Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Gaza Strip – Politics and government“
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1
Qarmout, Tamer, und Daniel Béland. „The Politics of International Aid to the Gaza Strip“. Journal of Palestine Studies 41, Nr. 4 (2012): 32–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2012.xli.4.32.
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International aid to the Palestinian Authority is conditioned in part on democratization and good governance. However, since Hamas's victory in the 2006 Palestinian Legislative Council elections and its takeover of the Gaza Strip, aid agencies have supported the international boycott of the Hamas government. This article argues that aid agencies, by operating in Gaza while boycotting its government, subvert their mandates and serve the political interests of donors and the PA rather than the humanitarian and development needs of Gazans. As a consequence, assistance has, inadvertently and unintentionally, increased Gazans' dependence on humanitarian aid, impeded economic development, and enabled Israel to maintain its occupation and the blockade of Gaza.
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Feldman, Ilana. „Everyday Government in Extraordinary Times: Persistence and Authority in Gaza's Civil Service, 1917–1967“. Comparative Studies in Society and History 47, Nr. 4 (08.09.2005): 863–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417505000381.
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In September 1964 עAli Taleb, an employee in the Agricultural Directorate in Gaza, petitioned the civil service administration for what he claimed was a long overdue promotion. On the face of it, there is nothing particularly surprising about such a petition—עAli was certainly not the first employee to feel he deserved more recognition for his work. What makes his petition peculiar were the circumstances which generated it. The Gaza Strip, the territory in whose civil service עAli was employed, came into existence in 1948 as a result of the war over the establishment of Israel. Before 1948, Gaza was a district of Palestine, governed like the rest of the country as a mandate granted to the British government by the League of Nations. When the 1948 war ended in defeat for the Arab forces, the Egyptian army occupied the Gaza area, which it administered for the next twenty years. עAli was hired in 1937 by the Mandate government—and under its rules of promotion—but it was the Egyptian Administration (henceforth “Administration”) which he expected to fulfill the obligations of this system. “I was nominated to be promoted to Grade 3 under the previous Mandate government,” עAli explained, noting that, “before my turn arrived the Mandate ended and the Arab Administration came to the Strip.”
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Strand, Trude. „Tightening the Noose“. Journal of Palestine Studies 43, Nr. 2 (2014): 6–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2014.43.2.6.
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This article outlines and analyzes Israel's Gaza policy during the period from 2005 to 2010. Based on primary materials, including the testimony of Israeli officials before the Turkel Commission investigating the Mavi Marmara incident, classified documents that have come to light through Wikileaks, and Israeli government documentation, the article argues that in the wake of Israel's evacuation of the territory under its 2005 Disengagement Plan, the Gaza Strip became the object of a deliberate and sustained policy of institutionalized impoverishment. Looking at Israeli policy-making as both process and outcome, the article highlights how measures ostensibly implemented to “punish” Hamas—from the incremental tightening of restrictions to the imposition of a full blockade, in addition to periodic military assaults—have pauperized a large proportion of Gaza's more than 1.5 million inhabitants.
4
Benvenisti, Eyal, und Eyal Zamir. „Private Claims to Property Rights in the Future Israeli-Palestinian Settlement“. American Journal of International Law 89, Nr. 2 (April 1995): 295–340. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2204205.
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The Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements, signed by the Government of Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), and the exchange of letters between the PLO Chairman and Israel’s Prime Minister, both agreed upon in September 1993, have set the stage for a process of reconciliation and the settlement of the long and bitter conflict over Palestine/Eretz Yisrael. The Cairo Agreement on the Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area established the date—May 4, 1999—by which a permanent agreement must enter into effect. So far, the negotiations between the two parties have concentrated mainly on institutional arrangements, such as the nature of the Palestinian administration during the interim period, and other matters of public interest. At this stage, the parties are not expected to address matters that directly affect the interests of individuals, including the right of individuals to regain possession of property left behind because of the hostilities, or to receive compensation for such property. The discussion of most of these private claims has been deferred to the final stage of the negotiations, concerning a permanent status agreement, which is due to commence no later than May 4, 1996.
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Rabbani, Mouin. „A Hamas Perspective on the Movement's Evolving Role: An Interview with Khalid Mishal: Part II“. Journal of Palestine Studies 37, Nr. 4 (2008): 59–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2008.37.4.59.
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In this second installment of his interview for JPS, Khalid Mishal, Hamas politburo chief since 1996 and head of the movement since the assassination of Shaykh Ahmad Yasin in 2004, continues his discussion of Hamas's evolution and strategy. Whereas the focus of part I was Mishal's personal background, political formation, and the founding of the movement, here Hamas's more recent history is foregrounded. From the unfolding conflict and troubled relations with Fatah since the mid-1990s, Mishal recounts the thinking behind the decision formally to integrate into the Palestinian political system born of Oslo by participating the 2006 legislative elections and joining the Palestinian Authority government. He also delves into the ongoing repercussions of these decisions, including the splits within the Palestinian movement culminating in Hamas's seizure of power in the Gaza Strip in June 2007. In the course of the more than three-hour interview, Mishal's straightforward manner is on display, as well as his willingness to be challenged on matters as sensitive as Hamas's suicide bombings and the targeting of Israeli civilians, the utility of armed resistance, and the morality of the struggle.
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Shafer Raviv, Omri. „Studying an Occupied Society: Social Research, Modernization Theory and the Early Israeli Occupation, 1967–8“. Journal of Contemporary History 55, Nr. 1 (21.08.2018): 161–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009418785688.
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In the 1967 Arab-Israeli War, Israel occupied the West Bank and Gaza Strip from Jordan and Egypt, and established a long-lasting military regime over their Palestinian population. In this article, recently declassified sources and published reports were used to demonstrate how the Israeli government initiated and funded academic research on Palestinian society to gain reliable, useful knowledge to inform its policies. The Israeli leadership was most specifically concerned with pacification of the occupied population, the Arab/Jewish demographic balance, and the status of the 1948 Palestinian refugees. By early 1968, the research team had produced a series of policy-oriented reports on Palestinian society, covering such subjects as employment, education, nationalism, migration, and general values. The team used surveys, questionnaires, and observations, with modernization theory providing the theoretical framework for analyzing their empirical findings and formulating policy recommendations. As the Israeli team had studied a population under military occupation, their recommendations differed from those reached by their US peers who studied traditional populations in the context of the Cold War. Israeli civil and military officials had great interest in this new knowledge, rendering social research an ongoing practice for the Israeli occupation regime in the years to come.
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Shomar, Basem. „The Gaza Strip: politics and environment“. Water Policy 13, Nr. 1 (14.01.2011): 28–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wp.2009.061.
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In a region where politics is part of the vocabulary of daily life, this study reveals the environment as a victim of politics in the Gaza Strip. The environmental crisis in Gaza continues to worsen as the groundwater becomes increasingly polluted and the political situation delays hope of “resting” the Gaza aquifer and finding solutions for proper disposal of sewage and solid waste. Wastewater treatment plants (WWTPs) have been destroyed more than once as a result of the turbulent political situation. The Beit Lahia wastewater treatment plant flooded and killed several people in addition to causing casualties and displacing thousands of people, besides destroying homes and killing animals. The closure of the Gaza Strip led to a total paralysis of the economic sector. People's diets were seriously affected. The effects on the industrial sector were not limited only to economic dimensions but affected the environment as well. In mid-2007 alone, more than 70% of the industrial sector was closed and the environmental indicators showed around a 70% decrease in the industrial waste production compared to the previous six years. However, the pollution load was increasing due to the absence of technologies and wastewater treatment facilities. Despite all the complicated circumstances in the Gaza Strip, the population growth rate is the highest in the world which means more needs, further depletion of natural resources, and more waste and pollution.
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Tin, Derrick, Saleh Fares, Mobarak Al Mulhim und Gregory R. Ciottone. „Terrorist Attacks in the Middle East: A Counter-Terrorism Medicine Analysis“. Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 37, Nr. 2 (03.03.2022): 212–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x22000358.
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AbstractBackground:The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region has been, like many parts of the world, a hotbed for terrorist activities. Terrorist attacks can affect both demand for and provision of health care services and often places a unique burden on first responders, hospitals, and health systems. This study aims to provide an epidemiological description of all terrorism-related attacks in the Middle East sustained from 1970-2019.Methods:Data collection was performed using a retrospective database search through the Global Terrorism Database (GTD). The GTD was searched using the internal database search functions for all events which occurred in Iraq, Yemen, Turkey, Egypt, Syria, West Bank and Gaza Strip, Israel, Lebanon, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Jordan, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, North Yemen, Qatar, and South Yemen from January 1, 1970 - December 31, 2019. Primary weapon type, primary target type, country where the incident occurred, and number of deaths and injuries were collated and the results analyzed.Results:A total of 41,837 attacks occurred in the Middle East from 1970-2019 accounting for 24.9% of all terrorist attacks around the world. A total of 100,446 deaths were recorded with 187,447 non-fatal injuries. Fifty-six percent of all attacks in the region occurred in Iraq (23,426), 9.4% in Yemen (3,929), and 8.2% in Turkey (3,428). “Private Citizens and Properties” were targeted in 37.6% (15,735) of attacks, 15.4% (6,423) targeted “Police,” 9.6% targeted “Businesses” (4,012), and 9.6% targeted “Governments” (4,001). Explosives were used in 68.4% of attacks (28,607), followed by firearms in 20.4% of attacks (8,525).Conclusion:Despite a decline in terrorist attacks from a peak in 2014, terrorist events remain an important cause of death and injuries around the world, particularly in the Middle East where 24.9% of historic attacks took place. While MENA countries are often clustered together by economic and academic organizations based on geographical, political, and cultural similarities, there are significant differences in terrorist events between countries within the region. This is likely a reflection of the complexities of the intricate interplay between politics, culture, security, and intelligence services unique to each country.
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Elzaanin, Amina, Ayi Ahadiat und Habibullah Jimad. „LINKING CRISIS AND EMERGENCY MANAGEMENT IN STRATEGIC MANAGEMENT PROCESS OF NGOs IN GAZA STRIP.“ International Journal of Economics, Business, and Entrepreneurship 3, Nr. 2 (21.12.2020): 9–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.23960/ijebe.v3i2.85.
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NGOs play an important and clear role in development and relief programs in Gaza Strip. Due to the political conditions that Gaza Strip is going through and to the limited services which are presented by the government in Gaza Strip. Although of the remarkable role of these organizations, they face problems and shortcomings in management in times of crises and emergencies. This study aims to show how to link crisis and emergency management to the process of strategic management of NGOs in Gaza Strip. This study sheds lights on some aspects of the functions of strategic management processes and also it investigates some aspects of the possibility of NGOs dealing with disasters in Gaza Strip. The descriptive analytical method was used to achieve the objectives of the study. The researcher used a questionnaire to collect data. The study sample consisted of 120 employees working in NGOs. The current study shows some weakness in crisis and emergency management. Furthermore, there is a positive relationship between the formulation, implementation and evaluation of strategy and crisis and emergency management for NGOs in Gaza Strip. The results showed that there is a statistically significant relationship at the significance level (a ≤ 0.05) between strategic management processes and crisis and emergency management in NGOs in Gaza Strip.
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Bontea, George Horațiu. „Gaza War: From Identity Politics to Polarization in the Western Foreign Policy“. Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea 68, Nr. 2 (18.12.2023): 209–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2023.2.09.
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"One of the trickiest conflicts in the Middle East and North Africa has reopened as a result of the October 7 terrorist strikes. Open discussions were however halted by Hamas' unilateral strike, even though the two-state solution appeared increasingly likely with the Palestinian Authority serving as the future structural restructuring of #FreePalestine. The situation in the Gaza Strip caused a great deal of divisiveness in western public opinion in addition to internal conflicts and tensions. So, the purpose of this paper was to provide a poststructuralist analysis of the dominant academic viewpoints on the state of affairs between Israel and Palestine. The relationship between identity and foreign policy is examined in this study by utilising the primary methodological instruments of reflectivist international relations theory, including intertextuality, genealogy, discourse analysis, and deconstruction. They study both epistemological and ontological aspects because of the theoretical framework, and the narratives of ""us and them"" were and continue to be important components in the history and current circumstances of the Gaza Strip. The findings provide context for the significance of Hamas' rhetoric and the monopoly of power, as well as outlining the identitarian divide between Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank. Key words: Poststructuralism, Palestine, Israel, Gaza Strip, Hamas identity and foreign policy."
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Hamarsheh, Omar. „Epidemiology of Enterobiasis in Palestine“. Al-Quds Journal for Academic Research 01, Nr. 1 (01.04.2021): 63–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.47874/2021p5.
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Enteropiasis is a parasitic disease caused by the pinworm; Enterobius vermicularis. In this report, the prevalence of Enterobius vermicularis infection in the West Bank and Gaza strip was investigated based on Palestinian Ministry of Health reports from 2008 to 2018. A total of 29,390 cases was reported, 29,061 (98.9%) in the West Bank, and 329 cases (1.1%) in Gaza Strip. The results of the present study show that E. vermicularis infection is highly prevalent among people living in the West Bank and to lesser extend in Gaza Strip. There is a need for joint and concentrated e"orts from the Palestinian government and public health services to control this infection. Personal hygiene, education and living conditions and overcrowding are risk factors associated with the spread of infection.
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Giladi, Rotem M. „The Practice and Case Law of Israel in Matters Related to International Law“. Israel Law Review 29, Nr. 3 (1995): 506–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700014746.
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The Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip (“the Interim Agreement”) represents another stage in the implementation of the framework established in the Declaration of Principles signed between the Government of Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (the “PLO”), commonly known as the “Oslo process”. In essence, the Interim Agreement provides for the establishment of self-government arrangements in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, as envisaged in the Declaration of Principles, while explicitly superseding the arrangements which applied in the Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area since May 1994. In addition, the Interim Agreement provides for “direct, free and general political elections” to be held in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.The aim of this section is to acquaint lawyers with the general framework of the Agreement, and the primary legal and political issues dealt with by the Interim Agreement, rather than to describe the specifics of each of its many provisions. Where required, reference will be made to the Declaration of Principles and to previous Agreements concluded between the Parties. At times, reference will also be made to the Camp David Framework of 1978.
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Fassberg, Celia Wasserstein. „Israel and the Palestinian Authority: Jurisdiction and Legal Assistance“. Israel Law Review 28, Nr. 2-3 (1994): 318–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700011675.
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The Cairo Agreement on the Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area, signed on May 4, 1994, seeks to implement the Declaration of Principles on Interim Self Government Arrangements signed in Washington on September 13, 1993 and, in particular, to put into effect its Protocol on Withdrawal of Israeli Forces from Gaza and the Jericho Area. The primary purpose of the Agreement is then to transfer territory from Israel to the Palestinian Authority. Article V of the Agreement defines this territory as covering the Gaza Strip and Jericho, excluding the Settlements and the Israeli military installation area. The transfer of territory is naturally accompanied by a transfer of legal and political control from the Military Government to the Palestinian Authority. But the Agreement does not simply assign to the Palestinian Authority all legislative, executive and judicial functions within the territory transferred to its control.
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Selján, Péter. „The 7 October Hamas Attack“. Academic and Applied Research in Military and Public Management Science 23, Nr. 1 (30.04.2024): 81–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.32565/aarms.2024.1.5.
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On 7 October 2023, Palestinian militants led by Hamas launched a complex coordinated attack on Israel from the Gaza Strip, triggering an Israeli ground invasion combined with an aerial bombing campaign. The Hamas fighters killed around 1,200 people and took more than 250 hostages, while the death toll from Israeli military operations in the Gaza Strip exceeded 31,600 in mid-March 2024. The Hamas attack not only shocked the whole world but also caught most people by surprise. Probably only a few could have imagined that the Palestinian organisation that controls the Gaza Strip could carry out such an attack on Israel. Following 7 October, several questions arose. Why Israeli intelligence could not predict the attack, and why did security and defence forces not react in time? The Israeli Government promised a full investigation once the Gaza ground offensive launched in response to the attack was over. But even without knowing more details of the events, we might still be able to provide a preliminary assessment of the surrounding Israeli intelligence failures based on the reports and accounts made public in the international media. Three months after the attack, the publicly available information showed that the Israel Defense Forces were unprepared and there was no battle plan in place in case Hamas militants broke out of the Gaza Strip with large forces. Clarifying what happened will be crucial not only to learn from the mistakes, but also because other actors or adversaries can learn from Hamas and copy its tactics.
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Hroub, Khaled. „Salafi Formations in Palestine and the Limits of a De-Palestinised Milieu“. Holy Land Studies 7, Nr. 2 (November 2008): 157–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e1474947508000206.
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A Palestinian version of the contemporary Salafi interpretation of Islam, intimately linked to Saudi Wahhabism, appeared in the Gaza Strip in the early 1970s. Deliberately distancing themselves from Palestinian politics, and from the struggle with Israel, the Palestinian Salafis in the West Bank, the Gaza Strip or inside Israel, remained a marginal power. Yet by the late 1990s and since the early 2000s they have become more visible and part of their formation has started to show signs of militancy. Currently, they are divided between a mainstream apolitical branch and more militant ‘Jihadi Salafi’ bents echoing the global rise of Al-Qaeda. This article attempts to chart the Palestinian Salafi terrain and their changing fortunes in the light of their perception of ‘Palestine and the Palestinian identity’.
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Muhanna. „Women's Moral Agency and the Politics of Religion in the Gaza Strip“. Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion 31, Nr. 1 (2015): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/jfemistudreli.31.1.3.
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Aulia Marcella, Rina. „The Implementation Of U.S Foreign Policy Towards Gaza Strip“. Aptisi Transactions on Technopreneurship (ATT) 4, Nr. 1 (19.01.2022): 26–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.34306/att.v4i1.220.
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This paper examines how the United States' foreign policy towards the Gaza conflict is being implemented. Furthermore, this paper discusses the United States' performance, attempts, technology use and outcomes in striking an agreement between Israel and Palestine. The goal of this analysis is to look at the United States' attempts in the long and near term to reintegrate the Palestinian authority into the democratic system and stabilize Gaza. According to the findings of this research, the United States has a strong commitment to community development and protection for a secure, free, democratic, and stable Palestinian government using technology in era 4.0. In order to achieve peace, the United States remains committed to a solution in which both Israel and Palestine, specifically Israel and Palestine, are equally entitled to the same level of freedom, security, and prosperity. The United States contributes to the delivery of bilateral assistance both in the economic and military fields.
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Mahmoud Nashwan, Iskandar, und Khaled Eid Ashour. „A Proposed Framework for the Development of the Internal Control System According to the COSO Model: An Applied Study“. International Journal of Business and Management 18, Nr. 3 (06.04.2023): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijbm.v18n3p24.
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The research aims to develop the internal control system in Gaza's municipalities in accordance with the proposed COSO model to achieve the goal for which it was found. The research used the analytical descriptive curriculum to prepare the applied aspect of the study, where the two researchers used data collected by the study tool, a questionnaire that is specifically designed for that purpose. The research followed a thorough survey methodology to apply the study instrument to all 122 Ministry of Local Government employees who operate in the various control units in the Gaza Strip municipalities. The results of the research indicated the positive impact of all components of the COSO model (control environment, control activities, risk assessment, information and communication systems, and monitoring and follow-up) on the development of the internal control system in the municipalities of the Gaza Strip. The research recommends that you should have to rely on a control manual based upon the updated COSO model and standards to be commensurate with the work and activity of local bodies. Furthermore, the establishment of a specialized department for fundraising to oversee project finance from donors and the activation of an awareness and control guidance committee within the municipal sector to raise awareness of the monitoring role.
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Roy, Sara. „U.S. Economic Aid To The West Bank And Gaza Strip: The Politics Of Peace“. Middle East Policy 4, Nr. 4 (Oktober 1996): 50–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4967.1996.tb00237.x.
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Dumper, Michael. „Forty years without slumbering: Waqf politics and administration in the Gaza strip, 1948–1987“. British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 20, Nr. 2 (Januar 1993): 174–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530199308705579.
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Saleh, Nour, Adnan Enshassi und Matthias Sundermeier. „Challenges Hindering the Resourcing for Post-Disaster Housing Reconstruction in Gaza“. Journal of Construction in Developing Countries 26, Nr. 2 (08.12.2021): 183–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.21315/jcdc2021.26.2.9.
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Resourcing post-disaster housing reconstruction (PDHR) entails many drawbacks creating bottlenecks to reconstruction projects. Understanding these vulnerable issues is of utmost to identify the appropriate interventions to mitigate their effects. The devastating aggression in 2014 in Gaza Strip served as a typical example of resources hampers. Based on the quantitative approach, the research employed a self-administrated questionnaire survey to identify the most significant challenges hindering the resourcing for post-2014 aggression housing reconstruction. The questionnaire targeted 55 of the key people in the implementing agencies of post-2014 aggression housing reconstruction. The data collected was analysed using descriptive statistics, through frequency distribution and effect index (EI); and using inferential statistics through one sample Wilcoxon signed rank test. Findings indicated that the challenges related to political issues have the most significant effect on resourcing the PDHR. The main key challenges are: (1) Difficulties to obtain permits from the Israeli side to flow the reconstruction materials into the Gaza Strip, (2) Insufficient funds for reconstruction efforts and (3) Refusal of the international community to contact the local de facto government. This research fills the knowledge gap relating to Gaza and provides the basis for more research on resourcing problems. This research has also extended, updated and confirmed the current knowledge regarding challenges hindering the resourcing for PDHR. The results draw attention of the implementing agencies in Gaza to the factors that creating bottlenecks to resource the reconstruction projects in order to overcome them and to mitigate their negative effects.
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Hilal, Jamil. „Rethinking Palestine: settler-colonialism, neo-liberalism and individualism in the West Bank and Gaza Strip“. Contemporary Arab Affairs 8, Nr. 3 (01.07.2015): 351–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2015.1052226.
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The 1967 occupied Palestinian territories have undergone three major types of development since the Oslo agreement between the Palestinian Liberation Organization and Israel was signed in 1993 and the Palestinian Authority was established in 1994. These developments have brought far-reaching structural changes in Palestinian politics and society. They have rendered Palestinian communities – inside historic Palestine and outside - very vulnerable, and made collective action against collective colonial repression (including a third intifada) more difficult. The three developments are identified as: the emergence of a political discourse that evicts Palestinians from history and geography and denies them a national identity; the escalation of collective repression, and settler-colonization; and the localization of Palestinian politics and the atomization of Palestinian society (in the West Bank and Gaza Strip and probably elsewhere) under the impact of settler-colonialism and neo-liberalism.
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Scherer, Nathaniel, Ramadan Hussein, Julian Eaton, Naim Kabaja, Ritsuko Kakuma, Tracey Smythe und Sarah Polack. „Development of mental health and psychosocial support (MHPSS) guidelines for deaf and hard of hearing children in the Gaza Strip“. PLOS Global Public Health 3, Nr. 10 (16.10.2023): e0002427. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pgph.0002427.
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Deaf and hard of hearing children in the Gaza Strip may be at risk of mental health conditions and psychological distress, as a result of social exclusion and limited accessible communication. This article presents the process and research methods used to develop guidelines for schools in the Gaza Strip on mental health and psychosocial support for deaf and hard of hearing children. The process was guided by the GIN-McMaster guideline development checklist across four steps: (1) priority settings; (2) searching for evidence; (3) developing recommendations; (4) evaluation. Priority setting was spearheaded by local and international researchers, and a local steering committee comprised of deaf and hard of hearing representatives, school administration and staff, mental health specialists, family members and government officials. In searching for evidence, and in order to generate evidence-based recommendations for the guidelines, we utilised a scoping review of global mental health support for deaf and hard of hearing children and qualitative research with deaf and hard of hearing children and adults, families and teachers. Two pilot studies were conducted in mainstream and specialist educational settings as way of evaluation. The scoping review and qualitative research identified various content for the guidelines, including the importance of information on disability and deafness, promoting social inclusion and self-esteem, and accessible learning environments. The pilot studies demonstrated feasibility and acceptability among teachers and deaf and hard of hearing children, although teachers need sufficient support and resources to implement. Now finalised, the guidelines are being distributed to schools in the Gaza Strip to support the mental health and wellbeing of deaf and hard of hearing children.
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Aronson, Geoffrey. „Issues Arising from the Implementation of Israel's Disengagement from the Gaza Strip“. Journal of Palestine Studies 34, Nr. 4 (01.01.2005): 49–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2005.34.4.49.
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This report is a lightly edited version of a 2005 study commissioned by the Canadian government's International Development Research Centre (IDRC) in anticipation of Israel's disengagement from the Gaza Strip slated to take place by the end of 2005. The study addresses possible implications of the disengagement, particularly for the international community, and makes recommendations for an international response. In preparing the study, the author conducted numerous interviews with a wide range of Israeli officials, experts, and others involved in the disengagement process, many of whom were prepared to speak only without attribution. The report is valuable not only for the issues it lays out, but also for the light it sheds on the thinking of the Israeli political and security establishment concerning how to implement and present the disengagement and what is required to secure international recognition of the end to Israel's occupation of Gaza and hence of its responsibility for the population.
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Jarbawi, Ali, und Wendy Pearlman. „Struggle in a Post-Charisma Transition: Rethinking Palestinian Politics after Arafat“. Journal of Palestine Studies 36, Nr. 4 (01.01.2007): 6–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2007.36.4.6.
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Drawing on Max Weber's three kinds of legitimate domination, this article proposes the concept of ““post-charisma transition”” to describe the transformation of a political system in which authority is legitimated by a leader's personal stature. As illustrated by recent Palestinian politics, such a transition may result in attempts at institution-building when a successor to a charismatic leader bolsters legal forms in order to derive authority that his personality alone cannot command. Whereas charisma was an important facet of Yasir Arafat's rule, Mahmud Abbas's lack of charisma has rendered him unable to govern the system that Arafat bequeathed him. Analysis of Abbas's dilemma sheds new light on the legislative elections of 2006 and subsequent events, including the latest developments in the Gaza Strip.
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Shehab, Jehad. „THE ROLE OF PALESTINIAN WOMEN IN POLITICAL PARTICIPATION DURING THE ISRAELI SIEGE IMPOSED ON THE GAZA STRIP, PALESTINE“. Addaiyan Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 2, Nr. 1 (05.02.2020): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.36099/ajahss.2.1.6.
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This study aims to identify the Palestinian women involvementin the politics during the Israeli siege on Gaza between 2006 and 2014. Inregard to achieve the objective of the study, the researcher designed aquestionnaire with a purpose of collecting the required data. Theframework of the study has used quantitative methodology, usingquestionnaire tool for data collection. The study population consists of1,500 Palestinian students studying at 13 universities in Malaysiaaccording to the list of Malaysian universities recognised by PalestinianMinistry of Higher Education. The questionnaire was filled out by astratified random sample of 352 students. The study demonstrates thatthere is a positive significant relationship between political involvementof Palestinian women in the Gaza Strip and the independent variablesconsist of women involvement in the political parties, womeninvolvement in the parliament and ministries, women involvement inNGOs, qualifications, women rights, and difficulties facing the women.The study concludes that Palestinian women were involved in the politics;it argues that, there is an obvious impact of the Palestinian women through the adoption of theresistance to the Israeli occupation. The study shows many difficulties facing the Palestinian women'sinvolvement. This study however concludes several recommendations, most notably is the need tocompel the Palestinian political parties to execute the principle of political pluralism, giving Palestinianwomen's the rights according to the Palestinian constitutions, and exceed social and cultural difficultiesthat prevent political involvement of Palestinian women.
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Farsakh, Leila. „Understanding 50 Years of Israeli Occupation of Palestinian Land“. Review of Middle East Studies 52, Nr. 2 (November 2018): 369–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2018.89.
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The year 2017 was important for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, commemorating both the centennial of the Balfour Declaration and the fiftieth anniversary of the 1967 war. That war, which resulted in Israel's defeat of three Arab armies and its occupation of the West Bank, Gaza Strip, the Sinai Peninsula, and the Golan Heights, transformed the politics of the Middle East. According to UN Security Council Resolution 242, issued in November 1967, the occupation was illegal: Israel would have to withdraw from the territories it occupied if it were to achieve peace with its neighbors. In international law, military occupations are temporary by definition. Israel, however, only returned the Sinai to Egypt in 1982. (One year prior, it unilaterally annexed the Golan Heights from Syria.) Despite a twenty-five-year-long political process initiated in 1993, Israel's occupation of the West Bank and Gaza has continued unabated.
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Scherer, Nathaniel, Tracey Smythe, Ramadan Hussein, Lorraine Wapling, Shaffa Hameed, Julian Eaton, Naim Kabaja, Ritsuko Kakuma und Sarah Polack. „Communication, inclusion and psychological wellbeing among deaf and hard of hearing children: A qualitative study in the Gaza Strip“. PLOS Global Public Health 3, Nr. 6 (06.06.2023): e0001635. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pgph.0001635.
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Deaf and hard of hearing children are at risk of exclusion from community life and education, which may increase their risk of mental health conditions. This study explores the experience of deaf and hard of hearing children in the Gaza Strip, with particular focus on the factors that contribute to psychological wellbeing and distress. In-depth interviews were conducted with 17 deaf and hard of hearing children, 10 caregivers of deaf and hard of hearing children and eight teachers of deaf and hard of hearing children in mainstream and special schools, across the Gaza Strip. Further, three focus group discussions were held with deaf and hard of hearing adults and disability leaders, mental health specialists and other teachers of deaf and hard of hearing children. Data collection was completed in August 2020. Key themes identified in the analysis included lack of accessible communication, community exclusion, negative attitudes towards hearing impairment and deafness and the impact on deaf and hard of hearing children’s sense of self, and limited family knowledge on hearing impairment and deafness. Further findings focused on strategies to improve the inclusion of deaf and hard of hearing children and how to promote wellbeing. In conclusion, participants in this study believed that deaf and hard of hearing children in the Gaza Strip are at increased risk of mental health conditions. Changes are needed across community and government structures, including education systems, to promote the inclusion of deaf and hard of hearing children and to support their psychological wellbeing. Recommendations from the findings include increasing efforts to improve awareness and reduce stigma, providing better access to sign language for deaf and hard of hearing children, and offering training for teachers of deaf and hard of hearing children, especially in mainstream environments.
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Enshassi, Adnan, Abed Ayash und Sherif Mohamed. „Factors driving contractors to implement energy management strategies in construction projects“. Journal of Financial Management of Property and Construction 23, Nr. 3 (05.11.2018): 295–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jfmpc-09-2017-0035.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate the factors driving Palestinian construction contractors to implement energy management strategies during the execution of construction projects. Design/methodology/approach The study was conducted by administering a questionnaire that comprised 26 drivers for adopting energy management strategies. Data were collected from 67 contractors in the Gaza Strip. Factor analysis was adopted to explore the underlying relationships among the identified drivers. Findings Drivers were grouped into one of the four categories: economic and financial, institutional and legal, organisational and managerial and educational and informational. The results revealed that the majority of the respondents were of the view that economic and financial factors were the most important factors driving the adoption of energy management strategies by construction companies in the Gaza Strip. Of the economic and financial drivers, the cost savings derived from the adoption of energy management strategies was considered the most important item. Energy management education and training programmes are scarce in the Gaza Strip, and local contractors have no formal energy management education and training. The government needs to allocate sufficient funds for policy implementation and regulation enforcement. Research limitations/implications Difficulties in accessing energy management data are deemed as a limitation to this study, as the topic of energy management in the construction has received no or very little academic attention so far. Practical implications This study provides a valuable reference for studying ongoing research in the practice of energy management development in other industries and locations. The priority of the drivers for energy management will help the local contracting companies to focus on weak and strong points of the company for energy use development to remove these weak points and invest in strong points. This paper results can increase the encouragement for greater social responsibility of the contracting organisations towards energy use. Government and concerned organisations can get benefits from the identified factors in encouraging contractors to adopt energy management strategy in their projects. Originality/value This study is the first investigation of energy management aspects in a local construction industry, especially from contracting organisations.
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Braimah, Awaisu. „Killing to Cling to Power? The Dilemmas of Israeli Prime Minister“. International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 7, Nr. 3 (01.03.2024): 205–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v7i3.2034.
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Hamas's strategic surprise attack on Israel on October 7, 2023, is not only a military and intelligence failure on the part of Israel, but it also casts doubt on the capacity of the Israeli Prime Minister to provide the security needs of Israelis. What this paper does is explore the complexities and dilemmas of Israel’s war on Gaza despite domestic pressure to halt the Gaza war to enable the release of hostages, the call on the coalition government to account for the needless deaths of Israelis on the fateful October 7, 2023 attack and the growing pressure abroad to respect humanitarian law of war in Gaza. The war nevertheless continues unabated while Hamas is ducking for cover with the multiracial captives. The multilevel demands on the Israeli PM and his right-wing coalition have ramifications on the regime’s legitimacy, a bleak future for the two-state solution, and the general implication of the war on global politics. This paper utilised the Diversionary Theory of War to explain the Israel-Hamas war in Gaza. The paper argues that Hamas attacked Israel to thwart the normalisation process between Israel and Saudi Arabia, while the Israeli prime minister is using the Gaza war as an alibi to boost his reelection bid and to divert the attention of Israelis from the toxic domestic politics to cling to power.
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Schmitt, Kenny. „Gazan Christians: Pilgrimage Permits, Migration, and the Exchange of Precarity“. Exchange 49, Nr. 3-4 (09.11.2020): 316–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1572543x-12341572.
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Abstract This study casts light on the dynamics driving Christian migration from the Gaza Strip and its consequences. By analyzing the historical background and institutionalization of Palestinian movement restrictions—specifically the pilgrimage permit regime—the article explores the temporal and spatial entanglements of pilgrimage, migration, and politics. Since 2007, deteriorating conditions have led Gazan Christians to use temporary pilgrimage permits as a pretext to permanently escape the Strip. The article argues that this migration is driven by the overwhelming precarity of Gazan Christians’ life circumstances, a precarity that includes temporal and spatial, political and economic, religious and personal insecurities. Further, those who escape do not find themselves in a better situation; they experience geographic isolation and communal fragmentation within the West Bank. The process of Gazan Christian migration is best understood as the mere exchange of precarity.
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Enshassi, Adnan, Faisal Arain und Sadi Al-Raee. „CAUSES OF VARIATION ORDERS IN CONSTRUCTION PROJECTS IN THE GAZA STRIP“. JOURNAL OF CIVIL ENGINEERING AND MANAGEMENT 16, Nr. 4 (31.12.2010): 540–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/jcem.2010.60.
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The maximum project performance would be achieved if the work invariably flows smoothly within time limits and anticipated budget. Variation orders result in time delay, cost overrun, quality defects, and other negative impacts. This is common in construction projects in Gaza Strip. The main objective of this study was to analyze the causes of variation orders in construction projects in Gaza Strip. The causes of variation orders in construction process in Gaza Strip were investigated through questionnaire survey of 36 classified construction companies, 25 consultants and 15 owners. 64 causes of variation orders were identified from literature review. The study results identified the top ten most important factors that include lack of materials and equipment spare parts due to closure, change in design by consultant, lack of consultant's knowledge of available materials, errors and omission in design, conflicts between contract documents, owner's financial problems, lack of coordination among project parties, using inadequate specification for local markets by international consultant, internal politics, and change is specification by owners. In general, the study shows an agreement among owners, consultants and contractors regarding the ranking of the 64 factors causing variation orders. The results al‐so reveal that factors related to consultant are the most important causes of variation orders followed by the factors related to owner. An understanding of the causes of variation orders would be helpful for building professionals in assessing variation orders. Furthermore, the study would also assist professionals in taking proactive measures for reducing variation orders in construction projects. The findings from this study would also be valuable for all construction professionals in general. Santrauka Projektas bus efektyviausias, jei darbai vyks nuolatos ir sklandžiai, neviršijant terminu ir numatyto biudžeto. Del pake‐itimu nurodymu projektas užtrunka, viršijamos sanaudos, atsiranda kokybes trūkumu ir patiriamas kitoks neigiamas poveikis. Tai būdinga Gazos ruože vykstantiems statybu projektams. Pagrindinis šio tyrimo tikslas – išanalizuoti, kokios priežastys Gazos ruožo statybu projektuose lemia pakeitimu nurodymus. Priežastys, lemiančios pakeitimu nurodymus Gazos ruožo statybu procese, buvo tiriamos atlikus 36 tam tikros kategorijos statybos imoniu, 25 konsultantu ir 15 savininku apklausa. Apžvelgus literatūra nustatytos 64 pakeitimu nurodymus lemiančios priežastys. Atlikus tyrima, buvo nustatyti dešimt svarbiausiu veiksniu, iskaitant medžiagu ir atsarginiu irangos daliu trūkuma del uždarymo, projekto konsultanto pakeitimus, nepakankamas konsultanto žinias apie galimas medžiagas, projekto klaidas ir trūkumus, vienas kitam prieštaraujančius sutarties dokumentus, finansines savininko problemas, veiksmu koordinavimo trūkuma tarp projekto dalyviu, tarptautinio konsultanto naudojamas vietiniu rinku neatitinkančias specifikacijas, vidaus politika ir savininku pakeitimus specifikacijoje. Apskritai tyrimas rodo, kad savininkai, konsultantai ir rangovai sutaria del to, kaip pagal svarba išsidesto 64 veiksniai, lemiantys pakeitimu nurodymus. Be to, rezultatai rodo, kad su konsultantu susije veiksniai yra svarbiausios pakeitimu nurodymu priežastys, o antroje vietoje – su savininku susije veiksniai. Statybu specialistams suprantant, kokios priežastys lemia pakeitimu nurodymus, tokius nurodymus jiems vertinti būtu lengviau. Be to, tyrimas padetu specialistams imtis aktyviu priemoniu, kad statybu projektuose pakeitimu nurodymu būtu mažiau. Šio tyrimo išvados taip pat būtu naudingos visiems statybu specialistams apskritai.
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Takriti, Adnan. „Psychiatry in Jordan“. International Psychiatry 1, Nr. 5 (Juli 2004): 9–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s1749367600006834.
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Jordan, one of the most recently established countries in the Middle East, was part of the Ottoman Empire. It was declared a political entity known as Transjordan under the mandate of the British government in 1923, until it gained independence and was declared a Kingdom in 1946. In 1950, Transjordan and the West Bank were united and assumed the current name of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. The next major change for the Kingdom came in 1967, when the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip by Israeli forces caused a massive influx of migrants to the East Bank.
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Silpiah, Siti Karomah, Siti Rosanti, Siti Mundiroh und Sri Ayuni. „The Oslo Agreement in the Peace Process and the Role of the United States in Resolving the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict.“ HISTORICAL: Journal of History and Social Sciences 1, Nr. 1 (27.11.2022): 27–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.58355/historical.v1i1.18.
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This paper aims to find out the history or background of the Oslo agreement, the direction of policies and the efforts made in the peace of both parties and the results of the Oslo agreement. The results obtained by the author regarding the Oslo agreement are that the Oslo agreement occurred in 1993 against the background of land disputes in the West Bank and the Gaza Peninsula. Where the Israeli side asked Palestine to be officially recognized as the state of Israel. Meanwhile, Palestine asked to establish authority/self-government (occupied territory) in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, but the relationship between the two sides continued to be damaged by the prolonged conflict, which resulted in losses for the surrounding population. So there was a negotiation for peace called the Oslo agreement. The Oslo Agreement is one of the important peace processes between Israel and Palestine that aims to resolve the prevailing conflict.
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Tabar, Linda. „Disrupting Development, Reclaiming Solidarity: The Anti-Politics of Humanitarianism“. Journal of Palestine Studies 45, Nr. 4 (2016): 16–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2016.45.4.16.
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Originally developed for the Center for Development Studies at Birzeit University in 2011, this paper examines the humanitarian assistance that flooded the occupied Palestinian territories after the beginning of the second intifada (2000–2005). It provides a critical analysis of the international development aid that was directed at Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, where the Oslo process was territorialized, to the exclusion of the vast majority of the Palestinian people. Today, Palestinians are challenging the dominant development discourse and neoliberal economic model set in place by the Oslo Accords, wherein development recast Israeli settler colonialism as an externality, which the putative Palestinian state-building project would transcend. Returning to Yusif Sayigh's view that development cannot occur under settler colonialism, Palestinians are articulating alternatives to the Oslo post-conflict paradigm that emphasize self-reliance and resistance. The discussion that follows situates itself as a contribution to this process by interrogating the anti-political bias of humanitarianism and charting how indigenous Palestinians are building alternatives to food aid.
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Pace, Vincenzo. „Messianic movements and the sacralization of the territory“. REVER - Revista de Estudos da Religião 19, Nr. 3 (23.01.2020): 15–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.23925/1677-1222.2019vol19i3a2.
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This article focuses on contemporary Messianic Judaism. The author deals particularly with the Chabad and Gush Emunim movements, which have established many settlements in the West Bank, Sinai Peninsula, Gaza Strip, and Golan Heights. These settlements not only satisfy a vital need for living space but are also the expression of strong Messianic tension. This tension produces a mundus imaginalis (Corbin), the boundaries of which come between heaven and earth, between the biblical contours of the Promised Land and the harsh reality of a territory marked by war. The object of analysis is the toponymic politics developed by these Messianic movements in order to sacralize the territory in view of the coming of the Messiah.
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Oktay, Sibel. „Chamber of opportunities: Legislative politics and coalition security policy“. British Journal of Politics and International Relations 20, Nr. 1 (17.01.2018): 104–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148117745680.
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This article adopts a ‘party-political’ approach to studying legislative influence on security policy-making. It argues that legislative logrolling constitutes a key mechanism for the government to secure votes in parliament while facilitating the opposition to advance its own interests, especially when the government requires parliament’s consent for security policy. The article investigates legislative logrolling in the context of weak executives, specifically looking at minority coalitions and majority coalitions with ideological and policy divergences. Logrolling is critical for these types of governments, as their structural and situational weaknesses force them to cooperate with opposition parties to maintain parliamentary support. Using the Danish and Dutch decisions to participate in the 2003 Iraq War, and Israel’s 2005 decision to unilaterally withdraw from Gaza, this article elucidates the ways in which legislative logrolling between the governing and opposition parties facilitates security policy-making in parliament.
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ALHINDI, Adnan Ibrahim, und Mervat AL-LOUH. „Trends of intestinal parasites prevalence in the Gaza Strip, 1998–2007: the use of government health records“. TURKISH JOURNAL OF MEDICAL SCIENCES 43 (2013): 652–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3906/sag-1208-86.
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Shaheen, Basam, Bothyna Etewa und Abdel Hamid El Bilbeisi. „Situation Analysis of the Ongoing Services and Activities Related to Cancer Prevention and Control Continuum at the Governmental Hospitals in the Gaza Strip, Palestine“. Israa University Journal for Applied Science 6, Nr. 1 (01.10.2022): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.52865/jnru7851.
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Background: The purpose of this study was to evaluate the continuing services and activities related to cancer prevention and control at the Gaza Strip's public hospitals. Method: This cross-sectional study was conducted at the oncology departments in the general hospitals in the Gaza Strip, Palestine, among a census sample of Palestinian health care professionals. The WHO-IAEA NCCP Core Self-Assessment Tool was used to evaluate the continuing services and activities linked to the cancer control program. An interview-based questionnaire was used to collect information about the participants' characteristics. SPSS version 20 was used for statistical analysis. Results: The current study comprised a total of 100 participants. The participant's reactions to the key factors of current services and activities connected to the cancer prevention and control continuum at Al Shifa Medical Complex, European Gaza Hospital, Al- Rantisi Hospital, and the three facilities. The findings revealed that only 2.0%, 3.1%, 8.6% and 13.8% had well established prevention activities respectively; only 3.0%, 1.75%, 9.75% and 14.9% had well-established early detection activities respectively; only 4.0%, 4.33%, 11.16% and 18.33% had wellestablished diagnosis and treatment activities related respectively; and only 2.0%, 4.25%, 8.87% and 14.87% had well-established palliative care activities respectively. Conclusion: The current investigation revealed significant inadequacies in continuing services and activities related to cancer prevention and control in government hospitals. It is critical to take a balanced and complete approach to improve various aspects of the national cancer control program, bolstering current efforts and launching the missing pieces.
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Ivekovic, Ivan. „Israel and the bantustanization of Palestine“. Medjunarodni problemi 54, Nr. 4 (2002): 408–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0204408i.
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Contrary to repeated statements that Israel is a 'democratic state,' the author argues that it is an ethnocratic state. From its inception it has established a system of legal, political, residential and economic segregation of its Palestinian citizens. Since Israel has occupied the West Bank, Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip in 1967, these were subjected to a systematic Jewish colonization and Judaization, which were met with Palestinian resistance. Both created a spiral of political violence. Israel's 'industrial' state terror is now confronted with 'artisan's'' terror of frustrated Palestinian groups. The author is of the opinion that a highly defective 'peace' deal offered by the Israeli government of Ariel Sharon would have transformed the Palestinian state entity in a Bantustan-like cluster of would-be 'autonomous areas'.
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Tsarev, Matvei. „Approaches of Bennet-Lapid’s Government to Key Regional Security Threats to Israel’s Security“. Oriental Courier, Nr. 1 (2023): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310025308-6.
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This analytical article examines the approaches of the Israeli government led by Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid, who assumed power in Israel on June 13, 2021, to two key threats to Israeli security: a potential “nuclear deal” with Iran (Iran's nuclear program advancement) amid Iranian regime's support for Palestinian factions in the Gaza Strip and the problem of Palestinian-Israeli conflict settlement. The author reviews Bennett’s and Lapid’s speeches and keynote articles from 2010 to 2021, when both leaders of the new government either had different posts in Benjamin Netanyahu’s governments, or were in opposition to the latter. Such an approach allowed the author to better understand the process of shaping Israel's strategy to the key threats to its security in the region. It is especially relevant in conditions of active development of knotty and order-forming crisis of international relations system, whose potential may affect subsystem of international relations in the Middle East. The author concludes that regarding the Iranian nuclear problem, the most relevant strategy is deterrence by increasing risk (e. g., gradually destroying key elements of Iran's nuclear program), less likely is a pre-emptive escalation strategy (completely depriving Iran of the opportunity to threaten Israel before Tehran can implement its threats, or even declare them). This shows that Israel is focused on preserving the status quo. On the contrary, in the attempt to eliminate the problem of Iranian support for Palestinian factions in the Gaza Strip, Israel may pursue a strategy of escalatory domination, which signals its interest in changing the status quo. The Palestinian problem resolution will largely depend on the success of the Israeli government's political and economic actions toward both Palestinians living in the West Bank (those controlled by the Palestinian Authority in Ramallah and those living in Israeli-controlled territories) and the Arab population of the State of Israel. The author suggests that it is possible to stop the Palestinians' Islamization process by creating a state mythologeme. Only the creation of a new ideology can become a multiplier of the state's extractive capacity, which for Arabs in the Israeli society would mean the legitimization of the central executive's right to govern them.
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Sawalhi, Nabil, und Adnan Enshassi. „Application of Project Time Management Tools and Techniques to the Construction Industry in the Gaza Strip“. Construction Economics and Building 5, Nr. 1 (19.11.2012): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ajceb.v5i1.2937.
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The objective of this paper is to investigate the level of applying theproject time management tools and techniques by public ownersand construction contractors in the Gaza Strip. This study hasbeen conducted by means of a survey questionnaire. Seventythreequestionnaires were distributed to target constructioncontractors and twenty-five questionnaires to public owners. Sixtycompleted questionnaires from contractors and twenty-threequestionnaires from public owners were received and analysed.The survey results indicated that contemporary project timemanagement tools and techniques are not widely used amonglocal contractors and owners. Lack of subcontractor’s knowledgeand awareness of the importance of project time managementtools and techniques are still major obstacles toward the efficientutilisation of such tools. This study recommended that there is anurgent need to establish a professional industry body such as anInstitute of Building to review and evaluate existing local projectmanagement practices. This professional body may be establishedby the government through the Ministry of Housing and PublicWorks or by the local university in cooperation with a similarinternational professional industry body. Current training effortshould be tailored to encourage owners and contractors to usework breakdown structures, resource optimisation, and networkscheduling.
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Habashi, Janette. „Palestinian children: a transformation of national identity in the Abbas era“. Fennia - International Journal of Geography 197, Nr. 1 (29.04.2019): 77–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.11143/fennia.71009.
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The constant rendering of Palestinian national identity provides crucial insight not only to the current Palestinian community’s political status, but also to past and the future experiences. National identity echoes the intersectionality of history and local politics. For the last few decades, Palestinian national identity has been evolving with continuous alteration that encompasses local political discourse in the Palestinian community. Whereas it once embraced unity among different political ideologies, a shift occurred with Hamas election victory in 2006, which resulted in the division of the Palestinian community, whereby the Palestinian Authority, under Abbas leadership is ruling the West Bank, and Hamas is governing the Gaza Strip. This political tension has served to render national identity. Palestinian children echoed such politics in the construction of their national identity through their interpretation of personal experiences that are intertwined with current political events. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to show how Palestinian children articulated national identity in a post-Arafat/Abbas era, recognizing that national identity is not static.
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Frantzman, Seth J. „The Gaza Strip: Its History and Politics: From the Pharaohs to the Israeli Invasion of 2009 - By Nathan Shachar“. Digest of Middle East Studies 20, Nr. 1 (März 2011): 106–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1949-3606.2010.00046.x.
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Abuzerr, Samer, Simin Nasseri, Masud Yunesian, Mahdi Hadi, Amir Hossein Mahvi, Ramin Nabizadeh und Ayman Abu Mustafa. „Household drinking water safety among the population of Gaza Strip, Palestine: knowledge, attitudes, practices, and satisfaction“. Journal of Water, Sanitation and Hygiene for Development 9, Nr. 3 (06.05.2019): 500–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/washdev.2019.134.
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Abstract A descriptive cross-sectional study employing a structured questionnaire was employed to assess knowledge, attitude, practice, and satisfaction (KAPS) of Gaza's community on issues related to household drinking water safety. The results showed that of 1,857 household heads, 1,621 (87.3%) were males, with the majority (967, 52.1%) having a university educational level. Of surveyed households, 744 (40.1%) consisted of 5–7 persons and 885 (47.7%) of the households resided in refugee camps. Mean percentages for KAPS were 82 ± 15.5%, 64.9 ± 39.7%, 53.2 ± 14.1%, and 37.3 ± 26.56%, respectively. There were statistically significant associations between some sociodemographic variables and mean percentage of KAPS scores. Educational level was the only variable significantly associated (p < 0.05) with all mean KAPS scores. There was a significant positive linear correlation between knowledge-attitude (r = 0.362, p < 0.05), but a significant negative linear correlation between knowledge-practice (r = −0.070, p < 0.05) was also observed. Therefore, the Local Government Authority (LGA) should arrange community awareness campaigns on the importance of safety and hygiene measures of drinking water storage. Furthermore, and due to the poor financial capabilities of the LGA in Gaza, it is highly recommended that LGA contact relevant international donors in order to support programs aiming at improving household water supply.
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Wishah, Um Jabr. „Palestinian Voices: Scenes of Everyday Life in Bayt 'Affa“. Journal of Palestine Studies 35, Nr. 2 (01.01.2006): 75–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2006.35.2.75.
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The following excerpts were taken from the ““life history”” of Um Jabr Wishah, one of seven ““life histories”” collected as part of an oral history project, as yet unpublished, of seven women living in various parts of the Gaza Strip who were old enough to have clear memories of the pre-1948 period. The women were selected on the basis of some previous knowledge of them and their stated willingness to take part in the project. The ““histories,”” collected over the last six months of 2001, range from 25,000 to 40,000 words and cover the narrators' everyday life and experiences through the successive wars and disruptions as well as their thoughts about the future. Each woman was interviewed a number of times, with the tape of each interview transcribed and translated before the following interview. The memories were set down exactly as they were told; the only ““editing”” consists of integrating details or elaborations supplied during subsequent interviews at the appropriate chronological place. The life histories were collected by Barbara Bill, an Australian who worked with the Women's Empowerment Project of the Gaza Community Mental Health Program starting from 1996, and Ghada Ageel, a refugee from a Gaza camp now working on her Ph.D. in Middle Eastern politics at the University of Exeter in England. Um Jabr, who was in her early 70s at the time of the interviews, has been living in the al-Bureij refugee camp since 1950. Future issues of JPS will carry excerpts from Um Jabr's story regarding the 1948 war and about organizing prison visits in the 1980s and 1990s.
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Aykan, Mahmut Bali. „The Palestinian Question in Turkish Foreign Policy from the 1950s to the 1990s“. International Journal of Middle East Studies 25, Nr. 1 (Februar 1993): 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800058062.
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Since the 1950s Turkish foreign policy toward the Middle East has centered on the question of support for the Arab position on the Palestinian question. Ever since the U.N. General Assembly resolution of November 1947 that partitioned Palestine between the Palestinians and Israelis, all the Arab countries—even though diversity of regime has prevented them from otherwise acting as a unit in Middle Eastern politics—have consistently supported the establishment of an independent Palestinian state (in opposition to the Israelis and the United States) as a condition for stability in the Middle East. In November 1973, the heads of the Arab states declared the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO)—created in 1964 through the initiative of the Arab League—to be the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, and they have supported its efforts to establish an independent Palestinian state in the Israeli-occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip ever since.
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Anan, Huda H., und Bassam A. Hamad. „Client-centredness of government primary health-care services in the Gaza Strip, occupied Palestinian territory: a cross-sectional study“. Lancet 390 (August 2017): S35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(17)32036-6.
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Alnahhal, Mousa, Safaa Abu Mostafa, Ayman Abu Mostafa und Hammoda Abu-Odah. „Infection control knowledge and practices among radiographers at government hospitals in the Gaza Strip-Palestine: A cross-sectional study“. Radiography 29, Nr. 3 (Mai 2023): 509–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.radi.2023.02.023.
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Bar-Yaacov, Nissim. „The Applicability of the Laws of War to Judea and Samaria (the West Bank) and to the Gaza Strip“. Israel Law Review 24, Nr. 3-4 (1990): 485–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700010037.
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In her instructive article, Professor Lapidoth discussed, inter alia, the applicability of the laws of war to the territories administered by the Israel Defence Forces since the Six Day War of 1967. Being in full agreement with Professor Lapidoth that from the legal standpoint the situation is in need of improvement, I wish to deal more extensively with two questions: (1) What is the position of the Government of Israel regarding the applicability to Judea and Samaria and to the Gaza Strip of the Hague Regulations of 1907 respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land, and of the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War? (2) What is the position of the Supreme Court with regard to the applicability of the Regulations and the Convention to these territories.