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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Gaza Strip – Politics and government"
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Qarmout, Tamer, und Daniel Béland. „The Politics of International Aid to the Gaza Strip“. Journal of Palestine Studies 41, Nr. 4 (2012): 32–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2012.xli.4.32.
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International aid to the Palestinian Authority is conditioned in part on democratization and good governance. However, since Hamas's victory in the 2006 Palestinian Legislative Council elections and its takeover of the Gaza Strip, aid agencies have supported the international boycott of the Hamas government. This article argues that aid agencies, by operating in Gaza while boycotting its government, subvert their mandates and serve the political interests of donors and the PA rather than the humanitarian and development needs of Gazans. As a consequence, assistance has, inadvertently and unintentionally, increased Gazans' dependence on humanitarian aid, impeded economic development, and enabled Israel to maintain its occupation and the blockade of Gaza.
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Feldman, Ilana. „Everyday Government in Extraordinary Times: Persistence and Authority in Gaza's Civil Service, 1917–1967“. Comparative Studies in Society and History 47, Nr. 4 (08.09.2005): 863–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417505000381.
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In September 1964 עAli Taleb, an employee in the Agricultural Directorate in Gaza, petitioned the civil service administration for what he claimed was a long overdue promotion. On the face of it, there is nothing particularly surprising about such a petition—עAli was certainly not the first employee to feel he deserved more recognition for his work. What makes his petition peculiar were the circumstances which generated it. The Gaza Strip, the territory in whose civil service עAli was employed, came into existence in 1948 as a result of the war over the establishment of Israel. Before 1948, Gaza was a district of Palestine, governed like the rest of the country as a mandate granted to the British government by the League of Nations. When the 1948 war ended in defeat for the Arab forces, the Egyptian army occupied the Gaza area, which it administered for the next twenty years. עAli was hired in 1937 by the Mandate government—and under its rules of promotion—but it was the Egyptian Administration (henceforth “Administration”) which he expected to fulfill the obligations of this system. “I was nominated to be promoted to Grade 3 under the previous Mandate government,” עAli explained, noting that, “before my turn arrived the Mandate ended and the Arab Administration came to the Strip.”
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Strand, Trude. „Tightening the Noose“. Journal of Palestine Studies 43, Nr. 2 (2014): 6–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2014.43.2.6.
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This article outlines and analyzes Israel's Gaza policy during the period from 2005 to 2010. Based on primary materials, including the testimony of Israeli officials before the Turkel Commission investigating the Mavi Marmara incident, classified documents that have come to light through Wikileaks, and Israeli government documentation, the article argues that in the wake of Israel's evacuation of the territory under its 2005 Disengagement Plan, the Gaza Strip became the object of a deliberate and sustained policy of institutionalized impoverishment. Looking at Israeli policy-making as both process and outcome, the article highlights how measures ostensibly implemented to “punish” Hamas—from the incremental tightening of restrictions to the imposition of a full blockade, in addition to periodic military assaults—have pauperized a large proportion of Gaza's more than 1.5 million inhabitants.
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Benvenisti, Eyal, und Eyal Zamir. „Private Claims to Property Rights in the Future Israeli-Palestinian Settlement“. American Journal of International Law 89, Nr. 2 (April 1995): 295–340. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2204205.
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The Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements, signed by the Government of Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), and the exchange of letters between the PLO Chairman and Israel’s Prime Minister, both agreed upon in September 1993, have set the stage for a process of reconciliation and the settlement of the long and bitter conflict over Palestine/Eretz Yisrael. The Cairo Agreement on the Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area established the date—May 4, 1999—by which a permanent agreement must enter into effect. So far, the negotiations between the two parties have concentrated mainly on institutional arrangements, such as the nature of the Palestinian administration during the interim period, and other matters of public interest. At this stage, the parties are not expected to address matters that directly affect the interests of individuals, including the right of individuals to regain possession of property left behind because of the hostilities, or to receive compensation for such property. The discussion of most of these private claims has been deferred to the final stage of the negotiations, concerning a permanent status agreement, which is due to commence no later than May 4, 1996.
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Rabbani, Mouin. „A Hamas Perspective on the Movement's Evolving Role: An Interview with Khalid Mishal: Part II“. Journal of Palestine Studies 37, Nr. 4 (2008): 59–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2008.37.4.59.
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In this second installment of his interview for JPS, Khalid Mishal, Hamas politburo chief since 1996 and head of the movement since the assassination of Shaykh Ahmad Yasin in 2004, continues his discussion of Hamas's evolution and strategy. Whereas the focus of part I was Mishal's personal background, political formation, and the founding of the movement, here Hamas's more recent history is foregrounded. From the unfolding conflict and troubled relations with Fatah since the mid-1990s, Mishal recounts the thinking behind the decision formally to integrate into the Palestinian political system born of Oslo by participating the 2006 legislative elections and joining the Palestinian Authority government. He also delves into the ongoing repercussions of these decisions, including the splits within the Palestinian movement culminating in Hamas's seizure of power in the Gaza Strip in June 2007. In the course of the more than three-hour interview, Mishal's straightforward manner is on display, as well as his willingness to be challenged on matters as sensitive as Hamas's suicide bombings and the targeting of Israeli civilians, the utility of armed resistance, and the morality of the struggle.
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Shafer Raviv, Omri. „Studying an Occupied Society: Social Research, Modernization Theory and the Early Israeli Occupation, 1967–8“. Journal of Contemporary History 55, Nr. 1 (21.08.2018): 161–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009418785688.
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In the 1967 Arab-Israeli War, Israel occupied the West Bank and Gaza Strip from Jordan and Egypt, and established a long-lasting military regime over their Palestinian population. In this article, recently declassified sources and published reports were used to demonstrate how the Israeli government initiated and funded academic research on Palestinian society to gain reliable, useful knowledge to inform its policies. The Israeli leadership was most specifically concerned with pacification of the occupied population, the Arab/Jewish demographic balance, and the status of the 1948 Palestinian refugees. By early 1968, the research team had produced a series of policy-oriented reports on Palestinian society, covering such subjects as employment, education, nationalism, migration, and general values. The team used surveys, questionnaires, and observations, with modernization theory providing the theoretical framework for analyzing their empirical findings and formulating policy recommendations. As the Israeli team had studied a population under military occupation, their recommendations differed from those reached by their US peers who studied traditional populations in the context of the Cold War. Israeli civil and military officials had great interest in this new knowledge, rendering social research an ongoing practice for the Israeli occupation regime in the years to come.
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Shomar, Basem. „The Gaza Strip: politics and environment“. Water Policy 13, Nr. 1 (14.01.2011): 28–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wp.2009.061.
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In a region where politics is part of the vocabulary of daily life, this study reveals the environment as a victim of politics in the Gaza Strip. The environmental crisis in Gaza continues to worsen as the groundwater becomes increasingly polluted and the political situation delays hope of “resting” the Gaza aquifer and finding solutions for proper disposal of sewage and solid waste. Wastewater treatment plants (WWTPs) have been destroyed more than once as a result of the turbulent political situation. The Beit Lahia wastewater treatment plant flooded and killed several people in addition to causing casualties and displacing thousands of people, besides destroying homes and killing animals. The closure of the Gaza Strip led to a total paralysis of the economic sector. People's diets were seriously affected. The effects on the industrial sector were not limited only to economic dimensions but affected the environment as well. In mid-2007 alone, more than 70% of the industrial sector was closed and the environmental indicators showed around a 70% decrease in the industrial waste production compared to the previous six years. However, the pollution load was increasing due to the absence of technologies and wastewater treatment facilities. Despite all the complicated circumstances in the Gaza Strip, the population growth rate is the highest in the world which means more needs, further depletion of natural resources, and more waste and pollution.
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Tin, Derrick, Saleh Fares, Mobarak Al Mulhim und Gregory R. Ciottone. „Terrorist Attacks in the Middle East: A Counter-Terrorism Medicine Analysis“. Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 37, Nr. 2 (03.03.2022): 212–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x22000358.
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AbstractBackground:The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region has been, like many parts of the world, a hotbed for terrorist activities. Terrorist attacks can affect both demand for and provision of health care services and often places a unique burden on first responders, hospitals, and health systems. This study aims to provide an epidemiological description of all terrorism-related attacks in the Middle East sustained from 1970-2019.Methods:Data collection was performed using a retrospective database search through the Global Terrorism Database (GTD). The GTD was searched using the internal database search functions for all events which occurred in Iraq, Yemen, Turkey, Egypt, Syria, West Bank and Gaza Strip, Israel, Lebanon, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Jordan, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, North Yemen, Qatar, and South Yemen from January 1, 1970 - December 31, 2019. Primary weapon type, primary target type, country where the incident occurred, and number of deaths and injuries were collated and the results analyzed.Results:A total of 41,837 attacks occurred in the Middle East from 1970-2019 accounting for 24.9% of all terrorist attacks around the world. A total of 100,446 deaths were recorded with 187,447 non-fatal injuries. Fifty-six percent of all attacks in the region occurred in Iraq (23,426), 9.4% in Yemen (3,929), and 8.2% in Turkey (3,428). “Private Citizens and Properties” were targeted in 37.6% (15,735) of attacks, 15.4% (6,423) targeted “Police,” 9.6% targeted “Businesses” (4,012), and 9.6% targeted “Governments” (4,001). Explosives were used in 68.4% of attacks (28,607), followed by firearms in 20.4% of attacks (8,525).Conclusion:Despite a decline in terrorist attacks from a peak in 2014, terrorist events remain an important cause of death and injuries around the world, particularly in the Middle East where 24.9% of historic attacks took place. While MENA countries are often clustered together by economic and academic organizations based on geographical, political, and cultural similarities, there are significant differences in terrorist events between countries within the region. This is likely a reflection of the complexities of the intricate interplay between politics, culture, security, and intelligence services unique to each country.
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Elzaanin, Amina, Ayi Ahadiat und Habibullah Jimad. „LINKING CRISIS AND EMERGENCY MANAGEMENT IN STRATEGIC MANAGEMENT PROCESS OF NGOs IN GAZA STRIP.“ International Journal of Economics, Business, and Entrepreneurship 3, Nr. 2 (21.12.2020): 9–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.23960/ijebe.v3i2.85.
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NGOs play an important and clear role in development and relief programs in Gaza Strip. Due to the political conditions that Gaza Strip is going through and to the limited services which are presented by the government in Gaza Strip. Although of the remarkable role of these organizations, they face problems and shortcomings in management in times of crises and emergencies. This study aims to show how to link crisis and emergency management to the process of strategic management of NGOs in Gaza Strip. This study sheds lights on some aspects of the functions of strategic management processes and also it investigates some aspects of the possibility of NGOs dealing with disasters in Gaza Strip. The descriptive analytical method was used to achieve the objectives of the study. The researcher used a questionnaire to collect data. The study sample consisted of 120 employees working in NGOs. The current study shows some weakness in crisis and emergency management. Furthermore, there is a positive relationship between the formulation, implementation and evaluation of strategy and crisis and emergency management for NGOs in Gaza Strip. The results showed that there is a statistically significant relationship at the significance level (a ≤ 0.05) between strategic management processes and crisis and emergency management in NGOs in Gaza Strip.
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Bontea, George Horațiu. „Gaza War: From Identity Politics to Polarization in the Western Foreign Policy“. Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea 68, Nr. 2 (18.12.2023): 209–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2023.2.09.
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"One of the trickiest conflicts in the Middle East and North Africa has reopened as a result of the October 7 terrorist strikes. Open discussions were however halted by Hamas' unilateral strike, even though the two-state solution appeared increasingly likely with the Palestinian Authority serving as the future structural restructuring of #FreePalestine. The situation in the Gaza Strip caused a great deal of divisiveness in western public opinion in addition to internal conflicts and tensions. So, the purpose of this paper was to provide a poststructuralist analysis of the dominant academic viewpoints on the state of affairs between Israel and Palestine. The relationship between identity and foreign policy is examined in this study by utilising the primary methodological instruments of reflectivist international relations theory, including intertextuality, genealogy, discourse analysis, and deconstruction. They study both epistemological and ontological aspects because of the theoretical framework, and the narratives of ""us and them"" were and continue to be important components in the history and current circumstances of the Gaza Strip. The findings provide context for the significance of Hamas' rhetoric and the monopoly of power, as well as outlining the identitarian divide between Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank. Key words: Poststructuralism, Palestine, Israel, Gaza Strip, Hamas identity and foreign policy."
Dissertationen zum Thema "Gaza Strip – Politics and government"
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Alomari, Ibrahim M. „Learning the hard way : primary education and conflict in the Gaza“. Thesis, Swansea University, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.678632.
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The thesis analyzes how conflict has politicized education in Gaza by exploring the many direct and indirect effects that both the internal and external conflicts have on education and detailing the parallel, mutually reinforcing development of education and Palestinian nationalism.
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Pienaar, Ashwin Mark. „Israel and Palestine: some critical international relations perspectives on the 'two-state' solution“. Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003030.
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This research questions whether Israel and Palestine should be divided into two states. Viewed through the International Relations (IR) theories of Realism and Liberalism, the ‘Two-State’ solution is the orthodox policy for Israel and Palestine. But Israelis and Palestinians are interspersed and share many of the same resources making it difficult to create two states. So, this research critiques the aforementioned IR theories which underpin the ‘Two-State’ solution. The conclusion reached is that there ought to be new thinking on how to resolve the Israel-Palestine issue.
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Abubasheer, Ayah. „The politics of mobilising piety : Islam and women in the Gaza Strip“. Phd thesis, Australian Catholic University, 2021. https://doi.org/10.26199/acu.8x445.
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Despite extensive social science research on Palestine, the literature on the religious life of Palestinians is still modest, especially with respect to contemporary female piety. On 25 January 2006, the Islamic party Hamas won a decisive majority of seats in the Palestinian Legislative Council. This landslide victory has drawn most media and scholarly attention to the political Islamisation programmes of Hamas. Remarkably, little research has investigated the wider diversity and more complex nature of grassroots religious activism in society. For example, no previous study, so far, has examined the growing female da’wa (piety) movement, which has become a dominant feature in the Gaza Strip.
The study presented here is the first investigation focusing specifically on the female subjects of the piety movement—the da’iyat. These are pious women activists who carry out an extensive array of Islamic da’wa classes among women who seek religious education, guidance, and advice. The main aim of this study is to explore four questions: how female pious conviction is understood and produced, how the formation of the da’iyat’s agency is facilitated and restricted, how pious agentic tensions and da’wa (un)intended consequences exist within the local socio-political power structures, and to what extent dialogical perspectives on the question of women can be achieved between pious women and secular feminists.
The literature review on Muslim women’s agency reveals a polarisation that reduces women’s agency to resistance to or compliance with male domination and Islamic traditions. My research suggests that women’s agency and the subject formation (at the level of the individual and collective) constitute a much more complex process and that the pious/feminist polarity constricts the enhancement of women’s agency, women’s rights, and gender justice. Based on an in-depth remote ethnography (a survey and mobile calls over the internet) in the Gaza Strip, this thesis provides a contextualised analysis of three agentic manifestations of women’s pious agency. In particular, this thesis goes beyond Saba Mahmood’s (2005) model of the pious subject in the Cairene women’s piety movement. It offers a detailed analysis of the multiple and contradictory aspects of the subject’s pious agency in the Gazan women’s piety movement. It also provides an important opportunity to investigate the relevance of Rachel Rinaldo’s (2013) model of pious critical agency among some Indonesian Muslim women and the scholarship of Islamic feminism to Gazan Muslim women. Significantly, the final research question situates women’s pious agency within the broader pious/feminist relationship.
Firstly, in terms of the construction of pious conviction, I argue that the da’iyat’s meanings of piety are reflected in two interconnected terms: religious duty and self-realisation. These pious meanings are shaped by various structures, institutions, and relationships at the micro, meso, and macro levels of social systems. Secondly, I present three distinct, though sometimes overlapping, models of agency for pious women: moral, political, and interpersonal. Thirdly, this research provides a detailed discussion of the data that highlight sites of tension in these three pious modes of agentic expressions. Drawing together key findings from pious and secular feminist narratives, the analysis also offers a deeper insight into the da’wa’s (un)intended consequences on reinforcing hegemonic gender norms. Finally, this project shines a light on the importance of understanding these agentic positions and consequences within the larger context of the relationship between pious women and secular feminists. The case of the Gaza Strip shows a lack of exposure or attention to the possibility of developing pious feminist, or “pious critical agency” to use Rinaldo’s words, and key obstacles to go beyond the pious/secular divide.
Overall, the analysis of the da’iyat’s subjective formation, models of female pious agency, and women’s relationships in the Gaza Strip helps not only expand our understanding and theorising of Islamic female piety, but also demonstrates more possibilities, visions, and challenges for pious/feminist women to collaborate and act upon shared interests.
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Al-Astal, Kamal Muhammad Muhammad. „The political and economic role of trade, unions and associations in the Gaza strip 1967-1993“. Thesis, Durham University, 1995. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/5118/.
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This thesis attempts to examine the political and economic role of the trade unions and associations in the Gaza Strip 1967-1993. The main theme of analysis is based upon the assumption that these indigenous organizations showed a high degree of politicization. The thesis discusses the unstable socio-economic-organizational- political-and legal setting in the Gaza Strip under the Israeli occupation which constituted a limit on the overall performance of the Palestinian organizations. Within this volatile setting, three main actors interacted: the trade unions and associations, the Israeli occupation authorities, and the Palestinian political factions. The study gives a general review of the associations and non governmental organizations working in the Gaza Strip and it examines the genesis of the Palestinian trade unionism and the trade unions in the Gaza Strip. These organizations constituted a Palestinian institutional- organizational national response and worked parallel to the occupation apparatus. The thesis goes on to analyse the political role of the trade unions and associations in the Gaza Strip through discussing : the nature of their relationship with the Israeli authorities; their relationship with the Palestinian political movements; their positions towards the uprising (intifada); and their attitudes towards the peace process. The study argues further that the economic role of the trade unions and association was very limited compared to their political role. The loan programmes and economic activities of two lending organizations working the Gaza Strip are examined. The lending capacity of the credit organizations was less than US$10 million (the GDP of the Gaza Strip was about US$250 million in 1993). Most of their loans went to finance services, consumptive, and non-productive projects.
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Dodson, Marianne E. „Framing the Fight: The Creation of Political Role Conceptions by the News Media in Coverage of Israeli Disengagement from the Gaza Strip“. Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1556285085411575.
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Kuruvilla, Samuel Jacob. „Radical Christianity in the Holy Land : a comparative study of liberation and contextual theology in Palestine-Israel“. Thesis, University of Exeter, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/71932.
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Palestine is known as the birthplace of Christianity. However the Christian population of this land is relatively insignificant today, despite the continuing institutional legacy that the 19th century Western missionary focus on the region created. Palestinian Christians are often forced to employ politically astute as well as theologically radical means in their efforts to appear relevant within an increasingly Islamist-oriented society. My thesis focuses on two ecumenical Christian organisations within Palestine, the Sabeel Ecumenical Liberation Theology Centre in Jerusalem (headed by the Anglican cleric Naim Stifan Ateek) and Dar Annadwa Addawliyya (the International Centre of Bethlehem-ICB, directed by the Lutheran theologian Mitri Raheb). Based on my field work (consisting of an in-depth familiarisation with the two organisations in Palestine and interviews with their directors, office-staff and supporters worldwide, as well as data analyses based on an extensive literature review), I argue that the grassroots-oriented educational, humanitarian, cultural and contextual theological approach favoured by the ICB in Bethlehem is more relevant to the Palestinian situation, than the more sectarian and Western-oriented approach of the Sabeel Centre. These two groups are analysed primarily according to their theological-political approaches. One, (Sabeel), has sought to develop a critical Christian response to the Palestine-Israel conflict using the politico-theological tool of liberation theology, albeit with a strongly ecumenical Western-oriented focus, while the other (ICB), insists that its theological orientation draws primarily from the Levantine Christian (and in their particular case, the Palestinian Lutheran) context in which Christians in Israel-Palestine are placed. Raheb of the ICB has tried to develop a contextual theology that seeks to root the political and cultural development of the Palestinian people within their own Eastern Christian context and in light of their peculiarly restricted life under an Israeli occupation regime of over 40 years. In the process, I argue that the ICB has sought to be much more situationally relevant to the needs of the Palestinian people in the West Bank, given the employment, socio-cultural and humanitarian-health opportunities opened up by the practical-institution building efforts of this organisation in Bethlehem.
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EL-Namrouti, Said Ahmed. „Leadership and resilience at the Islamic University of Gaza, 1978-2012“. Thesis, 2016. https://hdl.handle.net/10539/26256.
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A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management The University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2017Leadership in Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) in turbulent times has been undertheorised. A qualitative case study based on document analysis of 70 documents, 39 interviews and 2 focus groups was the vehicle for examining the role of the leadership at the Islamic University of Gaza (IUG). IUG has operated under complex conditions of occupation and ongoing turbulence from its inception in 1978 to the present. This study examines the period 1978-2012. In this time the university grew from 25 men studying Sharia in a tent to 20,000 students (63.7% female) studying across 11 faculties and 112 different specialisations. The study documents and labels four phases of development of the university. The patterns of leadership uncovered in the study include transformational, transactional, heroic, post-heroic and on some specific occasions authoritarian styles, with transformational being the most important. The way in which the leadership resolved short term crises, as well as their long-term and big-picture focus, shaped the development of the university. Resilience theory was applied alongside leadership theory to analyse the responses of IUG leadership. Resilience was taken beyond surviving to capitalising on disruption. Twenty three markers of resilience were found which worked independently and interactively to support resilient responses to the challenges IUG faced. These factors were initially developed from the literature, and new factors were added based on this research. The relationship between leadership styles and the promotion of resilience was examined. The thesis describes a mutual shaping and supporting role between university and society in Gaza, and discusses some of the paradoxes of help and harm coming from players and belief systems external to the university. The paradox of faith which can provide a cohesive, binding set of beliefs to support staff and students, as well as being the source of conflict and harm, is also discussed. A definition of a university as an educational community functioning beyond place, buildings, external recognition, or physical destruction was developed.
GR2019
Bücher zum Thema "Gaza Strip – Politics and government"
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Goldberg, Esther. Jewish settlement in the West Bank and Gaza Strip: Profile - 1992. Tel Aviv: International Center for Peace in the Middle East, 1993.
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ha-hasbarah, Israel Merkaz. Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Jerusalem: Israel Information Centre, 1995.
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Political perceptions of the Palestinians on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Washington, D.C: Middle East Institute, 1988.
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wa-al-Ittiṣāl, Markaz al-Quds lil-Iʻlām, Hrsg. Soviet Jewish immigration and Israeli settlement in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. East Jerusalem, West Bank: Jerusalem Media and Communication Centre, 1990.
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Gaza: A history. London: C. Hurst & Co., 2014.
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Feldman, Ilana. Governing Gaza: Bureaucracy, authority, and the work of rule, 1917-1967. Durham: Duke University Press, 2008.
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Roy, Sara M. The Gaza Strip: The political economy of de-development. Washington, DC: Institute for Palestine Studies USA, Inc., 2016.
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Roy, Sara M. The Gaza Strip: The political economy of de-development. Washington, D.C: Institute for Palestine Studies, 1995.
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The Gaza Strip: Its history and politics : from the pharaohs to the Israeli invasion of 2009. Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 2010.
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The West Bank and Gaza Strip: A geography of occupation and dissent. London: Routledge, 2005.
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Alkadash, Tamer M. „Factors that Influence the Occupational Safety and Health for Employees as a Part of Human Resource Management Practices a Study on Non-government Organization in Palestine Gaza Strip (UNRWA)“. In Studies in Systems, Decision and Control, 891–901. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-35828-9_75.
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Bitar, Maher Anawati. „Internal Displacement in the Occupied Palestinian Territories: Politics and the Loss of Livelihood“. In Dispossession and Displacement. British Academy, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197264591.003.0004.
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Between December 2008 to January 2009, the Israel militaries assaulted the Gaza Strip displacing over 50,000 people. This assault accentuated the already long history of Palestinian forced migration. It created ‘internally stuck persons’ (ISPs) who were no longer able to flee conflict areas to safer grounds. For the ISPs, the Gaza Strip has become a prison which is controlled by outside force. Within the context of open-air prison, the ISPs have become ‘internally displaced persons’ because they are compelled to remain within this circumscribed boundary. IDPs receive less assistance and protection than refugees. This chapter discusses the scope, extent and repercussions of the involuntary migratory movements within the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt) of the West Bank and East Jerusalem. It focuses on the physical barrier created by the Government of Israel (GoI) within the oPt. Although the displacement in Gaza, the East Jerusalem, and the West Bank is often triggered by similar and indirect factors, the latter two areas face a distinct set of triggers. A review of the preliminary displacement patterns have shown that forced displacement is both a result of and a means by which the GoI has expanded its hold of East Jerusalem and the prime areas of the West Bank. This review thus asserts that displacement cannot be simply viewed as a humanitarian crisis or a consequence of conflict or Israel’s security needs.
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Sen, Somdeep. „Decolonizing Palestine“. In Decolonizing Palestine, 1–19. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501752735.003.0001.
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This chapter provides an overview of the Palestinian struggle for liberation and describes the author's fieldwork in the Gaza Strip, Israel, and Egypt, conducted between 2013 and 2016. The Gaza Strip as a whole became a place of contradictions when Hamas adopted a dual mode of existence following its historic victory in the 2006 Palestinian Legislative Council elections. After the unequivocal triumph of the Islamist faction, Fatah refused to be part of the Hamas government. Over the course of the 2007 Battle of Gaza, Hamas then consolidated its rule over the Gaza Strip while maintaining its commitment to the armed resistance. In doing so, Hamas oscillated between the images of the postcolonial state and an anticolonial movement. As the government in the Gaza Strip, it represented a civilian authority posturing like the future Palestinian state. However, by remaining committed to the armed struggle, Hamas also recognized the fact that Palestine is far from being liberated.
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„The Gaza Strip—From Conquest to Taking Root“. In Geography and Politics in Israel Since 1967, 111–17. Routledge, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203989166-18.
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Sen, Somdeep. „On the Settler Colonial Elimination of Palestine“. In Decolonizing Palestine, 20–34. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501752735.003.0002.
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This chapter situates the Gaza Strip within Israel's settler colonialism as a way of contextualizing the Palestinian anticolonial subjectivity. While recognizing the Nakba, or catastrophe, of 1948 as having begun the historical process of materializing the settler colonial “dream” of Palestinian nonexistence, it argues that the urge to eliminate the Palestinian community remains just as important today. While this conduct is characteristic of a settler colonizer, the Gaza Strip is often perceived only as representative of an extreme case of Palestinian suffering. Moreover, with a politically divisive organization at its helm and a decade-long siege still in place, the Palestinian coastal enclave is frequently placed outside the limits of any “normal” discussion of the politics of Israel–Palestine. Yet, the Gaza Strip in fact personifies the norm as a spatial representative of the effort to materially realize and naturalize the settler colonial dream of Palestinian nonexistence. Specifically, as Hamas-ruled Gaza has been indomitable in its armed struggle, the treatment meted out to it by Israel, by way of a siege that has continued despite the severity of the consequent humanitarian crisis and the ruthlessness of Israeli military onslaughts, demonstrates the extent of the settler's willingness to subdue any political act or ideology that acknowledges the existence of the indigene and thus insinuates the nonindigeneity of the settler.
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„The Emerging Palestinian Democracy under the West Bank and Gaza Strip Self-Government Arrangements“. In Israel Yearbook on Human Rights, Volume 26 (1996), 313–65. Brill | Nijhoff, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004423107_020.
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Heller, Joseph. „The Eisenhower Doctrine and Israel (November 1956–January 1958)“. In The United States, the Soviet Union and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1948-67. Manchester University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526103826.003.0007.
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Israel security remained a pawn of the superpowers’ rivalry even after its military victory in the campaign. However, if it had not won either political or a diplomatic victory. The Eisenhower administration was haunted by the nightmare of losing the middle East to the Soviets which would deny the west vital Arab oil. Consequently, the US pressed Israel to withdraw from Sinai, to the extent of threatening economic sanctions. The Soviet Union could punish Israel by trying to expel it from the UN. Israel’s government, particularly Ben-Gurion, said that the withdrawal from the Sinai peninsula, the straits of Tiran and the Gaza strips should be conditioned on a strong security arrangement. Israel had no choice but to succumb to the pressures of the superpowers.
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Suleiman, Camelia. „Historic Background“. In The Politics of Arabic in Israel. Edinburgh University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474420860.003.0001.
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This chapter lists the major events of Palestinian history. It also discusses what each of the following groups of people considers most significant in the history of the conflict. These groups are: Palestinians in Israel, Palestinians in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, the Jordanians and the Israeli Jews. There is no doubting the fact that the ‘Israeli-Arab’ conflict has shaped the history and the identity of the people in Israel, Palestine, Jordan, and to a lesser but still significant extent, the history and identity of the people in the Arab world for much of the past century. The chapter also discusses the Arab Nahḍa and the role of Palestine in it. It juxtaposes the Nahḍa project with Zionism as a national movement.
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Fair, Emma Play. „Playing on Principle? Israel’s Justification for its Administrative Acts in the Occupied West Bank“. In International Law and the Administration of Occupied Territories, 205–38. Oxford University PressOxford, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198252979.003.0007.
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Abstract Israel’S occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip is a legalistic one. The military government invariably seeks to defend its actions in the Occupied Territories with reference to legal provisions or principles, whether of international or local law. Emphasizing its claim to respect the standards and principles of international law, the military authorities informed an academic delegation to the Occupied Territories that: The Israeli government’s equivocal position as to which provisions of ‘humanitarian law’ apply to its occupation of the West Bank and Gaza is examined in many of the chapters in this volume2 and will not be further discussed here. The purpose of this paper is rather to examine Israel’s application of certain principles derived from international law, summed up in the statement above: the maintenance of ‘public order and safety’, concern for the welfare of the local population, and the ensurance of security.
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Suleiman, Camelia. „Introduction“. In The Politics of Arabic in Israel. Edinburgh University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474420860.003.0008.
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Palestinian poet laureate, Mahmoud Darwish writes that land is inherited like language. Most accounts of Arabs in Israel focus on the lost inheritance of Arab lands. This book investigates the problematic place of the Arabic language in Israel. While Arabic is an official language of Israel, according to a law which goes back to the year 1922, during the British Mandate, it is at the same time the language of the ‘Arab’ enemies surrounding and infiltrating Israel, the language of the Palestinians who remained in Israel after 1948 and who constitute today about 20 per cent of the total population, and also the language of the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. It is, moreover, the language of a dwindling number of speakers from the Mizrachi Jewish community. How are these seemingly contradictory positions of Arabic resolved, and what space is given to Arabic in the state? That is what this book is trying to answer.
Konferenzberichte zum Thema "Gaza Strip – Politics and government"
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Hamida, Abdullah, und Yongsheng Jin. „Analysing Israel-Hamas Conflict Based on Game Theory Approach“. In 8th Peace and Conflict Resolution Conference [PCRC2021]. Tomorrow People Organization, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52987/pcrc.2021.001.
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ABSTRACT The Islamic Resistance Movement (AKA: Hamas) has taken control over Gaza Strip, Palestine, in 2007. Since then, the organization was in a continues hit-run conflict against the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF). The conflict is very resistant to any sort of resolution, and Hamas and Israel engage frequently in what it seems an endless cycle of resentment and violence. Despite numerous mediations by global and regional powers, this conflict appears to be further away than ever. This particular conflict can’t be addressed according to the common negotiation theories that based on rationality and hard politics, which seems not that functional. Instead, a model based on the game theory approach is presented in this study to explain this phenomenon. In this work, some facts about Israel - Hamas regional concerns are explained. Moreover, the study analyses the reasons behind Hamas enforcing calm in Gaza, even though Hamas considers Israel as its arch enemy. The presented model shows that whenever Israel and Hamas reach an agreement, both sides can collaborate in maintaining a state of calm. Moreover, results show that the proposed model is applicable to analyse a conflict in terms of actions, duration and terms of settlement. KEYWORDS: Israel; Israeli-Palestinian conflict; Hamas; Gaza strip; Game theory
Berichte der Organisationen zum Thema "Gaza Strip – Politics and government"
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DOĞRUL, Mürsel, und Hayati ÜNLÜ. TÜBA Filistin - İsrail Savaşı Raporu. Türkiye Bilimler Akademisi, Dezember 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.53478/tuba.978-625-8352-81-8.
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"This report, compiled with the initiatives of TÜBA International Relations Working Group, analyses the historical, current and future dimensions of the Israeli- Palestinian War in the light of theoretical literature and recent data. On 7 October 2023, the armed attacks by the military wing of Hamas targeting Israeli settlers and the ‘Operation Iron Swords’ launched by Israel in response to the attacks caused serious concerns in the international community in the context of humanitarian crisis and global chaos. The multi-actor nature, impact and historical origins of the Palestinian-Israeli War have made it necessary to examine this issue once again by focusing on historical ruptures. Israel’s disproportionate reprisals, violations of established international norms and laws of war/conflict, and attacks on civilians, including hospitals, have had/are having serious repercussions on international relations and the Middle East region in particular. The report’s findings indicate that the events in the region have led to a realization of the humanitarian crises in the Palestinian territories. This has resulted in a shift away from the traditional poweroriented pro-Israel stance, following domestic protests by countries that rejected the humanitarian tragedy in the Gaza Strip. However, due to the unfair structural and institutional bias of national and international politics, individual, academic and scientific freedom is still under extreme pressure to protect Israel."
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Inflicting Unprecedented Suffering and Destruction: Seven ways the government of Israel is deliberately blocking and/or undermining the international humanitarian response in the Gaza Strip. Oxfam International, März 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2024.000020.
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Over five months into the Israeli mass atrocities on the Gaza Strip, in response to the horrific 7 October 2023 attacks by Palestinian armed groups, a meaningful and safe humanitarian response is made impossible by the government of Israel. In this briefing we outline seven fundamental humanitarian access constraints.