Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „French political philosophy“
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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "French political philosophy"
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Fukuyama, Francis, und Mark Lilla. „New French Thought: Political Philosophy“. Foreign Affairs 73, Nr. 6 (1994): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20046936.
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Podolskiy, Vadim. „Social policy and paternalism in the traditionalistic political philosophy of 17th century France“. Socium i vlast, Nr. 3 (September 2022): 95–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1996-0522-2022-3-95-105.
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Introduction. Discussions on social policy in French traditionalism of the XVII century served as a source for philosophic considerations in the XVIII century, and defined the features of the French conservatism in the XIX century and specif- ics of the French welfare state in the XX century. The purpose of the article is to review the attitude of the French traditionalists of the XVII century on the social policy. Methods. The article relies on historic and com- parative approach and analysis of institutions and shows the features of the political philosophy in France of the XVII century within the context of the social and political problems and religious polemics. Scientific novelty of the study. The article offers analysis of the social policy conceptions of the French traditionalistic philosophy of the XVII century and highlights in paternalistic feudal- ism the background for the development of the conservative philosophy and social policy. Results. Two main approaches coexisted within the French traditionalism of the XVII century: support of the traditional role of the aristocracy and advocacy of the strong monarchy. Both approaches held paternalistic views and believed that it was neces- sary for the strong to display responsibility for the well-being of the weak, they supported aid for the needy to preserve the social order and to for their education. Conclusions. Reflections of the French traditional- ists of the XVII influenced the development of the unique structure of the welfare state in France, defined by the principle of solidarity, and coexist- ence of many different actors, with strong role of the state.
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Cherygova, Anastasiia. „Henri-Dominique Lacordaire in the Canadian ultramontane philosophy“. DIALOGO 7, Nr. 2 (30.06.2021): 147–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.51917/dialogo.2021.7.2.12.
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When the ultramontane bishop of Saint-Hyacinthe in Canada invited the French Dominicans to his diocese, he requested help from their leader, another French-speaking ultramontane, Reverend Father Henri-Dominique Lacordaire, O.P., who restored the Dominican Order in France after a long ban on religious orders. However, there seemed to have been a paradox at the heart of this invitation. Lacordaire was an extremely controversial figure in both secular and Catholic French circles, mostly due to his rocky relationships with the French episcopacy, his unconventional preaching style and especially his political opinions, including his admiration for republicanism and the Anglo-American political system. Theoretically, all this would put him at odds with Canadian ultramontanes. They were rather opposed to the growing politically liberal forces in Canada specifically and to the Anglo-American politico-philosophical system in general. So why would Canadian ultramontanes ask help from a man so seemingly different from them politically? Our hypothesis is that what united Lacordaire and Canadian ultramontanes was more significant than what divided them - notably, both parties were concerned about opposition to Catholicism coming from State officials, as well as about the menace of irreligion among the growing bourgeois class. Therefore, both were keenly interested in advancing the cause of Catholic education to combat these worries. To prove our hypothesis we would employ methodology based on personal writings and biographical accounts of actors involved in the arrival of Dominicans to Canada, as well as on historical analysis effectuated on connected topics, like the ultramontane scene in Canada, French missionary activity in North America, etc.
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Khoma, Oleg. „Spinoza in the focus of national traditions. Stetter, J., & Ramond, C. (Eds.). (2019). Spinoza in 21st-century American and French philosophy: metaphysics, philosophy of mind, moral and political philosophy. London: Bloomsbury Academic.“ Sententiae 39, Nr. 2 (29.12.2020): 207–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.31649/sent39.02.207.
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Review of Stetter, J., & Ramond, C. (Eds.). (2019). Spinoza in 21st-century American and French philosophy: metaphysics, philosophy of mind, moral and political philosophy. London: Bloomsbury Academic.
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Evdokimova, Kristina N. „Violence in the Political Philosophy of J.-P. Sartre“. Siberian Journal of Philosophy 17, Nr. 3 (2019): 285–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/2541-7517-2019-17-3-285-296.
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The article identifies the place and role of violence in the texts of French philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre. The main task is to identify the origins of the theme of violence in the philosophy of Sartre. It is noted that the first ideas on violence appeared in earlier works of Sartre, and later they were developed in his political philosophy. It is shown how Sartre interprets the concept of violence, defines its framework, and also highlights its positive and negative evaluations. It may cause some difficulties since Sartre sometimes gave ambiguous interpretations of the same things but ultimately, he recognized that human freedom is always somehow limited. The degree of influence of K. Marx’s ideas on the development of the theme of violence in the philosophy of Sartre is determined. With the topic of violence being close to such topics as freedom and alienation in the political philosophy of Sartre, an analysis of his efforts on their understanding is presented.
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Hamburger, Jacob. „Tocqueville, America, and Us. Avant-propos“. Tocqueville Review 37, Nr. 2 (Januar 2016): 159–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.37.2.159.
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A partial English translation of this article appears under the title “Tocqueville” in a 1995 volume of essays on political philosophy edited by Mark Lilia for the series New French Thought The stated aim of this volume was to introduce English-speaking readers to a new generation of French thinkers who had rediscovered political philosophy in a country that had for decades cast it aside. The prestige of such intellectual trends as existentialism, Marxism, structuralism, and post-structuralism, each in their own way, distracted generations of French thinkers from properly political questions.
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HAZAREESINGH, S. K. „Review. New French Thought: Political Philosophy. Lilla, Mark (ed.)“. French Studies 51, Nr. 3 (01.07.1997): 367. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/51.3.367.
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Lee, Taek-Gwang. „Critical Theory in the Age of Big Data“. Criticism and Theory Society of Korea 27, Nr. 3 (31.10.2022): 241–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.19116/theory.2022.27.3.241.
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This essay discusses the rise of neoliberalism and globalization and its effects on the reconstruction of critical theory. This consideration will be about how the desire for critical theory, or the desiring critique, could intervene in the cognitive or surveillance capitalism phase based on big data technology. For this purpose, I will clarify the fact that the revival of critical theory should be the reconsideration of French philosophy (or French theory) and its political foundation since the 1950s. The vital link between critical theory and political conjunctures is revealed in the CIA’s report on French philosophy in the 1980s. The failure of radical French philosophy led to the decline of intellectuals and the reification of critical theory. I will relate this situation to the advent of cognitive or surveillance capitalism and its changed mode of accumulation. My conclusion will focus on the role of critical theory in understanding the function of big data capitalism and imposing its political implication on the celebration of technological advances.
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howard, dick. „french rhetoric and political reality“. Philosophy & Social Criticism 12, Nr. 4 (Oktober 1987): 329–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019145378701200403.
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Wokler, Robert. „The French Revolutionary Roots of Political Modernity in Hegel's Philosophy, or the Enlightenment at Dusk“. Hegel Bulletin 18, Nr. 01 (1997): 71–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263523200001208.
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Readers of Auguste Comte's Cours de Philosophie positive which began to appear just before Hegel's death might well have imagined, from the work's title, that they were about to confront an interpretation of Hegel's philosophical system. If Hegel himself had assembled his writings as systematically as his doctrines, that collective title would probably have embraced their meaning with greater accuracy than any other. The positivity of Comte's philosophy was of course strikingly different from Hegel's and was in a crucial sense meant to supplant it, replacing it with a genuinely scientific understanding of society, just as metaphysics had earlier overturned theology. Over the past hundred and fifty years or so, Comte's positive philosophy – which he also termed sociology – has in its various formulations by his disciples come to encapsulate the proper agenda of the human sciences for a post-metaphysical, post-Hegelian, age.
Dissertationen zum Thema "French political philosophy"
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Mortimore, Alexander G. „The response of Johann Wolfgang von Goethe to the French Revolution“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:092157cb-3844-4fa8-a6f2-5e7e79b84278.
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This thesis seeks to explain the reasons behind Johann Wolfgang von Goethe's critical response to the French Revolution, and to identify his broader political views. It casts Goethe as a reform-minded conservative, who strove to advance civilisation and law-abiding liberty, and deplored tyranny, whether of the few or of the many. He deemed the Revolution politically and socially destructive, as it countered Enlightenment values of reason, tolerance, independent thought, and self-cultivation. While acknowledging the faults of the traditional ruling elite of the monarchy and aristocracy, Goethe also recognised the inherently flawed nature of human beings. This led him to support modest changes to redress specific grievances, rather than to overturn an entire political system in the utopian hope of realising a vice-ridden 'brotherhood of Man'. The fictional works indicate an author who favoured clearly definable freedoms over an abstract 'universal' freedom, who believed that BÃ1⁄4rger should develop their intellect and find an occupation best suited to their personal attributes, and that the most temperate and politically astute among them should influence government by co-operating with aristocrats. Goethe also portrays the fall of the ancien régime as largely self-inflicted, presenting many selfish and gullible courtiers, and incompetent kings. He appears to lament its demise, however, and not wish for a repeat in Germany, as the insurgent Bürger-dominated and/or republican regimes seem even more reckless. The advocates of 'liberté, égalité, fraternité' generally come across as perilously naïve or fraudulent, often using altruistic rhetoric to conceal egocentric and vindictive aims. The best cure for a flagging regime is (sometimes considerable) reform, not revolution. Political power should be treated with humility and self-restraint, and the relationship between rulers and subjects should be as intimate as possible. Above all, no part of the social hierarchy should suffer oppression from another, and people should be free to express various opinions, and criticise their government. For Goethe, the Revolution thwarted such principles.
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Dillender, Amber Nichole. „The Integration of African Muslim Minority: A Critique of French Philosophy and Policy“. Scholar Commons, 2011. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/3073.
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ABSTRACT
The numerous images of violence perpetrated by radicalized followers of Islam, has highlighted the complexities surrounding assimilation and integration of Muslims in Western society. Since the guest worker recruitment from French African colonies initiated after World War II, France has been witness to the unanticipated development of permanent communities of African laborers, many of whom are Muslim. Despite consistent promotion of French monoculture and specifically the use of the assimilation model for integration, segregation of African Muslims has occurred. Through the construction of a single country case study, I explore integration issues surrounding the French Muslim minority communities. I seek to assess the occurrences of segregation among African Muslims, and theorize that process established by the French government for the assimilation and integration of African Muslims into French society has culminated in the formation of segregated African Muslim diaspora communities. This topic was chosen because I possess a general interest in the integration of Muslims into Western society. Due to the broadness of the Muslim population, and given their high visibility I narrowed my focus on African Muslims. Furthermore, this topic was chosen to determine the viability of the French case as an alternative to the failed policies of multiculturalism. Therefore, I examine the assimilation strategy of French Republicanism established in France by the French Revolution of 1789. This thesis is relevant given the rising visibility of Muslims throughout Western society. Furthermore, the increased visibility highlights the position of African Muslim communities in France. The evidence presented in my thesis demonstrates that the presence of segregated African Muslim communities is an unintended consequence of the historical development of French monoculture and colonialism. French assimilation of African Muslims is not a complete failure due to marginal successes of African Muslims in political and economic arenas. Furthermore, the segregation of African Muslims in France does not diminish the viability of assimilation strategy in the overall integration of Muslims into Western society, especially as politicians across the European continent denounce the failed policies of multiculturalism.
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Burns, Michael. „A fractured dialectic : Søren Kierkegaard between idealism and materialism“. Thesis, University of Dundee, 2014. https://discovery.dundee.ac.uk/en/studentTheses/c0e0aea4-33cd-42ee-aa0d-29e799f47fa6.
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This thesis aims to consider the contemporary relevance of the philosophical and religious project of Søren Kierkegaard by offering a systematic reading of his work against the backdrop of 19th century German idealism. Along with an emphasis on a systematic interpretation of a thinker usually considered to be wholly anti-systematic in aim and orientation, I also aim to show that through developing an ontological interpretation of the work of Kierkegaard the grounds are also created to develop a social and political interpretation of his work. Ultimately, I use the ontological and political reading of Kierkegaard developed in this work to not only show the relevance of this project to contemporary materialist philosophy, but equally to show how this version of Kierkegaard is capable of offering some crucial correctives to contemporary materialism.
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Schamel, Craig R. „Idealism and Actualization. Saint-Just in Theory, Practice, and Exigency“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cgu_etd/82.
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Louis-Antoine Léon de Saint-Just (1767-1794) was a revolutionary, a statesman, and a political philosopher, yet it is largely only as a revolutionary that he is remembered. As a political person who occupied these three different but overlapping roles, Saint-Just is ideal as the subject and center of a study of actualization, the taking of political ideals into reality. Saint-Just’s political philosophy was that of an idealist, and yet he, by force of circumstance, ability, and audacity, had the opportunity in his short life to attempt to establish and put into practice his political ideals. In his work as a political person Saint-Just created templates for the understanding of the relationship between political theory and political action. Saint-Just’s political theory is examined in relation to his political action, using the concepts of ‘the natural’, ‘the civil’, ‘the social’ and ‘the political’, concepts which are central in Saint-Just’s political philosophy. Saint-Just’s formulations of these concepts, concepts which have also been central to the history of political philosophy, and his understanding of the relations between these concepts, helps to establish him as a political philosopher of some importance, as does the theory and practice approach to politics which his attempts demanded and which his political life demonstrated. In Saint-Just’s function as political philosopher the thesis finds the theoretical element of politics, which becomes redefined in its interaction with Saint-Just’s other functions as statesman and revolutionary, the latter two of which correspond roughly to practice and exigency. As a theorist who is also a statesman in a context of exigency, or revolution, Saint-Just’s political life is a constantly rearranged juxtaposition of theory, practice, and revolution, albeit one which never loses it essential ties to its philosophical base, even in the hours of greatest emergency. Such dedication to a philosophical base, one which refuses to dispense with political philosophy, demonstrates a new conception of political philosophy for the modern world, fills in elements of a theory of revolution as a phenomenon of both theory and action, and provides a contained case for examination of political philosophy and political action, questioning their disunity.
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Dengate, Jacob. „Lighting the torch of liberty : the French Revolution and Chartist political culture, 1838-1852“. Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/eee3b4b8-ba1e-48bd-848e-26391b96af26.
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From 1838 until the end of the European Revolutions in 1852, the French Revolution provided Chartists with a repertoire of symbolism that Chartists would deploy in their activism, histories, and literature to foster a sense of collective consciousness, define a democratic world-view, and encourage internationalist sentiment. Challenging conservative notions of the revolution as a bloody and anarchic affair, Chartists constructed histories of 1789 that posed the era as a romantic struggle for freedom and nationhood analogous to their own, and one that was deeply entwined with British history and national identity. During the 1830s, Chartist opposition to the New Poor Law drew from the gothic repertoire of the Bastille to frame inequality in Britain. The workhouse 'bastile' was not viewed simply as an illegitimate imposition upon Britain, but came to symbolise the character of class rule. Meanwhile, Chartist newspapers also printed fictions based on the French Revolution, inserting Chartist concerns into the narratives, and their histories of 1789 stressed the similarity between France on the eve of revolution and Britain on the eve of the Charter. During the 1840s Chartist internationalism was contextualised by a framework of thinking about international politics constructed around the Revolutions of 1789 and 1830, while the convulsions of Continental Europe during 1848 were interpreted as both a confirmation of Chartist historical discourse and as the opening of a new era of international struggle. In the Democratic Review (1849-1850), the Red Republican (1850), and The Friend of the People (1850-1852), Chartists like George Julian Harney, Helen Macfarlane, William James Linton, and Gerald Massey, along with leading figures of the radical émigrés of 1848, characterised 'democracy' as a spirit of action and a system of belief. For them, the democratic heritage was populated by a diverse array of figures, including the Apostles of Jesus, Martin Luther, the romantic poets, and the Jacobins of 1793. The 'Red Republicanism' that flourished during 1848-1852 was sustained by the historical viewpoints arrived at during the Chartist period generally. Attempts to define a 'science' of socialism was as much about correcting the misadventures of past ages as it was a means to realise the promise announced by the 'Springtime of the Peoples'.
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Destain, Christian. „De la solitude des origines humaines à l'individualité autobiographique: Jean-Jacques Rousseau et la faillite de la démocratie“. Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212761.
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May, Adrian. „Lignes, an intellectual revue : twenty-five years of politics, philosophy, art and literature“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/251334.
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The thesis takes the French revue Lignes (1987-present) as its object of study to provide a new account of French intellectual culture over the last twenty-five years. Whilst there are now many studies covering the role of such revues throughout the twentieth-century, the majority of such monographs extend no further than the mid-1980s: the major novelty of this thesis is extending these accounts up until the present moment. It is largely assumed that a reaction against the Marxist and structuralist theories of the 1960s and 1970s led to embrace of liberalism and an intellectual drift to the right in France from the 1980s onwards: whilst largely supporting this account, the thesis attempts to nuance this narrative of the fate of the intellectual left in the following years by showing the persistence of what can be called a politicised 'French theory' in Lignes, and a returning left-wing militancy in recent years. In doing so, it will both reveal under-studied aspects of well-known thinkers, such as Jean-Luc Nancy, Jacques Rancière and Alain Badiou, as their thought develops through their participation in a collaborative, periodical publication, and introduce lesser known thinkers who have not received an extended readership in Anglophone spheres. Lignes also argues for the continued persistence and relevance of the thought of a previous generation of thinkers, notably Georges Bataille, Maurice Blanchot and Dionys Mascolo, and the thesis concludes by examining the potential role 'French Theory' could still have in France. Furthermore, as revues provide a unique nexus of intellectual, cultural, social and political concerns, the thesis also provides a unique history of France from the fall of the Berlin Wall to the 2007 financial crisis and the Arab Spring. Much of the thesis is concerned with contextualising intellectual debates within a period characterised by the moralisation of discourses, a return of religion, the global installation of neo-liberalism and the eruption of immigration as a controversial European issue. From a relatively theoretical and politically stable position to the left of the Parti socialiste, Lignes therefore provides a privileged vantage point for the mutations in French social and cultural life throughout the period.
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Correia, Cristiano de Almeida. „Em Torno das instituições políticas de J. J. Rousseau“. Pós-Graduação em Filosofia, 2014. https://ri.ufs.br/handle/riufs/5229.
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The general aim of this dissertation is to investigate the subject of war, inside the project of Political Institutions, from the trajectory followed by Rousseau provided descriptions of a peaceful state of nature, through the emergence of the United State and the consequent outbreak of war found in international relations. The way to go is what leads to the degeneration of the human being from the entrance into civil society. This entry has the purpose to promote and maintain peace, however, with the advent of the State, moral being whose extent and strength are purely relative, creates an unequal match between them, engendering wars. Thus man is seen in a mixed condition: as an isolated individual, hostage of natural law; citizen as a participant of the social order, subject to civil law; and as a sovereign people, free to relate with other people in an international sphere lacks regulatory mechanisms. Thus, this research divided into two chapters. At first we treat the question of the natural man and the state of nature - characterized by Rousseau as a period of isolation and simplicity - yet the `historic´ pact, pact generator of a corrupt social order, the result of degeneration of the natural attributes of man to join in society. The state is created, and with it comes the war. In the second chapter, we will introduce the theme of the foundation of Nation-States and their relations in the international sphere. Address the issue of formation of a legitimate company, and incorporated as a remedy for dropping the hardships resulting from the ``historical pact´´. We will work primarily with the concepts of freedom, sovereignty and general will. Then discuss the theme of war, highlighting the concepts of state of war and legitimate war further emphasizing Rousseau´s pessimism about a permanent solution to the problem. Finally, we present the debate between Rousseau and Diderot on the possibility of a general society of humankind as a solution for peace. Our hypothesis is that the project of Political Institutions, if realized, would bring elements that would put Rousseau as a closer writer of political realism than tradition and philosophy manuals suppose, trying to give our little contribution to the vast literature on the theme. The main texts of Rousseau discussed here are: the Discourse on Inequality, Social Contract, Principles of the law of war and the second chapter of the Geneva Manuscript entitled The general society of humankind. These last three make up the unfinished project of Political Institutions.O objetivo geral da presente dissertação é investigar o tema da guerra, dentro do projeto das Instituições Políticas, a partir da trajetória percorrida por Rousseau desde as descrições de um estado de natureza pacífico, passando pela emergência dos Estados e a consequente deflagração do estado de guerra verificado nas relações internacionais. Para tanto é fundamental que se examine o assunto em vista de maneira linear, mantendo como centro o conhecimento do homem. O caminho a ser percorrido é o que leva à degeneração do ser humano a partir do ingresso na sociedade civil. Tal ingresso tem como proposta fomentar e manter a paz, porém, com o advento do Estado, ser moral cuja extensão e força são puramente relativas, cria uma correspondência desigual entre eles, engendrando guerras. Assim, o homem se vê numa condição mista: como indivíduo isolado, refém da lei natural; como cidadão partícipe da ordem social, submetido à lei civil; e como povo soberano, livre para relacionar-se com outros povos numa esfera internacional carente de mecanismos reguladores. Assim, dividimos a presente pesquisa em dois Capítulos. No primeiro, trataremos a questão do homem natural e do estado de natureza - caracterizado por Rousseau como um período de isolamento e simplicidade - até o momento do pacto histórico , gerador de uma ordem social corrupta, fruto da degeneração dos atributos naturais do homem ao ingressar na vida em sociedade. O Estado é criado, e com ele nasce a guerra. No segundo capítulo, apresentaremos o tema da fundação dos Estados-Nação e suas relações na esfera internacional. Abordaremos a questão da formação de uma sociedade legítima, bem constituída, como remédio para amainar as agruras decorrentes do pacto histórico . Trabalharemos sobretudo com os conceitos de liberdade, soberania e vontade geral. Em seguida adentraremos no tema da guerra, destacando os conceitos de estado de guerra e guerra legítima, ressaltando mais ainda o pessimismo de Rousseau acerca de uma solução definitiva para o problema. Por fim, apresentaremos o debate entre Rousseau e Diderot acerca da possibilidade de uma sociedade geral do gênero humano como solução para a paz. Nossa hipótese é a de que o projeto das Instituições Políticas, como um todo, se concretizado, traria elementos que colocariam Rousseau como um escritor mais próximo do realismo político do que a tradição e os manuais de filosofia supõem, tentando assim, dar nossa pequena contribuição à imensa bibliografia sobre o tema. Os principais textos de Rousseau aqui analisados são: o Discurso sobre a Desigualdade, o Contrato Social, o Princípios do direito da guerra e o segundo capítulo do Manuscrito de Genebra intitulado Da sociedade geral do gênero humano. Estes três últimos comporiam o projeto inacabado das Instituições Políticas.
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Earlie, Paul Joseph. „Derrida's return to Freud : from phenomenology to politics“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c536ba17-c846-45d1-8a57-a39a29bbd56e.
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This thesis identifies and explores a ‘return to Freud’ in the work of Jacques Derrida. Resemblances between Derrida’s method of deconstruction and the therapeutic procedure of psychoanalysis have long been a source of debate among critics. Is deconstruction little more than a psychoanalytic reading of the history of philosophy, or is Freud a Derridean avant la lettre? Revealing this dilemma to be a false one, this thesis challenges major interpreters of Derrida such as Jonathan Culler and Gayatari Chakravorty Spivak. By developing Derrida’s well-known yet little understood concept of différance, it argues that this dilemma stems from an inadequate understanding of Derrida’s treatment of time. The structure of temporality implied by différance entails that the meaning of the past is continually reconstituted in its relationship to an ever-evolving present. Far from dissolving the importance of Freud’s contribution, this structure allows Derrida to circumvent nebulous notions of ‘influence’ and ‘indebtedness’ while still engaging psychoanalysis as a key theoretical resource in his own project of deconstruction. A productive engagement with psychoanalytic theory is shown to inform every major stage of the philosopher’s career, from his early phenomenological work to his later reflections on the terrorist attacks of 9/11. Derrida repeatedly turns to Freud as a crucial interlocutor in interrogating a number of philosophical problems encountered in his own work. These problems include the nature of time, space, and memory; the role of the fictive in scientific discourse; the question of the archive; the interdependence of the psyche and technology; and the relationship between politics and the unconscious. At a theoretical level, this thesis provides a detailed account of Derrida’s notion of spacing, arguing that the unconditional belatedness entailed by différance calls us to a difficult, dual responsibility: both towards the legator of an inheritance (that is, towards the textual legacy Freud has bequeathed to us) and towards the unforeseeable future contexts in which this inheritance will require transformation. The discourse of deconstruction, it concludes, enacts a careful negotiation of these two demands.
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Underwood, Scott V. „A revolutionary atmosphere : England in the aftermath of the French revolution“. Virtual Press, 1990. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/722223.
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This study is a cross-examination of the theory of revolution and the historical view of English society and politics in the late eighteenth century. Historical research focused upon the most respected (if not the most recent) works containing theory and information about the effects of the French Revolution on English society and politics. Research into the theory of revolution was basically a selection process whereby a few of the most extensive and reasonable theories were chosen for use.The cross-study of the two fields revealed that, although historians view it as politically conservative and generally complacent, English society, fettered by antiquated political institutions and keenly aware of the recent French Revolution, contained all the elements conducive to rebellion listed by the theorists of revolution. In the final analysis, research indicated revolution did not occur in England because of the confluence of political, military and social events in England and France.Department of History
Bücher zum Thema "French political philosophy"
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Mark, Lilla, Hrsg. New French thought: Political philosophy. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1994.
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Saint-Amand, Pierre. The laws of hostility: Politics, violence, and the enlightenment. Minneapolis, Minn: University of Minnesota Press, 1996.
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Bernstein, Richard J. The new constellation: The ethical-political horizons of modernity/postmodernity. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press, 1992.
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Uno, Shigeki. Seiji tetsugaku e: Gendai Furansu to no taiwa. Tōkyō: Tōkyō Daigaku Shuppankai, 2004.
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Gregory, Mary Efrosini. The spirit of freedom in French Enlightenment thought. New York: P. Lang, 2010.
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Kelly, Christopher. Rousseau's exemplary life: The Confessions as political philosophy. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1987.
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Dudon, Suzanne. Les lois et les moeurs: Anthropogenèse du politique chez J.-J. Rousseau. Thèse pour le doctorat de philosophie, université Le Mirail-Toulouse II, présentée et soutenue publiquement le 31 mars 2006. Lille: ANRT. Atelier national de reproduction des thèses, 2008.
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Saint-Amand, Pierre. Les lois de l'hostilité: La politique à l'âge des Lumières. Paris: Seuil, 1992.
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Diderot, Denis. Pensées détachées, ou, Fragments politiques échappés du portefeuille d'un philosophe. Paris: Hermann, 2011.
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Röhrs, Hermann. Jean-Jacques Rousseau: Vision und Wirklichkeit. 3. Aufl. Köln: Böhlau, 1993.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle findenBuchteile zum Thema "French political philosophy"
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de Zengotita, Thomas. „The Anglophone Reception of French Theory: Literary Criticism, Cultural Studies, American Pragmatism, Identity Politics“. In Political Philosophy and Public Purpose, 313–43. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90689-8_10.
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Yuva, Ayşe. „Materialism, Politics, and the History of Philosophy“. In Materialism and Politics, 293–312. Berlin: ICI Berlin Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37050/ci-20_16.
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The aim of this chapter is to analyse the political uses of the categorization of eighteenth-century French materialism as mechanistic and reductionist. Regardless of the current or outdated character of these materialisms, their rejection and the narratives that endorsed such judgments appear as partly ideological. Using several examples, this chapter will examine how this reductionist image of eighteenth-century French materialism was formed in the nineteenth century. It aims to show that the quarrels about materialism focused at that time on the question of a society’s dominant beliefs.
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Osborne, Michael A. „The Société Zoologique D’acclimatation and the New French Empire: Science and Political Economy“. In Boston Studies in the Philosophy of Science, 299–306. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-2594-9_30.
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Masson, Philippe, und Cherry Schrecker. „French Sociology before 1945: Philosophy, Institutions and Politics“. In Sociology in France after 1945, 7–24. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137450548_2.
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Clarke, Desmond M. „Political Philosophy“. In French Philosophy, 1572–1675, 191–219. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198749578.003.0007.
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„Rediscovering Political Sovereignty: The Rebirth of French Political Philosophy“. In Routledge International Handbook of Contemporary Social and Political Theory, 105–16. Routledge, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203875575-11.
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Agacinski, Sylviane. „Versions of Difference“. In Contemporary French Feminism, 40–55. Oxford University PressOxford, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199248346.003.0004.
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Abstract Sylviane Agacinski is a professor of philosophy at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes in Paris, where she is responsible for research seminars in the social sciences. From 1986 to 1992 she was Director of the College International de Philosophie, in Paris. She has written extensively on philosophy and politics, as well as other topics, including architecture. She is also active in the French political scene, including in the Feminist Parity Movement and in the debates surrounding the right of same-sex parents to adopt children. Intellectually engaged in current affairs generally, Agacinski writes regularly for several newspapers. Her husband, Lionel Jospin (Socialist Party), was the current Prime Minister of France.
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Fischbach, Franck. „Marx in Modern French Philosophy“. In The Oxford Handbook of Modern French Philosophy, 455–70. Oxford University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198841869.013.33.
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Abstract This chapter begins by outlining how Marx’s thought was received in France before the 1930s, before then turning to focus on the different ways in which reference to Marx gave rise to original developments within French philosophy in three main areas of the discipline: phenomenology (in Sartre, Merleau-Ponty, and Henry), together with the philosophers of ‘difference’ (in Derrida, Foucault, and Deleuze), epistemology (in Althusser and Desanti) and political thought (in Castoriadis and Lefort). Beyond the various differences and oppositions that can be discerned between these traditions of thought, the chapter shows how reference to Marx equally informed a questioning of the relationship between philosophy and the social sciences.
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„FRENCH POLITICAL THOUGHT IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY“. In The Routledge Companion to Social and Political Philosophy, 193–204. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203092231-22.
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Porter, Theodore M. „The Political Philosophy of Quantification“. In Trust in Numbers, 73–86. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691208411.003.0005.
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This chapter investigates the political philosophy of quantification. The intellectualist defense of quantification bears on the ethical issues. A system of demonstrably false or untestable dogmas, the product of state power and not of free persuasion, has obvious moral implications to anyone concerned about individual freedom. This point, indeed, has been at the heart of some of the most influential philosophical defenses of science in this century. John Dewey considered science an ally of democracy, and argued that scientific method means nothing more than the subjection of beliefs to skeptical inquiry. Karl Popper held it up as antidote to the century's totalitarianisms. While Popper did not stress quantification in his political philosophy of science, his terms could easily be applied to it. Although it is of course possible to use numbers casually and informally, quantification for public as well as scientific purposes has generally been allied to a spirit of rigor. The chapter then explores objectivity and objectification, as well as French statistics.
Konferenzberichte zum Thema "French political philosophy"
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Didmanidze, Ibraim, und Irma Bagrationi. „INFORMATION PARADIGMS OF ART FROM THE HISTORY OF SOCIAL AESTHETICS“. In 9th SWS International Scientific Conferences on ART and HUMANITIES - ISCAH 2022. SGEM WORLD SCIENCE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35603/sws.iscah.2022/s07.06.
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The present scientific paper deals with the worldview understanding of features of information and communication functions of art according to the �Theory of Environment� and �Conception of Organotropism� from the history of Europeanworldview philosophical and aesthetic thought, particular: According to the main principle of Social Aesthetics of French philosopher and sociologist Jean-Marie Guyau [in the work �Problems of Contemporary Aesthetics�] the aesthetic ideal of art has a meaning by presentive only social sympathy aesthetics; A German philosopher and aesthetician Alexander Gottlieb Baumgarten discusses the highest aesthetic value of art by social point of view [in the work �Aesthetics�], supports the main principle of his theory of art � life reaches its highest intensity in the socium as cooperation and collaboration and communication and in order to make it solid, it must deserve social sympathy � and unchangeably takes it into his theory of aesthetics. A famous French philosopher, thinker, writer, historian, one of the leaders of the French Enlightenment Francois Marie Arouet de Voltaire, French sociologist Charles de Montesquieu, German historian and theorist of art Johann Joachim Winckelmann, German philosopher, man of letters and critic Johann Gottfried Herder, English aesthetician and critic of art John Ruskin, German philosopher, founder of the philosophy of dialectical and historical materialism Karl Marx, French idealist philosopher, historian and theorist of art Hippolyte-Adolphe Taine by their original and completely social-aesthetic doctrine consider phenomenon of art by Organotropic formula that means they outline the peculiarities of the information function of art is pre-defined with some social conditions, especially geographic, geologic, climatic, biologic, social, political, cultural and historical factors. As it is seen from the paper, these are selected models of some searching aesthetic paradigms that have been identified to suggest that information content and status of the artistic creation works for the peculiar and special level of social condition and situation.
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Klotiņš, Jurģis. „Cilvēka personas brīvība un kopīgais labums Žaka Maritēna filosofijas skatījumā = The Human Person’s Freedom and the Common Good in Jacques Maritain’s Philosophy“. In Latvijas Universitātes 80. starptautiskā zinātniskā konference. LU Vēstures un filozofijas fakultāte, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/luszk.80.fds.01.
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In his essays under the title “The Person and the Common Good” (the French edition 1947), Jacques Maritain extensively discussed the mutual relation and interdependence between a human person and a political community. The human person is a part of a political community and inferior to it, for he or she receives basic human goods from the common good, which itself is constituted by human persons. Nevertheless, a human person is also superior to the political community due to an ultimate fulfilment of human existence in direct relationship to God and regarding matters related to the philosophical categories such as truth, good and beauty. If the human person’s freedom to strive for these transcendental goods is respected on behalf of the political community, the common good can be properly maintained and continues to serve the community. Maritain’s position contains practical implications for the contemporary discussions of political philosophy on freedom of conscience and religious freedom, and freedom of expression.
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Степанов, И. В. „Criticism of the Imperial Worldview in the Post-Positivist and PostStructuralist Philosophy of the XX Century“. In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.034.
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Двумя ведущими направлениями западной философии второй половины XX – начала XXI в. выступают постпозитивизм и постструктурализм. В рамках постструктурализма по сей день достаточно популярной остается концепция французских философов Жиля Делёза и Феликса Гваттари о различиях философии и религии. Они объясняют данное различие через противопоставление имперского и полисного способов организации социально-политического пространства. При этом четкой демаркации между философией и религией не проводится. Религия выступает одновременно и как равноправный конкурент философии, и как «предфилософия». Тем самым ей приписывается более низкий статус среди видов культурной деятельности по сравнению с философией. Соответственно, и оценка имперского способа организации пространства отличается двойственностью и противоречивостью. С одной стороны, империя выступает альтернативой полису, с другой стороны, все же следует предпочесть полис с его свободой мышления и демократическими политическими институтами. Основоположник постпозитивизма Карл Раймонд Поппер является автором концепций открытого общества и антиисторицизма. Под историцизмом Поппер понимает попытки научного обоснования закономерностей в развитии общества, опираясь на опыт прошлого. Такие попытки, согласно Попперу, не могут быть фальсифицированы, то есть опровергнуты эксперементально, а следовательно, носят ненаучный характер. Англо-австрийский философ усматривает прямую связь между имперским социально-политическим универсализмом, историцизмом и тоталитаризмом. При этом Поппер игнорирует тот факт, что предложенная им самим концепция открытого общества так же не может быть фальсифицирована, следовательно, не соответствует им же самим введенному критерию научности. The two leading trends of Western philosophy of the second half of the XXth – early XXIth century are postpositivism and poststructuralism. Within the framework of poststructuralism, the concept of the French philosophers Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari about the differences between philosophy and religion remains quite popular to this day. Deleuze and Guattari explain this difference through the opposition of imperial and polis ways of organizing socio-political space. At the same time, there is no clear demarcation between philosophy and religion. Religion acts both as an equal competitor to philosophy and as "pre-philosophy". Thus, it is attributed a lower status among the types of cultural activities, compared with philosophy. Accordingly, the assessment of the imperial way of organizing space is characterized by duality and inconsistency. On the one hand, the empire is an alternative to the policy, on the other hand, one should still prefer the policy with its freedom of thought and democratic political institutes. The founder of postpositivism, Karl Raymond Popper, is the author of the concepts of open society and anti-historicism. By historicism, Popper understands attempts to scientifically substantiate patterns in the development of society, based on the experience of the past. Such attempts, according to Popper, cannot be falsified, that is, refuted, and, therefore, are not scientific in nature. The Anglo-Austrian philosopher sees a direct connection between imperial socio-political universalism, historicism and totalitarianism. At the same time, Popper ignores the fact that the concept of an open society proposed by himself cannot also be falsified, and therefore does not correspond to the criterion of scientific character introduced by himself.
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De Podestá, Nathan Tejada, und Silvia Maria Pires Cabrera Berg. „New University: liberal education and arts in Brazil“. In Fifth International Conference on Higher Education Advances. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/head19.2019.9514.
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This paper is part of an ongoing research on the issue of music education in Brazilian universities. It aims to identify educational models that structure pedagogical practice at this level of studies. It distinguishes the types of professional and human education promoted in each one of the presented models (French, German and American) as well as liberal education, identified as a global trend. Relating the current socio-cultural political and economic context with education with the support of Godwin (2015), Berg (2012) and Jansen (1999) we argue that liberal education provides a structure can favor the development of competences and skills demanded on the current conjuncture. In this frame, we will analyze, with the help of Paula (2008) and Santos & Filho (2008), the historical dynamics of Brazilian higher education and show how liberal education and post-colonial philosophy is restructuring Brazilian universities. This “new university” allows the implementation of a multicultural, multi-epistemic pedagogy that overcome fragmentary disciplinary views and renders feasible the proposition of new ways of conceiving training, studying, teaching and research in music and arts.
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Daraklitsa, Elina. „THE SYMBOLISMS AND DRAMATURGIC NOTIONS IN THE TROJAN WOMEN UNDER JEAN PAUL SARTRE�S POLITICAL AND PHILOSOPHICAL VIEW“. In 9th SWS International Scientific Conferences on ART and HUMANITIES - ISCAH 2022. SGEM WORLD SCIENCE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35603/sws.iscah.2022/s03.03.
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The present study examines the contemporary rewriting in the French language of Euripides' play The Trojan Women by Jean Paul Sartre. The French philosopher having the intention once more to deal with humanity�s big problems, he intensifies Euripides� text with elements drawn from modern society and era. The theme dealt with is war and suppression, along with their conviction, a pattern especially popular with the creator since it is the one he deals with in his debut drama Bariona ou le fils de tonnerre (1940). Also, The Trojan Women (1964) linguistic style matches that of Bariona and Nekrassov (1955), since the personalities of the main heroes in all three plays are governed by the same notions: self � denial, rebelliousness and a firm belief in the ideals. The element which distinguishes the abovementioned texts from the rest of the writer�s dramaturgic work is their abstinence from an existential and psychological � analytical spirit. Thus, the existentialist dramaturgist�s familiar speech with which so many scholars have been preoccupied is almost absent from The Trojan Women. The Sartre�s goal is to �shout out loud� Euripides� big truths and in order to achieve it, he instills into his heroes additional characteristics, thus giving them an even more rebellious and aggressive constitution than the already existing one, expressed by a modern glossolalia. In The Trojan Women, the pioneer writer also deals with the impaired place of woman in contemporary society, an idea also existing in current days.
Berichte der Organisationen zum Thema "French political philosophy"
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Buchanan, Riley, Daniel Elias, Darren Holden, Daniel Baldino, Martin Drum und Richard P. Hamilton. The archive hunter: The life and work of Leslie R. Marchant. The University of Notre Dame Australia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32613/reports/2021.2.
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Professor Leslie R. Marchant was a Western Australian historian of international renown. Richly educated as a child in political philosophy and critical reason, Marchant’s understandings of western political philosophies were deepened in World War Two when serving with an international crew of the merchant navy. After the war’s end, Marchant was appointed as a Protector of Aborigines in Western Australia’s Depart of Native Affairs. His passionate belief in Enlightenment ideals, including the equality of all people, was challenged by his experiences as a Protector. Leaving that role, he commenced his studies at The University of Western Australia where, in 1952, his Honours thesis made an early case that genocide had been committed in the administration of Aboriginal people in Western Australia. In the years that followed, Marchant became an early researcher of modern China and its relationship with the West, and won respect for his archival research of French maritime history in the Asia-Pacific. This work, including the publication of France Australe in 1982, was later recognised with the award of a French knighthood, the Chevalier d’Ordre National du Mèrite, and his election as a fellow to the Royal Geographical Society. In this festschrift, scholars from The University of Notre Dame Australia appraise Marchant’s work in such areas as Aboriginal history and policy, Westminster traditions, political philosophy, Australia and China and French maritime history.