Thematische Bibliographien / Free trade / Zeitschriftenartikel

Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Free trade“

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Autor: Grafiati
Veröffentlicht am 4. Juni 2021
Zuletzt aktualisiert am 25. Juli 2024

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1

KINGSTONE, PETER R. „Why Free Trade “Losers” Support Free Trade“. Comparative Political Studies 34, Nr. 9 (November 2001): 986–1010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414001034009002.

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2

Eckes, Alfred E., Francis M. Bator und Richard N. Cooper. „Free Trade“. Foreign Affairs 71, Nr. 5 (1992): 190. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045412.

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3

Gurría, Ángel. „Free Trade“. World Policy Journal 32, Nr. 4 (2015): 51–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0740277515623746.

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4

Motoyama, Yoshihiko. „Free Trade & Protective Trade“. TRENDS IN THE SCIENCES 7, Nr. 2 (2002): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5363/tits.7.2_61.

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5

Rose, Debra A. „Free Trade and Wildlife Trade“. Conservation Biology 6, Nr. 1 (März 1992): 148–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.1523-1739.1992.610148.x.

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6

Young, Linda Wilcox. „Free Trade or Fair Trade?“ Latin American Perspectives 22, Nr. 1 (Januar 1995): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x9502200104.

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7

TREMBLAY, JEAN-FRANÇOIS. „Free Trade Or Fair Trade“. Chemical & Engineering News 86, Nr. 1 (07.01.2008): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1021/cen-v086n001.p016.

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8

Targ, Harry R. „Book Review: Free Trade: Neither Free Nor About Trade“. Review of Radical Political Economics 30, Nr. 4 (Dezember 1998): 193–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/048661349803000414.

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9

Kinnock, Neil. „Beyond Free Trade to Fair Trade“. California Management Review 36, Nr. 4 (Juli 1994): 124–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41165770.

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10

LAL, DEEPAK. „Trade Blocs and Multilateral Free Trade“. JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 31, Nr. 3 (September 1993): 349–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.1993.tb00468.x.

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11

Stothers, C. „Parallel trade and free trade agreements“. Journal of Intellectual Property Law & Practice 1, Nr. 9 (11.07.2006): 578–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jiplp/jpl096.

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12

Örgün, Bilgin Orhan. „Strategic Trade Policy Versus Free Trade“. Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences 58 (Oktober 2012): 1283–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2012.09.1111.

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13

Kawabata, Yasushi, Akihiko Yanase und Hiroshi Kurata. „Vertical trade and free trade agreements“. Journal of the Japanese and International Economies 24, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2010): 569–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jjie.2010.03.002.

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14

McDonald, Patrick J. „Peace through Trade or Free Trade?“ Journal of Conflict Resolution 48, Nr. 4 (August 2004): 547–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002704266117.

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15

Barry, Donald. „Pursuing Free Trade“. International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 55, Nr. 2 (Juni 2000): 292–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070200005500208.

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16

Lea, Luke. „Free trade error“. Nature 366, Nr. 6450 (November 1993): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/366010c0.

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17

Frens-String, Joshua, und Alejandro Velasco. „Free Trade 2.0“. NACLA Report on the Americas 48, Nr. 3 (02.07.2016): 207–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714839.2016.1228162.

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18

Leek, Paul. „What free trade?“ New Scientist 197, Nr. 2639 (Januar 2008): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0262-4079(08)60152-9.

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19

ANDERSON, EARL. „FREE TRADE AGREEMENT“. Chemical & Engineering News 71, Nr. 47 (22.11.1993): 4–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1021/cen-v071n047.p004.

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20

Yatawara, Ravi A. „Free Trade Today“. Comparative Economic Studies 44, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2002): 141–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ces.2002.24.

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21

Bergsten, C. Fred. „Globalizing Free Trade“. Foreign Affairs 75, Nr. 3 (1996): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047584.

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22

Cooper, Richard N., Jagdish Bhagwati und Douglas A. Irwin. „Free Trade Today“. Foreign Affairs 81, Nr. 5 (2002): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033291.

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23

Prevost, Gary. „Contesting Free Trade“. Journal of Developing Societies 21, Nr. 3-4 (Dezember 2005): 369–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0169796x05058294.

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24

Furusawa, Taiji, und Hideo Konishi. „Free trade networks“. Journal of International Economics 72, Nr. 2 (Juli 2007): 310–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jinteco.2006.08.003.

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25

Aghion, Philippe, Pol Antràs und Elhanan Helpman. „Negotiating free trade“. Journal of International Economics 73, Nr. 1 (September 2007): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jinteco.2006.12.003.

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26

Kamal, Azza. „Potential Impacts of Mercosur-Egypt Free Trade Agreement“. Business and Economic Research 7, Nr. 2 (02.10.2017): 282. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ber.v7i2.11935.

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Mercosur-Egypt Free Trade Agreement was ratified in May 2017. This article examines potential gains for the agreement parties, through analysis of preferential margins, trade complementarity, and revealed comparative advantage indexes. Trade complementarity indexes show potential for higher trade between Egypt and Mercosur countries. Small preferential margins are expected to be gained for currently traded products which are subject to immediate tariff liberalization. Revealed comparative advantage analysis highlights several sectors which have the potential to benefit from the agreement.
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27

Takeuchi, Kenji. „Managed trade vs. free trade in Japan's trade policy“. Journal of Asian Economics 3, Nr. 2 (September 1992): 315–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/1049-0078(92)90021-p.

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28

Zhou, Chao, und Ying Su. „Trade Effect of the Free Trade Zone“. International Business Research 14, Nr. 1 (18.12.2020): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ibr.v14n1p34.

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Facing to the increasingly complex international environment and the new normal of China's economic growth, the pilot of free trade zone is an important measure for China to further deepen reform and opening up. Promoting trade liberalization is an important part of the construction of the free trade zone. Based on the city panel data from 2004 to 2018, this paper analyzes the trade effects of 11 free trade zones established in 2017 and before by using the method of period by period did. Also the trade effect of each free trade zone is analyzed separately by the method of synthetic control.The results show that, firstly, the free trade zone has obvious trade promotion effect on total trade and export trade, but not on import trade. Second, the trade promotion effect of the pilot free trade zone is not significant in the eastern region, but there is an obvious trade promotion effect in the central and western regions. Thirdly, the analysis of each pilot free trade zone also shows some heterogeneity. Generally speaking, the trade effect of export is greater than that of import.Specifically speaking, the pilot free trade zone shows certain heterogeneity, which may be related to the local economic development level and econnmic scale.
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29

Lee, Jaimin, und Seong-Hoon Cho. „Free trade agreement and transport service trade“. World Economy 40, Nr. 7 (06.06.2017): 1494–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/twec.12501.

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30

Campa, José Manuel, Timothy L. Sorenson und Jose Manuel Campa. „Are Trade Blocs Conducive to Free Trade?“ Scandinavian Journal of Economics 98, Nr. 2 (Juni 1996): 263. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3440858.

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31

Fridell, Gavin. „Fair Trade, Free Trade and the State“. New Political Economy 15, Nr. 3 (September 2010): 457–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13563460903288213.

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32

Sundaram, Jomo Kwame. „Free Trade Agreements, Trade Policy and Multilateralism“. Development 59, Nr. 1-2 (Juni 2016): 40–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41301-017-0073-1.

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33

Cho, Soojung. „Korea’s Trade Policy Beyond Free Trade Agreements“. Journal of World Trade 58, Issue 2 (01.04.2024): 273–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2024017.

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Korea’s trade policy has proven to be effective in establishing a mutually beneficial relationship between international trade and economic growth. During the past several decades, Korea has evolved its trade approach from a bilateral (export-oriented) focus to a multilateral strategy that adheres to the rules of General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and WTO. Since the turn of the century, Korea has prioritized expanding its Free Trade Agreement (FTA) network, which has become a hallmark of its trade policy. This approach has helped the country to build stronger relationships with key trading partners and increase access to new markets. In response to the evolving global environment, Korea has implemented various measures to address new challenges while maintaining openness and fairness in global trade. Given its high trade-to-GDP ratio, it is crucial for Korea to maintain a stable and resilient economic environment. Currently, Korea’s trade policy centers on strengthening supply chains and integrating itself into the reshaping global value chains (GVC). The country is also contributing to global rule-making, with a particular focus on digital transformation and the net-zero transition. Moreover, Korea is committed to deepening and upgrading existing FTAs while expanding and complementing them, recognizing their significance as platforms for cooperation and communication with other countries. Korea’s trade policy, FTA, WTO, GVC, Supply Chain
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34

Saqib Irshad, Muhammad, Qi Xin und Muhammad Ayaz. „The Role of Charismatic World Trade Organization and the expansion of Free International Trade“. International Journal of Management Science and Business Administration 2, Nr. 3 (2014): 17–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.18775/ijmsba.1849-5664-5419.2014.23.1002.

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One of the most significant occurrences over the last two decades in the area of economic desegregation was the sharp increase in bilateral, multilateral and regional trading arrangements since the end of the Uruguay Round in 1994. It is extensively believed that the international trade organization, WTO, increases trading systems and encourages trade. Pursuing free trade by WTO has numerous attractions. It is clear that free trade enhanced among WTO member countries but seems most favorable for rich countries and little bit glitch for developing nations. Countries bind themselves and their trading collaborators to transparent and non-discriminatory trade regulations and rules, which the WTO then implements even handedly. As a consequence, much consideration is paid to the exceptional needs and tribulations of developing and transition economies.
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35

MÉNDEZ NAYA, JOSÉ, und LUCIANO MÉNDEZ NAYA. „TARIFF RETALIATION AND THE FREE TRADE ARGUMENT“. International Game Theory Review 09, Nr. 04 (Dezember 2007): 657–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0219198907001643.

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The effects of tariff wars on welfare are analysed for the case of trade between two countries with outputs of the traded good given exogenously. Assuming mild conditions, it is shown that if there are non-zero tariffs for which welfare-maximizing equilibrium holds, then free trade is not strictly preferable when the countries' outputs are equal, and if they are not equal is strictly disadvantageous to the country with the smaller output. Therefore, the main result of the paper is that free trade is not sustainable in an asymmetric context nor in a symmetric situation.
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36

Palen, Marc-William. „FREE-TRADE IDEOLOGY AND TRANSATLANTIC ABOLITIONISM: A HISTORIOGRAPHY“. Journal of the History of Economic Thought 37, Nr. 2 (Juni 2015): 291–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837215000103.

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This essay seeks to trace the many—and often conflicting—economic ideological interpretations of the transatlantic abolitionist impulse. In particular, it explores the contested relationship between free-trade ideology and transatlantic abolitionism, and highlights the understudied influence of Victorian free-trade ideology within the American abolitionist movement. By bringing together historiographical controversies from the American and British side, the essay calls into question long-standing conceptions regarding the relationship between free trade and abolitionism, and suggests new avenues for research.
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37

Tonsakunthaweeteam, Sasawalai. „Trade creation and export diversion: Thailand’s plastic and rubber under the ASEAN-China free trade agreement“. Problems and Perspectives in Management 22, Nr. 1 (19.03.2024): 619–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/ppm.22(1).2024.49.

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This study aims to investigate the impact of the ASEAN-China free trade agreement on plastic and rubber trading, focusing on trade creation and export diversion. The collected data include 11 intra-bloc countries and 23 extra-bloc countries from 1990 to 2021, analyzed using STATA17. The gravity model is applied to the international trade framework. First, the unit root test is used to confirm the stationary nature of the data. Then, the methods are compared, employing fixed effects and a robust Poisson maximum likelihood estimator. The bilateral dummy variables are used to estimate the directional impact of trade agreements on export volume. The result demonstrates that the ASEAN-China free trade agreement establishes trade creation and export diversion. It has had a positive impact on the export value of plastic and rubber in Thailand over the past 30 years, but in terms of trade creation is less than export diversion. This means that exporting plastic and rubber to extra-bloc countries will gain more benefits than trading with member countries under the ASEAN-China free trade agreement. However, trading under the ASEAN-China free trade agreement may continue, but export volumes of plastic and rubber will decline. According to the findings, it can be suggested that Thailand’s government has to have a comparative advantage in product and strong competitiveness. Meanwhile, the ASEAN-China free trade agreement should not only focus on trade tariffs but also improve customs clearance to reduce trade costs. AcknowledgmentI would also like to extend my thanks to my parents for their support and encouragement throughout my studies.
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38

Vignieri, Sacha. „Free trade between species“. Science 371, Nr. 6531 (18.02.2021): 794.1–794. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.371.6531.794-a.

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39

Mazyrin, V. „Vietnam: Free Trade Areas“. World Economy and International Relations 60, Nr. 3 (2016): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-3-72-82.

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The paper provides comparative characteristics of free trade areas (FTA) with Vietnam’s participation, and attempts to summarize his rich and instructive experience in this realm. The first section analyzes the reasons of creation and the balance of power in the FTA with the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). In the second section it describes the general approach of Vietnam towards integration into the world economy and presents the FTA network (“spaghetti bowl”) set up by Hanoi. The author assesses the factors that determined the choice of Vietnam and the participants of the EAEU while establishing their FTA. He reveals the motivation of the EAEU leaders, particularly Russia, in their decision, the importance of economic aspects of cooperation with the first partner in the FTA framework. Thus, it becomes possible to discover the importance of new integration union for both parties. Economic potential of the FTA members is estimated in order to define their respective roles, “weight category” and, finally, the main beneficiaries of the agreement. So far, we verify the correctness of the dissemination of findings from our analysis of trade between Russia and Vietnam (for which we have representative data) on the agreement at whole. The author explores the main parameters of the agreements with the Asia-Pacific countries and displays aspects of the FTA agreements different for the EAEU and other Vietnam partners. It makes easier to identify countries and regions that take the leaders’ position in the integration process. The composition of trade and other forms of interaction between participants of the FTA in both groups of Vietnam partners is highlighted and a tendency to boost them is revealed. The paper promotes estimations on the conditions, rate, magnitude and first results of liberalization of mutual trade, on safeguard measures applied to support domestic producers. It reveals the preferential treatment difference granted by FTA parties to each other and the reasons for these differences. In conclusion, the impact of the FTA network on competition between Russia (EAEU) and other Vietnam partners which occupied the best position in its market is stressed.
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40

Nemgar, Mojca. „Free trade or people?“ Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 1 (01.07.2001): 11–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.1.3.

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The growth of the GDP seems much more important than overall development of the country. The gap between rich and poor is increasing drastically. Everything that challenges profit e.g. worker's rights, pollution, descreasing absolute poverty is set aside and considered irrelevant. Only few are to decide what the world itself and world economy should be like. G-8, IMF, WB, WTO are deciding about the future of the world in a name of few, as they are deciding about the important matters of humanity away from the eyes of the public. Even the agreement of FTAA (Free Trade Area of Americas) was adopted away from the eyes of the public. Namely FTAA is compromising 34 states of Latin America and North America, although it seems that is only an extension of the NAFTA who has proved to be harmful both for the Mexico, which obviously does not have enough economic power to cope (financial crisis 1995) with thriving American economy, as for Canada, a member of G-8.
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41

English, H. E., und Duncan Cameron. „The Free Trade Papers“. Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 13, Nr. 4 (Dezember 1987): 538. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3550897.

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42

Krishna, Pravin. „India’s Free Trade Agreements“. Indian Public Policy Review 2, Nr. 2(Mar-Apr) (05.03.2021): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.55763/ippr.2021.02.02.001.

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Issue: Mar-Apr 2021 This paper reviews India’s experience with the free trade agreements (FTAs) that it signed over the last two decades. The trade outcomes under the agreements are found to be quite modest: The trade shares of India’s FTA partners stayed nearly constant over the past decade, and trade deficits with FTA partners, as a share of the overall deficit, did not increase over time. These findings challenge the assertion that India’s trade agreements have led to a widening of trade deficits and that they were responsible for the stagnation of the Indian manufacturing sector.
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43

Diebold, William, Gary Clyde Hufbauer und Jeffrey J. Schott. „North American Free Trade“. Foreign Affairs 71, Nr. 3 (1992): 172. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045257.

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44

Maneschi, Andrea, und Douglas A. Irwin. „Free Trade under Fire“. Southern Economic Journal 69, Nr. 3 (Januar 2003): 745. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1061708.

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45

Morici, Peter. „Free Trade with Mexico“. Foreign Policy, Nr. 87 (1992): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1149162.

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46

Koester, Ulrich. „FREE TRADE IN AGRICULTURE“. Agricultural Economics 5, Nr. 2 (Juni 1991): 169–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1574-0862.1991.tb00145.x.

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47

Udayakumar, S. P. „The free trade frenzy“. Peace Review 7, Nr. 3-4 (Januar 1995): 431–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402659508425912.

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48

Strange, Gerard. „Debating Free International Trade“. American Journal of Economics and Sociology 79, Nr. 1 (Januar 2020): 25–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajes.12310.

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49

Bradbury, Andrew. „Not so free trade“. Nature 364, Nr. 6440 (August 1993): 752. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/364752b0.

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50

Hellinger, Stephen. „Immigration and ‘Free Trade’“. NACLA Report on the Americas 44, Nr. 1 (Januar 2011): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714839.2011.11722164.

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