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1
Mazrui, Ali A. „Africa between Gandhi and Nehru“. African and Asian Studies 16, Nr. 1-2 (16.03.2017): 14–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341369.
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The author’s interest in Africa’s relations with India goes back to his doctoral thesis at Oxford University, published under the title of Towards a Pax Africana. The impact of India upon twentieth century Africa has a special place for Gandhi’s strategies of civil disobedience and Nehru’s principle of nonalignment. Gandhi’s satyagraha (soul force) inspired African political figures as diverse as Nobel laureate Albert Luthuli of South Africa and Ivorian president Houphouet-Boigny. Nehru’s ideas about what used to be called “positive neutralism” helped to shape African approaches to foreign policy in the entire post-colonial era. The essay, published almost two decades ago, explored these historical dimensions in this prescient analysis.
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Zaitcev, Andrei. „The Splits of the Indian National Congress in the 1940s and 1960s and the Consolidation of the Party around the Nehru-Gandhi political Dynasty in domestic and Indian Historiography“. Исторический журнал: научные исследования, Nr. 4 (April 2022): 28–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2022.4.38629.
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The article analyzes domestic and Indian scientific publications covering the splits of India's oldest political party, the Indian National Congress, in the first decades after the independence of India. The subject of the study is to highlight the role of the Nehru-Gandhi family of these splits in Russian and Indian historiography. The purpose of the study is to identify the level of scientific coverage of the problem of consolidation of the Indian National Congress Party around Nehru-Gandhi during the splits of the 1940s-1960s. The main method of research has become cultural-anthropological, which involves the study of the positions of the authors of scientific publications in the formulation of the problem and the selection of arguments in defense of their point of view; the relationship of domestic and Indian scientists to the object of research. Despite the fact that the historiography devoted to the activities of the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty consists of a huge number of monographs and articles in scientific journals, the degree of elaboration of the topic can be defined as low. To date, most of these works and author's assessments have not been analyzed and generalized. This is the scientific novelty of the work. In addition, it is relevant because the Nehru-Gandhi family and currently holds leading positions in the Indian National Congress. The main conclusion is that, according to experts, the splits of the party are associated with personal qualities and the unified social and political doctrine of the Nehru-Gandhi family.
3
Rizvi, Gowher. „Gandhi and Nehru: An enduring legacy“. Round Table 81, Nr. 323 (Juli 1992): 363–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358539208454114.
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Basu, Aparna. „Three Statesmen: Gokhale, Gandhi and Nehru“. Indian Historical Review 31, Nr. 1-2 (Januar 2004): 280–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/037698360403100225.
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Pye, Lucian W., und Katherine Frank. „Indira: The Life of Indira Nehru Gandhi“. Foreign Affairs 81, Nr. 1 (2002): 226. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033063.
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Lai, Kangsheng. „Rhetorical Analysis on Expectations and Functions in Jawaharlal Nehru’s Eulogy for Mahatma Gandhi“. Advances in Language and Literary Studies 10, Nr. 1 (28.02.2019): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.alls.v.10n.1p.69.
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The paper introduces the life story of Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru and then analyzes the relationship between the two great people in India. After Gandhi’s death, Jawaharlal Nehru delivered the eulogy for commemorating his intimate comrade and respectful mentor Mahatma Gandhi, the Father of India. Under generic constraints based on audience’s expectation and need, the eulogy is analyzed from the perspectives of two major expectations and five basic functions. Through the rhetorical analysis of Jawaharlal Nehru’s eulogy, it can be concluded that a good eulogy should meet audiences’ two major expectations and five basic functions.
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Zaitcev, Andrei. „The activity of the Nehru-Gandhi political dynasty in Modern Indian English-language Historiography (from 1991 to the present)“. Genesis: исторические исследования, Nr. 7 (Juli 2022): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2022.7.38347.
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The article analyzes Indian English-language publications devoted to the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty, written and published after 1991, which became a turning point in the history of independent India, this is the subject of this study. The purpose of this work is to determine the nature of scientific assessments of the role of the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty in the political history of India in the second half of the XX century in English-language publications of Indian authors after 1991. The main method used in the work was cultural-anthropological, as it involves the study of the positions of the authors of scientific publications in the formulation of the problem and the selection of arguments in defense of their point of view; the attitude of Indian scientists to the object of research, as well as the identification of political preferences of researchers, the features of scientific schools and trends in historical science that they represent. The relevance of the work is explained by the fact that the Nehru-Gandhi family and currently actively participates in the political life of the Republic of India, still have a significant political influence, holding leadership positions in the Indian National Congress Party. In addition, their political activities in 1947-1991 continue to be the subject of discussion in the scientific and intellectual community of India. The novelty of the work is explained by the insufficient study of Indian historiography devoted to the history of the country after independence in 1947. The main conclusion is that due to the large-scale political changes in India that began after the death of Rajiv Gandhi in 1991, more and more criticism of the political dynasty can be found in the works of Indian specialists, but at the same time there is no consensus in Indian science about the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty at the present time, pluralism of opinions has very wide and polar range. This can be considered the main feature of Indian historiography.
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Lokhova, Irina V. „Internal Political Struggle in India in the 1960s and its Influence on the Foreign Policy of the Country“. Vestnik of North Ossetian State University, Nr. 2 (25.06.2022): 12–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2022-2-12-18.
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The article reveals the process of internal political struggle in India in the 1960s aggravated after J. Nehru death. Later its results affected the foreign policy course of the country. The emphasis in the study is both on the confrontation between political groups in the government and on the intra-party split of the INC which ended in a complete victory for the supporters of I. Gandhi. The purpose of this study is to review the internal political changes allowed the government of the country to define clearly the independent pacifist orientation of its foreign policy, to intensify significantly in the international arena and to support openly peace and reducing tension, general disarmament, ending local conflicts and turning the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace. The relevance of the article is determined by its inclusion in the circle of interests of historical science on issues of the Indian policy of the 1960s-1970s in the Indian Ocean there was an unsteady anti-Americanism and at the same time it was not clearly pro-Soviet, thus it realized the outlined foreign policy course. The result of the study showed that at the beginning of her working I. Gandhi did not have such great authority as J. Nehru who stood above political intrigues and political struggle. Thus, faced with active opposition, she could not pursue Nehru’s political course in the government and the INC using his methods. Softer and more democratic domestic policy did not interfere Nehru to be a leader. But it was disastrous for his daughter because the “old guard” of the INC sought to pursue persistently its line and, having discredited I. Gandhi, remove her from power. The opposition would not decide to do it if Nehru was alive. In such circumstances showing Nehru’s inherent tolerance would essentially mean not to continue his traditions but to be a passive observer of the degeneration of the Nehru Congress into the Congress of the “syndicate”.
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Lokhova, Irina V. „Worldview formation and I. Gandhi development as a politician“. Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, Nr. 2(2020) (25.06.2020): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2020-2-41-50.
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The article is devoted to the study of the process of I. Gandhi personally development as a politician, characteristics and features of her worldview formation. Indira Nehru’s entourage had a decisive role in becoming her as a politician and a leader of the nation continuing her father’s “Nehru course”. The cornerstone of I. Gandhi foreign policy concept and activity was the doctrine of “Great India” which took shape in the conditions of the 20th century world shocks which radically changed the political map of the world. Colonialism contributed to the emergence of a heightened sense of national dignity among many Indian politicians and intellectuals including I. Gandhi. J. Nehru views played an important educational role in I. Gandhi worldview formation. His scientific, philosophical and political views became the foundation that would subsequently develop and strengthen in her mind and form the future politician with certain beliefs and ideas about “Great India.” For her people she was not just a female politician, but a symbol, because even after the resignation from the post of prime minister, I. Gandhi presence in the government was seen as maintaining fidelity to the commandments of the largest national leader by the people. The spiritual appearance formed in her childhood helped her overcome all the difficulties that she would encounter on her political path. She would endure all the ups and downs with dignity and even the awareness of the impending assassination attempt did not make her hide but meet her opponents.
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Mahipal, D. S., und Santu Ram Kashyap. „An Evaluation of the Using Library Resources and Services by the Agriculture Scientists at Indira Gandhi Agriculture University Raipur, Chhattisgarh“. Journal of Ravishankar University (PART-A) 28, Nr. 2 (01.08.2022): 59–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.52228/jrua.2022-28-2-8.
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The aim of this paper is to identify the resources, services and make them accessible that are available at the Nehru Library, Raipur Chhattisgarh and used by its scientists. The sample for this study consisted of 245 of the 265 agricultural scientists who working at Indira Gandhi Agricultural university, Raipur. Questionnaires have been used for the collection of data under the scope of the study. The results of the study indicate that agriculture scientists visited libraries occasionally due to inadequate library resources. In addition it was found that the majority of agriculture scientists were partially satisfied with library resources and services. Indra Gandhi Agricultural University's library offers a variety of electronic resources and services in conjunction with modern resources. Scientists use the Nehru library for their studies and research. Electronic based services are proving to be an important service for scientists. Scientists are satisfied with the services provided by the library.
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Zaitcev, Andrei. „The Rule of the Nehru-Gandhi political dynasty as a phenomenon of the Political Life of Independent India (based on the materials of domestic and Indian historiography)“. Genesis: исторические исследования, Nr. 8 (August 2022): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2022.8.38396.
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The author considers the problem of the Nehru-Gandhi family rule as a phenomenon of the political history of modern, postcolonial India. The purpose of this work is to identify the main aspects of this phenomenon identified by domestic and Indian specialists. The main research methods were comparative-historical, which allowed to compare the scientific publications of domestic scientists, taking into account the Soviet and post-Soviet periods of the history of our country with the publications of Indian specialists, and cultural-anthropological, which involves the study of the positions of the authors of scientific publications in the formulation of the problem and the selection of arguments in defense of their point of view; the relationship of domestic and Indian scientists to the object of research. The relevance of the work is explained by the fact that the Nehru-Gandhi family and currently actively participates in the political life of the Republic of India, still have a significant political influence, holding leadership positions in the Indian National Congress Party. In addition, their political activities in 1947-1991 continue to be the subject of discussion in the scientific and intellectual community both in our country and in India. The novelty of the work is explained by the insufficient study of the designated problem in domestic and Indian historiography. The main conclusion is that the phenomenon of Nehru-Gandhi rule was formed on the basis of many political and socio-cultural factors described in the work, which are described in detail by domestic and Indian experts.
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Holden, Philip. „Autobiography, Travel and Postnational Identity: Gandhi, Nehru and Iqbal (review)“. Biography 30, Nr. 3 (2007): 379–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bio.2007.0050.
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von Hatzfeldt, Gaia. „Agonistic democracy: the endurance of the Gandhi and Nehru legacy“. Contemporary South Asia 24, Nr. 2 (02.04.2016): 149–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584935.2016.1197884.
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Som, Reba. „Jawaharlal Nehru and the Hindu Code: A Victory of Symbol over Substance?“ Modern Asian Studies 28, Nr. 1 (Februar 1994): 165–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00011732.
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If to Gandhi goes the credit of having drawn out Indian women from their cloistered protected environment to join the national movement for freedom, to Jawaharlal Nehru surely goes the credit for having recognized the need formally to grant equality between the sexes and to enshrine it in the Fundamental Rights drawn up at the Karachi Congress of 1931.
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Chandra, Prem, und Vaibhav Goel Bhartiya. „Right to property, poverty and law in India“. Journal of Anatomical Sciences 30, Nr. 1 (03.06.2022): 34–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.46351/jas.v30i1pp34-58.
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It is common phenomenon, all over the country, particularly since independence from the clutches of the colonial power of the British Empire, to witness and experience ever growing unceasing quest for a dynamic and just new social order on this sacred sanctum of the Mother India. There is ever growing unceasing quest for the new social order because of the tremendous fillip given to the revolutionary rising expectations created in the minds of the common people due to the ceaseless efforts, in arousing term to rise form slumber, made by Mahatma Gandhi, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, Jawaharlal Nehru and host of others. The struggle started much before independence in arousing an awareness amongst the masses for their dignity, freedom and independence. Mahatma Gandhi, who lived half-clad, endeavored to symbolize the poverty of the people. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar struggled for equitable sharing of political power by all sections of the Indian society and he wanted to establish “State Socialism” and Jawaharlal Nehru believed in establishing a new society on the foundation of the socialism. Human freedoms necessary for dignity of the man are explicitly incorporated in the constitution. One of the human freedoms called the right to property finds place. Keywords: Rights, Property, Poverty, Law
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Lukács, Eszter. „Value Driven Foreign Policy in South Asia, and its Lessons for the West Asian Region“. UKH Journal of Social Sciences 3, Nr. 1 (30.06.2019): 83–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.25079/ukhjss.v3n1y2019.pp83-84.
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India during the long rule of the Nehru-Gandhi ‘dynasty’ aptly practiced realist foreign policy in the regional theatre and globally, but fell short of representing specifically Indian cultural values. Since the early 1990s, India’s foreign policy has regained its identity. Today, under Prime Minister Narendra Damodardas Modi, India assertively stands for its heritage in foreign policy. This is a practice that has relevance for the entire West Asian region, including the Kurdistan Region of Iraq.
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Das, Sonali. „Portrayal of Gandhi in Cinema: An Analysis“. Dialogue: A Journal Devoted to Literary Appreciation 18, Nr. 1 (25.06.2022): 106–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.30949/dajdtla.v18i1.20.
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Satyajit Ray believed Indian cinema needed an icon, uniquely Indian, who would give us a distinct identity. In course of time, Gandhi came to be seen as an inspiration who became a popular subject for cinema, in India and abroad. The ideas of Gandhi and Gandhism are popular subjects for the visual narratives. While Gandhi's life and work fascinated filmmakers around the world, Gandhi considered cinema as “evil” and was sceptical about its influence over the masses. In his lifetime, Gandhi saw only one film, Vijay Bhatt's Ram Rajya (1943). He refused to meet Charlie Chaplin, the then greatest star, calling him 'just a buffoon'. Even though Gandhi did not have a high opinion of cinema, film industry can be considered to be the most secular industry. The films of those times promoted nationalist fervour and spread humanitarian values, the same ideals Gandhi believed in and preached. It is interesting to note that even though Gandhi is the Father of our Nation, the first two films on Gandhi were produced by the Westerners, i.e Nine Hours to Rama (1963) by Mark Robson, and Gandhi (1982) by Richard Attenborough. Further the star cast involved actors mostly from the Britain or from the West. Indian producers and directors considered a film on Gandhi to be a risk. Even Nehru was of the opinion that the Government was not fit enough to make a film on Gandhi and there was lack of competent people to do so. But after the mega success of Attenborough's Gandhi, there was a big spurt of Indian film production on Gandhi.
Portrayal of Gandhi in films is a strategy for marketing Gandhian philosophy and in disseminating different aspects of Gandhi unexpressed before. There is plurality of expression of Gandhian philosophies in the visual medium like cinema. My paper makes a humble attempt to analyse different facets of Gandhi's life as portrayed in two films, one directed by a foreigner and another by an Indian. Those two films are Attenborough's Gandhi (1982) where Gandhi is presented as a national hero who agitated against the British using his dual weapons of Ahimsa and Satyagraha and attained freedom for India; and Rajkumar Hirani's Lage Raho Munnabhai (2006) where Gandhi is depicted in a novel way in a comic pattern to impart Gandhian philosophy at the contemporary age.
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Shabbir, Ghulam, Khizar Jawad und Azmat Ullah. „POLITICAL LEADERSHIP OF MUHAMMAD ALI JINNAH: HIS TASK MANAGEMENT TACTICS AND GOAL ORIENTATION STRATEGIES“. Pakistan Journal of Social Research 03, Nr. 03 (30.09.2021): 476–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v3i3.271.
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Like most charismatic leaders Jinnah was an exceptionally gifted discrete who had the competency to pass out of his nation from solitude. It was his collective understanding of the obligation and the prominence of contribution to his nation. After the self-exile in England, his re-entry into the Indian politics strengthened the strategy of his future’s politics. The instantaneous difficulty for him was how to formulate a stratagem that could form the conditional dynamism in such a way that it generates opportunities for the Muslims to understand their determinations. This study has analysed his task management tactics and goal orientation strategies during the Freedom Movement. This is archival based research, and the argument is developed through the historical, descriptive, and analytical methods. Key Words: Jinnah, Gandhi, Nehru, Congress Ministries, Quit India Movement, Jinnah-Gandhi Talks, Cabinet Mission Plan
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Nasir, Hajra, Mariam Asif und Saima Gul. „The Promulgation of Hindutava Ideology under Secularism's Curtain in the Modi Era“. Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review VII, Nr. I (30.03.2022): 66–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2022(vii-i).07.
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The research article addresses the underline reason for opting for Secularism in India by Nehru.Nehru knew India was a home of people from different cultures, languages, religions, and ethnicities. So,choosing one religion, i.e., Hinduism, would create problems for the rest of the religions, and in the future other religions may ask for a separate country. An aggressive reaction was seen by other parties who wanted to protect Hinduism after the adoption of Secularism in India. Secularism welcomes all religions and allows people of its Nation to live freely by treating everyone equally. Gandhi also announced his view on Secularism and how he considered it a western concept and would not fit in easily. Gandhi believed that you could not separate religion from state policies. Nevertheless, Nehru was more than convinced, so he chose Secularism as an ideology for India.
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Guha, Nikhiles. „Book Review: Javed Majeed, Autobiography, Travel and Postnational Identity: Gandhi, Nehru and Iqbal“. Indian Historical Review 43, Nr. 2 (Dezember 2016): 341–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983616663523.
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Dasgupta, Sandipto. „Gandhi’s Failure: Anticolonial Movements and Postcolonial Futures“. Perspectives on Politics 15, Nr. 3 (18.08.2017): 647–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592717000883.
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M.K. Gandhi was the undisputed leader of India's struggle for independence. Yet his vision for postcolonial India was completely marginalized at the moment of decolonization. The article takes this seemingly paradoxical juncture as the vantage point from which to offer a critique of Gandhi's political thought and more broadly an analysis of the shift from anticolonial movements to postcolonial rule. Through the voices of Gandhi's two most significant contemporary critics—B.R. Ambedkar and Jawaharlal Nehru—the article shows how his ideas failed to either inspire the struggle of the ruled (Ambedkar), or address the anxieties of the would-be rulers (Nehru). Gandhi's vision for a postcolonial India persisted within the conceptual constellation of negating colonial modernity, rather than the historical possibilities of postcolonial futures. These predicaments provide an opportunity to analyze the persistence of modern western political imaginaries in the decolonized world. Not through mere assertions of continuity or mimicry, but rather through the concrete struggles, aspirations, and anxieties that constituted the strands of those transitional moments.
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Mastny, Vojtech. „The Soviet Union's Partnership with India“. Journal of Cold War Studies 12, Nr. 3 (Juli 2010): 50–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00006.
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The relationship between the Soviet Union and India was a hallmark of the Cold War. Over nearly forty years, Soviet-Indian relations passed through three distinct periods, coinciding with the ascendance of three extraordinary pairs of leaders, each extraordinary for different reasons—Jawaharlal Nehru and Nikita Khrushchev, Indira Gandhi and Leonid Brezhnev, and Rajiv Gandhi and Mikhail Gorbachev. The rise and decline of a political dynasty in India paralleled the trajectory seen in the Soviet Union. None of the periods ended well—the first in debacles with China, the second with Indira Gandhi's assassination, the third with the demise of the Soviet Union. The relationship in its heyday in the 1950s and 1960s was the product of a unique set of circumstances during the early Cold War. In the end, however, the relationship proved to be little more than a sideshow in the larger drama of the Cold War.
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Sharma, Dinesh. „The Spice Route between Africa and India“. African and Asian Studies 16, Nr. 1-2 (16.03.2017): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341368.
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As an introduction to the special issue, this essay covers a range of topics – from Mazrui’s historic essay on Gandhi and Nehru to Rumi and Wordsworth’s universal optimism and the role of education and technology in globalization. The historic and cultural relationship between Africa and India is examined, where several important themes are discussed: 1) the emphasis on human rights and social justice; 2) building sustainable development through literacy, education, tech-transfer, and cultural exchange; 3) journeys of loss and redemption between Africa, India and the West; and 4) the historic India-Africa summits.
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MENON, NANDAGOPAL R. „Communal Harmony as Governmentality: Reciprocity, peace-keeping, state legitimacy, and citizenship in contemporary India“. Modern Asian Studies 49, Nr. 2 (20.08.2014): 393–429. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x14000109.
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AbstractDebates about secularism in post-independence India have often revolved around the visions of two of the country's founding fathers—M. K. Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru. A sharp distinction is drawn between them by those who argue that the Gandhian model (or, what in common parlance and state discourses is called communal harmony) stems from Indian cultural and religious values, and lies beyond the realm of the state. The Nehruvian model, however, is a state project through and through. This article transcends this dichotomy to show that the association of Nehru and Gandhi with these models does not necessarily mean that secularism and communal harmony faithfully reflect their ideas and, despite the differences in their aims and methods, both models are united in the discourses and practices of the state as strategies of ‘governmentality’. After redefining the core of communal harmony as reciprocity (rather than tolerance), I show how it is performed, how it supplements the state's efforts to keep the peace in a religiously plural society by the force of law, and shores up the state's legitimacy deficit. However, the state's simultaneous involvement in Nehruvian and Gandhian projects is not an innocuous fact because it undermines the state's constitutional and secular obligations to non-discriminatory citizenship in the Indian nation. The argument is that the state's endorsement ofdargah-centred Islamic piety as an exemplary site of communal harmony and particular ideas of the Indian nation legitimized by communal harmony ‘problematizes’ the national belonging of certain kinds of pious Muslims.
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Chouhan, Sandhya. „Patrioitic Note in Sarojini Naidu’s Poetry“. Journal of Advanced Research in English and Education 05, Nr. 02 (19.02.2021): 8–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.24321/2456.4370.202006.
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Sarojini lived and created in those stirring times when India was passing though the stages of her struggle for freedom. It was the age of such great patriots and freedom-fighters as Gandhi, Nehru, Gokhale, Tilak and many others and she had close contacts with all these heroic personalities. Patriotism was in the air so to say, and Sarojini could not remain unaffected by the spirit of the times. After her meeting with Gandhi in 1914, she herself plunged into the thick of the bottle, and her letters and speeches are full of her deeply felt love for her motherland. This love is also reflected at every step in her poetry. India was is her blood; it was as part and parcel of herself, and the note of patriotism is struck in numerous poems written at different periods. It is expressed in her poems, ‘To India’, ‘The Gift of India’, ‘An Anthem of Love’, ‘Lokman Tilak’, etc.
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Ali, Tahseen. „The Untold and Alternate Story of the Indian Subcontinent's War of Independence“. African and Asian Studies 2, Nr. 1 (2003): 37–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920903763835661.
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AbstractWhen the Indian subcontinent became independent in August 1947, it marked the end of the foreign occupation of the largest country in the world. Renowned for his part in that long struggle for independence was the famous Mahatma ('Great-souled one') Mohandas K. Gandhi, the proponent of non-violence, and his western-educated disciple, Jawaharlal Nehru. Gandhi was said to have charmed the British with his strength and simplicity and compel them into withdrawing from the subcontinent. Yet against the background of Gandhi's famous struggle whispers of another movement were heard, complete with its own leaders and its own vision on the fight for freedom. This paper takes a closer look at that struggle, and its efficacy in the quest for Indian independence. What were its goals and its guiding principles? How did it compare with Gandhi's struggle? This is the untold and alternate story of the Indian subcontinent's war of independence, and the men and women whose sacrifices created an immortal saga of patriotism.
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Guttman, Anna. „Family Portraits and National Histories: Nayantara Sahgal's Constructions of Indira Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru“. South Asian Review 28, Nr. 2 (Juni 2007): 151–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02759527.2007.11932521.
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Ravichandran, T. „A.K.Chettiar’s Documentary on Mahatma Gandhi - An Over View“. Shanlax International Journal of Tamil Research 4, Nr. 4 (01.04.2020): 131–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/tamil.v4i4.3280.
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Mahatma Gandhi, popularly known as the Father of the nation, wasnot only a preacher but a committed practical idealist. For want of some earning he went to South Africa but totally transformed himself into a liberator of the downtrodden, suppressed Indian community. He successfully invented the weapon of ‘Satyagraha’ and retained the lost human right for the Indians in South Africa. He also did the same in India to politically liberatethe country from the British. Gandhi was a multi-faceted personality. He was a Lawyer, Journalist, Writer, Biographer, Ashram builder, great thinker, a Political leader, a spiritualist, a Constructive Worker and above all a humane person who practiced Truth and Nonviolence till his last breath.A.K.Chettiar was a Tamil Documentary Film Maker, Journalist and Traveloque writer. He ventured a priceless documentary on Mahatma Gandhi. A.K.Chettiar widely travelled in England, USA, South Africa and India. He met and filmed innumerable number of leaders like Romain Rolland, Maria Montessori, Sir C.V.Raman, Dr.S.Radhakrishnan, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, C.F.Andrews and many others. He collected about 50,000 feet (15,000 m) of film footage, edited them into 12,000 feet (3,700 m). That documentary film was released on 23rd August 1940 in Chennai. Later the Hindi Version was shown on 15th Aug. 1947 in Delhi and later the English version was shown in Los Angeles in the U.S. Without his efforts, many live pictures of Mahatma Gandhi would not have been available for us. His documentary, In the Footsteps of the Mahatma. Without him, we would not have got the opportunity to see the valuable footages of Gandhiji.
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CHERESHNEVA, Maria Sergeyevna. „THE EVENTS IN 1950 IN EAST PAKISTAN AND VALLABHBHAI PATEL“. Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, Nr. 175 (2018): 183–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2018-23-175-183-188.
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We characterize the emergence, beginning and end of the crisis in East Pakistan in 1950 and India’s reaction to the events on its North-Eastern borders. The central figure of the study is the Minister of Home Affairs and at the same time the Minister of States of India Vallabhbhai Patel – a politician of India, a disciple of Mahatma Gandhi and a friend of Jawaharlal Nehru, an indisputable authority in the ruling Indian National Congress, which for all that is very poorly studied in domestic science. Complex personality, the informal leader of India and Congress, he remained on the second place only at the behest of M. Gandhi. A devoted servant of the people, a native of a peasant family, who later became a brilliant lawyer and politician, V. Patel has repeatedly saved India at the crucial moments in history. The study is based on the Indian sources and continues our series of publications on the role and place of V. Patel in the history of independent India.
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Oza, Preeti. „DALIT IDENTITY POLITICS AS A HISTORY OF NATION BUILDING: CONFLUENCE OF MAHATMA GANDHI AND DR. AMBEDKAR“. GAP GYAN - A GLOBAL JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES 2, Nr. 3 (16.08.2019): 135–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.47968/gapgyan.230022.
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Mohandas K. Gandhi's relationship with other eminent history makers of his time—whether personal friends and allies like Jawaharlal Nehru, Rabindranath Tagore, or the opponents and antagonistic rivals like Mohammed Ali Jinnah—was never straightforward, uncomplicated, or free of turbulence. But amongst this group of prominent people, one of his most controversial relationships was with Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, who is considered the messiah of the downtrodden and untouchables (Dalits) in India. As he served India in several capacities, He had various occasions for confrontations with Gandhi but the most famous ones are the differences in the positioning Dalits in India. This paper deliberates upon these differences and how the process of Nation-building was gradually shaped and how these differences affected today‘s Indian people.
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Solodkova, Olga. „The new historical politics and criticism of Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi in contemporary Indian press“. Asia and Africa Today, Nr. 4 (2022): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750017717-0.
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To successfully modernize the country and mobilize Indian society and to eventually implement ambitious plans for economic development, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) sets itself the task of achieving national unity. The BJP in the face of its leader Narendra Modi is forced to conduct constant polemics with their main political opponent - the Indian National Congress. Having come to power in 2014, the BJP representatives use a number of management methods aimed at changing the historical memory of the peoples of India, which can be characterized as "historical politics". The authorities are trying to back up their actions to mobilize Indian society with a new historical rationale, using Hindutwa as a "new ideology". A new official version of the past is being formed, history and historical mythology are actively used to solve political problems of the present. The historical memory of society undergoes transformation and becomes an arena for the struggle against a political enemy. In the Indian press, every memorable date, every historical event becomes the basis for broad discussion and polemics with its historical predecessors and political competitors. After coming to power, Bharatiya Janata Party constantly refers to recent historical events, considering them from a certain ideological angle. This controversy, which has spilled over into the pages of the Indian press, allows us to talk about the BJP pursuing a new historical policy aimed at creating comfortable interpretations of controversial historical events for itself.
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Solodkova, Olga. „The new historical politics and criticism of Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi in contemporary Indian press“. Asia and Africa Today, Nr. 4 (2022): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750017717-0.
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To successfully modernize the country and mobilize Indian society and to eventually implement ambitious plans for economic development, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) sets itself the task of achieving national unity. The BJP in the face of its leader Narendra Modi is forced to conduct constant polemics with their main political opponent - the Indian National Congress. Having come to power in 2014, the BJP representatives use a number of management methods aimed at changing the historical memory of the peoples of India, which can be characterized as "historical politics". The authorities are trying to back up their actions to mobilize Indian society with a new historical rationale, using Hindutwa as a "new ideology". A new official version of the past is being formed, history and historical mythology are actively used to solve political problems of the present. The historical memory of society undergoes transformation and becomes an arena for the struggle against a political enemy. In the Indian press, every memorable date, every historical event becomes the basis for broad discussion and polemics with its historical predecessors and political competitors. After coming to power, Bharatiya Janata Party constantly refers to recent historical events, considering them from a certain ideological angle. This controversy, which has spilled over into the pages of the Indian press, allows us to talk about the BJP pursuing a new historical policy aimed at creating comfortable interpretations of controversial historical events for itself.
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Jeyakumar, S. „Conflicts against Rajaji and his Ministry“. Shanlax International Journal of Arts, Science and Humanities 8, Nr. 1 (02.07.2020): 226–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/sijash.v8i1.3206.
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The political condition of Tamil Nadu, starting from 1946 to 1948, was unfavorable to the political hegemony of Rajaji, who confronted with multiple challenges and conflicts from the non-Brahmin leaders, particularly from the undisputed leader, Kamaraj and finally adjusted and co-operated with the congress party in all its endeavor. He had outwitted the prospects of Rajaji though he was a cunning, diplomatic, and elite of high order in the state. His power politics in the state ended in a fiasco. Being a Brahmin by descending, he was unable to command respect and gain solidarity from the general public. However, at the national level, he was respected, and his lofty ideals were heard and utilized by the national leaders such as Mahatma Gandhi, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, Sardar Vallabai Patel, Gulab Nabi Azad, etc.
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Shrivastava, Rajesh, Deepika Basedia und Keerty Shrivastava. „Predictive Mathematical Model on Breast Cancer: A Study“. international journal of mathematics and computer research 12, Nr. 03 (31.03.2024): 4107–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.47191/ijmcr/v12i3.05.
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In the present study, we have designed a mathematical model to analyze whether the cases of breast cancer are maximized or minimized in Madhya Pradesh. Especially to check the age range in which it’s more susceptible to the disease and its means of therapy. The important data collected from Jawaharlal Nehru Cancer Hospital, Bhopal (JLNCH) and Gandhi Medical College, Bhopal (GMC) is from over ten years of reviews of the cases. Actual documentary and analytical methods were used to collect and analyze the data. It is concluded from the results that the number of cancer cases is increasing in both hospitals; its projection may reach up to 97.8% by the year 2023; the age range of 40–50 is more vulnerable to the disease. The line of treatment for breast cancer patients is surgery, chemotherapy, and radiotherapy in both hospitals.
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André, Maria Claudia. „Victoria Ocampo y Rabindranath Tagore ante la crítica bengalí“. Letras Femeninas 42, Nr. 2 (01.11.2016): 92–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/letrfeme.42.2.0092.
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Resumen Partiendo de la lectura de las publicaciones de escritores e investigadores de la India, en su mayoría oriundos de la región de Bengala, el presente ensayo examina la dinámica afectiva entre Rabindranath Tagore, el célebre poeta bengalí, ganador del Premio Nobel de Literatura en 1913, y la afamada escritora argentina Victoria Ocampo. Además de analizar las infuencias temáticas, intelectutales e ideológicas que ejercieron el uno sobre el otro, tanto en el ámbito personal como en lo profesional, el ensayo explora el impacto de reconocidas figuras del ámbito político de la India en el pensamiento de Ocampo, entre ellos, Mahatma Gandhi, Jawarhalal Nehru y su hija, Indira Gandhi. La intención que motiva la exploración de dichos temas, por un lado, es la de poder apreciar el enfoque que la academia india da a esta singular amistad y evaluar su percepción en cuanto al genio figura de Victoria Ocampo; y por otro, determinar aquellos aspectos de dicha amistad que resultaron extraordinariamente enriquecedores y fructíferos en lo que hace a la producción literaria y artística de ambos. El legado de esta relación es un fiel reflejo del espíritu humano y de la energía creativa de dos seres que, a pesar de las diferencias culturales, se inspiraron mutuamente para hacer del arte y de la literatura un instrumento civilizador y un puente intercultural.
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Kabi, Sandip Kumar. „Philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi and Rabindranath Tagore and Educational thinking of Dr. Abul Kalam Azad“. Revista Review Index Journal of Multidisciplinary 1, Nr. 1 (30.09.2021): 16–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm2021.v01.n01.004.
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Maulana Abul Kalam Azad was emotionally and mentally very near to both of them – M.K Gandhi and Rabindranath Tagore. He was very close to making important decisions from the twenty’s century. With the beginning of independence in 1947, he was naturally elected to the Cabinet. He held the position of the Minister of Education between 1947-52 and the Minister of Education, Environment and Scientific Research during 1952-58. His impact on the policy-making process was enormous. He belonged to Nehru, his military ally during the liberation struggle and was one of his closest advisers to the Cabinet. Maulan Azad was patriotic, a philosopher, a leader and a great scholar. With deep learning and brilliant intelligence, he did a very important work for the Muslims, freeing them from the dust of apartheid and apartheid that had accumulated in them for a hundred and eleven years of their history in India. He was the rightful heir to all the movements of the past. During the course of his brilliant and intellectual life and the transformation of his mind, we find the whole history of his Islamic thought.
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Jagarnath, Vashna. „Book Review: Perry Anderson (2012). India Trilogy: Gandhi Centre Stage—Why Partition?—After Nehru, London Review of Books“. Agrarian South: Journal of Political Economy 2, Nr. 3 (Dezember 2013): 371–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2277976013517292.
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Hasan, Farhat. „Nationalist representations of the Mughal state: The views of Tilak and Gandhi“. Studies in People's History 6, Nr. 1 (16.05.2019): 52–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2348448919834791.
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The Mughal Empire as the major polity in India preceding the colonial regime was seen by British historians as a Muslim regime, imposed over a Hindu majority, and this fitted into their picture of two irreconcilable religious camps, existing within India, whose mutual conflict was kept at bay only because of the intervention of the colonial power. Tilak accepted this picture and saw Shivaji as the leader of Hindu resistance against foreign, Muslim domination. His early views were, however, modified in later years when he realised that overtures should be made to Muslims in order to strengthen the national struggle. The tag of ‘foreign’ was removed from the Mughals. It was argued that because Akbar’s successors no longer followed his enlightened policy, Shivaji rose against the Mughals and so must be treated as a national hero. On the other hand, Gandhi from his South Africa days was not prepared to denounce Muslim rulers, including the Mughals, as foreigners or as evil. While not prepared to concede to any religion’s superiority over another, he was critical of what he thought to be Akbar’s attempt to unite all religions into one. On the other hand, he praised Mughal rulers for their tolerance and even defended Aurangzeb though on the basis only of what Mohammad Ali, for long his political associate, told him! Unlike Jawaharlal Nehru, Gandhi did not explicitly extol composite culture possibly because while he wished that all religions tolerate each other, he did not want them to get mixed up.
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Gupta, Anoop Kumar. „Indian Strategic Thinking towards Israel“. Jindal Journal of International Affairs 1, Nr. 3 (01.07.2019): 62–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v1i3.84.
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Indian strategic thinking towards Israel is not monolithic. It is diverse and plural. There have been many voices in India towards Zionism and Israel. Questions related to Palestine, Zionism and Israel have been discussed in detail in India since the beginning of the twentieth century. Mahatma Gandhi was against Zionism in general and its methods particularly. Jawaharlal Nehru was also against Zionism but seemed ambiguous on the question of Israel which made him hesitant in engaging the Jewish state. Indian Left has demonstrated very critical approach towards Zionism and Israel. Hindu nationalist Vinayak Damodar Savarkar was sympathetic of the Zionist project and was supportive of the movement to establish a national home for the Jews. Political realists like J. N. Dixit and Brijesh Mishra and conservative strategist like Bharat Karnard in India were in favour of Israel and advocated mutually beneficial bilateral strategic cooperation between both the countries. Contemporary Indian debate on Israel is still polarised though the dominant view is supportive of Israel.
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Ankit, Rakesh. „Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah of Kashmir, 1965–1975: From Externment to Enthronement“. Studies in Indian Politics 6, Nr. 1 (04.04.2018): 88–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023018762820.
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Ousted as Premier, Jammu and Kashmir, in August 1953 and anointed as Chief Minister in February 1975, the so-called ‘Lion of Kashmir’ Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah was imprisoned, in between these years, ultimately on charges of treason, with brief intermissions. Much has been written about the politics of Kashmir dispute, less so about the Sheikh and his personal troubles especially after the death of his friend Jawaharlal Nehru in May 1964. This somewhat overshadowed decade of his life, in comparison with his hey-days of 1947–1953, shows the kind of settlement in Kashmir that the government of Indira Gandhi was willing to consider. More interestingly, it shows how Sheikh Abdullah was willing to agree to it and provides the context in which he moved from being in a conflictual relationship with New Delhi to becoming, once again, a collaborator in Srinagar in 1975, thereby showcasing the limits of Abdullah’s politics and popularity.
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MISRA, MARIA. „The Indian Machiavelli: Pragmatism versus morality, and the reception of theArthasastrain India, 1905–2014“. Modern Asian Studies 50, Nr. 1 (14.05.2015): 310–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x14000638.
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AbstractThis article explores the ways in which theArthasastra(The Science of WealthorThe Science of Power), an ancient text rediscovered in 1905, was interpreted by Indian politicians and commentators. It seeks to explain why the text's popularity changed so drastically over time, and why, despite the excitement about it in the first 20 years following its reappearance, it was largely ignored in the Gandhian and Nehruvian eras, until a striking revival of interest from the late 1980s onwards. It argues that these changes in the text's fortunes can be explained partly as a result of significant shifts in elite Indian political culture. It also suggests that we need to reassess our analysis of the fundamental fault-lines in Indian politics, questioning Chatterjee's and Nandy's argument on the centrality of tensions between Gandhian ‘indigenous’ thought and Nehruvian ‘Western’ modernity, and arguing for the importance of the conflict between a moral politics, endorsed by both Gandhi and Nehru, and a ‘pragmatic’ politics justified by theArthasastra.
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Chereshneva, M. S. „ICE AND FIRE: PATEL AND NEHRU. THE ROLE OF THE DISCIPLES OF GANDHI IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF INDEPENDENT INDIA“. Scientific bulletins of the Belgorod State University. Series: History. Political science 45, Nr. 4 (30.12.2018): 660–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.18413/2075-4458-2018-45-4-660-664.
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Fernée, Tadd. „The Common Theoretical Terrain of the Gandhi and Nehru Periods: The Ethic of Reconciliation over Revenge in Nation-making“. Studies in History 28, Nr. 1 (Februar 2012): 117–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0257643013477266.
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BANDYOPADHYAY, SEKHAR. „Transfer of Power and the Crisis of Dalit Politics in India, 1945–47“. Modern Asian Studies 34, Nr. 4 (Oktober 2000): 893–942. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00003875.
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Ever since its beginning, organized dalit politics under the leadership of Dr B. R. Ambedkar had been consistently moving away from the Indian National Congress and the Gandhian politics of integration. It was drifting towards an assertion of separate political identity of its own, which in the end was enshrined formally in the new constitution of the All India Scheduled Caste Federation, established in 1942. A textual discursive representation of this sense of alienation may be found in Ambedkar's book, What Congress and Gandhi Have Done to the Untouchables, published in 1945. Yet, within two years, in July 1947, we find Ambedkar accepting Congress nomination for a seat in the Constituent Assembly. A few months later he was inducted into the first Nehru Cabinet of free India, ostensibly on the basis of a recommendation from Gandhi himself. In January 1950, speaking at a general public meeting in Bombay, organized by the All India Scheduled Castes Federation, he advised the dalits to co-operate with the Congress and to think of their country first, before considering their sectarian interests. But then within a few months again, this alliance broke down over his differences with Congress stalwarts, who, among other things, refused to support him on the Hindu Code Bill. He resigned from the Cabinet in 1951 and in the subsequent general election in 1952, he was defeated in the Bombay parliamentary constituency by a political nonentity, whose only advantage was that he contested on a Congress ticket. Ambedkar's chief election agent, Kamalakant Chitre described this electoral debacle as nothing but a ‘crisis’.
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Singh, Dr Purshotam. „Contribution of education in freedom moment of India“. International Journal for Research Publication and Seminars 14, Nr. 5 (2023): 20–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.36676/jrps.2023-v14i5-03.
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Education was essential to the success of the independence movement in India because it acted as a driving force behind social transformation and a wellspring of individual agency. Education, at its foundation, produced a feeling of national awareness and togetherness among a variety of groups, overcoming boundaries of geographical distinction and language barrier. Education's ability to cultivate moral and ethical values, which were essential for a successful struggle for independence, was recognised by visionaries such as Mahatma Gandhi, who recognised the power of education in mobilising the masses. Gandhi emphasised the role that education played in cultivating these values. Universities and other more traditional educational institutions, such schools and schools, have evolved into hubs of intellectual conversation and political action. They made it possible for influential people like Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhas Chandra Bose to communicate their aspirations for a free India and rally popular support by providing forums on which they could do so. Education also educated citizens with critical thinking abilities, which enabled them to challenge oppressive colonial laws and argue for their rights. Education also enabled individuals to advocate for their rights. Women, who had been marginalised for a long time, were given the power via education to participate in the independence struggle in important ways. Leaders such as Sarojini Naidu and Annie Besant were not only educated in their own right, but they also advocated for the education of women and encouraged other women to play an active part in the fight for independence.
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Jindal, Aditi, Rama Thakur und Santosh Minhas. „Causes of stillbirth according to different gestational ages“. International Journal of Reproduction, Contraception, Obstetrics and Gynecology 7, Nr. 3 (27.02.2018): 1029. http://dx.doi.org/10.18203/2320-1770.ijrcog20180886.
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Background: Stillbirth is one of the most common yet the most poorly studied adverse outcome of pregnancy. Objective of present study was to determine the risk factors and prevalence of stillbirth at Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology, Kamla Nehru State Hospital, for Mother and Child, Indira Gandhi Medical College, Shimla, Himachal Pradesh.Methods: A prospective non-interventional study was conducted with effect from 1st August 2015 to 31st July 2016, during which all the intrapartum and antepartum stillbirths were enrolled.Results: During the study period total number of stillbirth were 94 and the total number of live births were 6412, giving a stillbirth rate of 14.66/1000 live births. The perinatal mortality was 22.1/1000 births. The most common cause of stillbirth as revealed in the study was hypertensive disorder.Conclusions: The stillbirth rate in the study was higher than the stillbirth rate of developed countries. Improvement of socioeconomic conditions, literacy and health education among women will definitely be important to curb the staggeringly high stillbirth rate, but the need of the hour is to deploy adequate number of dedicated skilled providers.
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Lone, Suhail-ul-Rehman. „The princely states and the national movement: The case of Kashmir (1931–39)“. Studies in People's History 4, Nr. 2 (23.10.2017): 183–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2348448917725855.
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The British created an invisible wall between ‘British India’ and the ‘Princely India’ by governing the latter indirectly through hereditary princes, who were supposedly fully autonomous, but for British ‘paramountcy’. The Indian National Congress had from the beginning adopted a policy of non-interference in the states’ affairs, which Mahatma Gandhi too upheld. However, nationalism began to cast its influence in the states despite this policy of non-interference. In Kashmir the opposition to the Maharaja took, first, the form of a Muslim agitation against the ruler’s oppressive measures. But in time as the movement against the Dogra Raj obtained increasing support from the nationalist leaders, notably Jawaharlal Nehru, the Muslim Conference (later named National Conference) leadership headed by Sheikh Abdullah gravitated towards the All-India States Peoples Conference and its spiritual parent, the Congress. The Congress too abandoned its policy of non-interference fully by 1939. This shift ultimately caused a rift in the valley, with Ch. Ghulam Abbas forming the Muslim Conference in opposition to Sheikh Abdullah’s National Conference in 1941.
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Kannangara, Nisar. „The politics of clothing in postcolonial Indian democracy“. Clothing Cultures 6, Nr. 2 (01.06.2019): 237–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/cc_00014_1.
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Since colonial times, clothing has had a phenomenal and perhaps complex political implication in Indian politics. The political leaders Mahatma Gandhi, B. R. Ambedkar, Jawaharlal Nehru and others had used their attire to exhibit their politics and ideology. In postcolonial India, the ideological battle between different political parties and the various ideological movements have often used clothing as one of the most effective medium to express their loyalty, identity and differences. However, the politics of clothing, its colours and the style of wearing in the democratic Indian context have received little academic attention. This article attempts to explore some aspects of clothing in postcolonial Indian democracy through an in-depth study. The researcher engages in an ethnographic investigation to understand the ways in which different political ideologies are exhibited through clothing and how it is used to display their political identity in public spaces. The article argues that beyond a system of governance, democracy contributes to shaping people’s imagination of clothing, create meaning for specific colours, style of wearing and pave the way for physical and symbolic forms of violence and conflict.
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Chhibber, Pradeep, Susan L. Ostermann und Rahul Verma. „The State as Guardian of the Social Order: Conservatism in Indian Political Thought and Its Modern Manifestations“. Studies in Indian Politics 6, Nr. 1 (03.04.2018): 27–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023018762674.
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Conservative Indian political thought, in addition to being alive and well in contemporary discourse, has a long lineage. We explore the intellectual roots of this tradition by examining older and more contemporary writings ranging from the Manusmriti and the Ramayana to those of Gandhi and Maududi and place them in contrast to those of more liberal thinkers like Ambedkar and Nehru. We find that, in particular, the conservative idea of the ‘limited state’ has an extensive history embedded in sub-continental religions, religious practices and social norms. Central to the concept of the limited state is the belief that the state is subservient to society, the belief that dharma is ontological prior to the state, the belief that the king or leader must preserve the social order and the belief that individual reform is the primary source of social change. An understanding of this set of beliefs, and the idea of the limited state more generally, is important not only for understanding India’s past, but also for insight into contemporary politics. We demonstrate the continued vitality of these concepts through an examination of recent National Election Studies (NES) and World Values Survey (WVS) data.
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RAMADEVI, P., und R. VENU. „Coprological survey of gastrointestinal parasitism in captive wildlife of three zoological parks located in southern India“. Indian Journal of Animal Sciences 90, Nr. 4 (01.09.2020): 547–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.56093/ijans.v90i4.104192.
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Gastrointestinal parasitism (GIP) is one of the important causes of diarrhoea in captive wildlife. Due to lack of systematic data on GIP in captive wildlife of southern parts of India, a study was conducted. Faecal samples (793) were collected from wildlife of three zoological parks, viz. Sri Venkateswara Zoological Park (SVZP), Tirupati (n=244); Indira Gandhi Zoological Park (IGZP), Visakhapatnam (n=221) and Nehru Zoological Park (NZP), Hyderabad (n=328). The collected samples were screened by faecal sedimentation and faecal flotation methods for detection of parasite ova, cysts or oocysts. An overall prevalence of GIP at 19.92% (158/793) with 16.39% (130/ 793) of helminths, 2.27% (18/793) of intestinal protozoa and 1.26% (15/793) of mixed infections were recorded. The highest prevalence of GIP was recorded in NZP (22.26%) followed by SVZP (20.90%) and IGZP (15.38%). The prevalence of GIP was observed highest in reptiles (42.31%) followed by herbivores (26.32%), carnivores (23.59%), birds (9.09%), rodents (9.09%) and primates (8.89%). Monitoring of captive wildlife at regular intervals is needed to assess the GIP to alert the zoo authorities to take up proper preventive measures.