chapter considers the roles played by various arms of the state, from local administrators and gendarmes to the Galician governor, military commanders and troops, and the ministries in Vienna as they sought to restore order. The final section of the chapter briefly considers the relative lack of participation in the riots on the part of the Ruthenian/Ukrainian population.