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1
Hubbard, Christopher. „From ambivalence to activism: Australia and the negotiation of the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty“. Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2001. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1517.
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This Dissertation presents a study of Australia's involvement in the negotiation and early interpretation of the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), an instrument which remains the most important global nuclear arms control measure in international law. Using data from recently released Australian government documents, the study analyses the process by which Australia was transformed from an ambivalent nuclear sceptic within the Western alliance, into a steadfast global campaigner against the spread of nuclear weapons. It concludes that Australia's urgent search during 1967 and 1968 for coherence in its policy on nuclear weapons acquisition, largely played out within sections of the Australian bureaucracy and political leadership, was not only the catalyst for that transformation, but also an important step in Australia's search for "middle power" status in both a regional and wider sense. The study uses an interdisciplinary theoretical model which asserts the complementary nature of international law and international relations theory in explanations of relations between states. That model proposes that each discipline is capable of enhancing the insights of the other, in order to account - more closely in concert than each does individually - for the rule-following behaviour of nation-states. Beginning in Chapter One with a critique of the NPT and the regime of institutions and understandings which surround it, the study moves, in Chapter Two, to a review of the domestic and international context in which Australia's nuclear weapons policy debate was conducted, while introducing the elements of division within the Australian federal bureaucracy which largely prosecuted that debate. Chapters Three and Four analyse the debate in detail, concluding that its inconclusive result induced Australia's refusal to agree to America's request for immediate accession to the NPT. This, in tum, resulted in Australia exercising, through its recalcitrance, disproportionate influence over the US on the interpretation of the terms of the treaty. Chapter Five moves analysis to the international arena, and the forum of the United Nations General Assembly, in which Australia finally found the limit of America's willingness to accommodate the concerns of a small but significant Western ally located in a region of strategic importance. Chapter Six examines the process by which Australia's influence over the US on the interpretation of the terms of the NPT was translated into guidance to other nuclear threshold states through the Western alliance. It also examines the level of influence exerted by Australia through its bilateral discussions with other states over the terms of the treaty. It concludes that Australia, mainly through the former process, could claim a significant role in the formulation of the world's most important multilateral nuclear convention through its insistence on interpretative clarity. Finally, the study draws general conclusions on the significance of Australia's nuclear weapons debate for its aspirations to "middle power" status. It concludes that its indisputable leadership role, after 1972, in global nuclear disarmament efforts of many kinds, is an example of that status. Its most important theoretical conclusion concerns the demonstrated utility of an interdisciplinary model for the study of relations between states.
2
Bean, Christopher. „Howard’s Australia – How foreign policy decisions shaped a nation“. Thesis, Bean, Christopher (2010) Howard’s Australia – How foreign policy decisions shaped a nation. Honours thesis, Murdoch University, 2010. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/57007/.
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Unlike liberalism, the realist theory of International Relations leaves very little space for individual leaders or other domestic factors to influence the direction of a state’s foreign policy. It therefore provides an insufficient explanation for the enormous influence former Australian Prime Minister John Howard had on Australian foreign policy-making. When considering potential domestic influences on a state’s foreign policy, such as public opinion, Australia’s political institutions and societal structure, John Howard’s influence far outshone them all.
Howard claimed to be a realist and indeed his actions generally confirmed that. Yet the fact that he was able to shape Australian foreign policy in his mould, from the more liberal internationalist bipartisanism of the previous few decades, ironically demonstrates the importance of domestic factors in the making of foreign policy over international ones. While in Australia the Prime Minister has always had far more influence in this field than any other factor, this is a trend which Howard consolidated.
Howard’s influence was so great not only because of the centralised nature of the Australian foreign policy-making structure he inherited upon winning office in 1996, but because of conscious decisions made during his prime ministership. These decisions included the establishment of the National Security Committee, the promotion of the Australian Federal Police at the expense of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade and the increased prominence of the Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet. Howard was then able to use his influence in Australian foreign policy-making to shape Australia in his own image.
The case studies of the 1999 peace-keeping operation in East Timor and the 2003 invasion of Iraq as part of the United States-led “Coalition of the Willing” demonstrate this argument. Not long after Australian troops entered East Timor – Howard’s first real intervention in foreign affairs – Howard outlined to parliament what quickly became known as the Howard Doctrine. This speech foreshadowed the full expression of Howard’s vision of Australia, a vision that was:
… centred upon the Anzac tradition; mateship; military valour; mourning; remembrance; the martial defence of Western values [and] the most intimate association with Australia’s two wartime great and powerful friends, the United Kingdom and the United States (Manne, 2004, 50).
The War on Terror, especially Australia’s contribution to the invasion of Iraq, represented the most extreme expression of the Howard Doctrine, and demonstrates most clearly Howard’s dominance of the foreign policy-making arena.
3
Lager, Elin. „Swedish Exceptionalism in Foreign Policy Discourse : An Analysis of the Swedish Government's Statements of Foreign Policy 2002-2018“. Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk historia och internationella relationer, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-185681.
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This thesis aims to determine if there is a discourse of Swedish exceptionalism in the Swedish Government’s Statements of Foreign Policy between 2002 and 2018. Discourse analysis have been used to analyze eight statements, based on a constructivist framework and the theoretical concept of Swedish exceptionalism. Swedish exceptionalism is the idea of Sweden having a self-image of being superior to others, mainly based on the country’s understanding of itself as being a “moral superpower”. The research question formulated was: Are the Swedish Government’s Statements of Foreign Policy, between 2002 and 2018, articulated through a discourse of Swedish exceptionalism? To determine if there was a discourse of Swedish exceptionalism in the Statements of Foreign Policy, seven key representations of the concept were established. Those were Sweden: 1. being military non-aligned 2. having an active foreign policy 3. being pioneering or “leading the way” 4. bringing security, stability, and peace 5. being a champion of human rights and democracy 6. acting as mediator and/or a bridge builder 7. showing solidarity with “less fortune states” (developing, vulnerable and/or small) The results of the empirical study were that all key representations were present in all of the statements analyzed, which lead to the conclusion is that the Statements of Foreign Policy between 2002 and 2018 were articulated through a discourse of Swedish exceptionalism.
4
Marshall, Helen. „Australian foreign policy and Cambodia : international power, regionalism and domestic politics“. Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112135.
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The Hawke Labor government came to power in March 1983 committed to playing a more active
role in finding a solution to the Cambodian conflict, improving bilateral relations with Vietnam
and restoring Australian aid. This signalled a departure from the Fraser government's
minimal involvement in the issue, and reflected a closer identification of Australia's interests
with the Asia-Pacific region. As Foreign Minister, Bill Hayden, explained:
The war in Cambodia, in all its many dimensions, is the greatest unresolved source of
tension in Southeast Asia...The future of Australia lies in developing a mature and
balanced set of relationships with its neighbours in Southeast Asia. Indochina is part of that neighbourhood.
5
鄭會欣 und Hwei-shing Cheng. „Foreign debt policy of the Nationalist government, 1927-37“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1991. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31210193.
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Chapman, Paul. „The policy implications of Japanese foreign direct investment in Australia /“. Title page, synopsis and contents only, 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phc4662.pdf.
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7
Holt, Andrew. „The foreign policy of the Douglas-Home Government, 1963-1964“. Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.523498.
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8
Poskerová, Lenka. „Norway: The Government Pension Fund - A Tool of Foreign Policy?“ Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-192528.
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This thesis focuses on the Norwegian sovereign wealth fund, the Government Pension Fund, and its linkage to the Norwegian foreign policy. The Kingdom of Norway is usually presented as a role model of a Nordic welfare state. Nevertheless, nothing of this would be possible without oil discovery on the Norwegian offshore in 1969. This thesis debates about possible oil discovery impacts on Norwegian foreign policy throughout the time and tries to analyse and elaborate on major foreign policy challenges. It tries to define whether the Norwegian foreign policy followed Norwegian investment interests and shifted policy's direction since the establishment of the Government Pension or not. Furthermore, the Government Pension Fund -- Global is not intended to be used as a foreign policy instrument. However, some information indicates the contrary. Thesis attempts to answer the question from a wider perspective.
9
Osei-Amo, Yaw. „Australia's foreign policy towards Sub-Saharan Africa 1972-96 /“. [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2004. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe17788.pdf.
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10
Ip, Yee-cheung, und 葉以暢. „An analysis of government policy on importation of labour“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1992. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31964059.
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11
McMaster, Don. „Detention, deterrence, discrimination : Australian refugee policy /“. Title page, abstract and contents only, 1999. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phm167.pdf.
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12
Moeti, Kabelo Boikutso. „Rationalization of government structures concerned with foreign direct investment policy in South Africa“. Pretoria : [s.n.], 2005. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-05092005-134019.
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13
Parsons, Kelly. „Constructing a national food policy : integration challenges in Australia and the UK“. Thesis, City, University of London, 2018. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/19680/.
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Calls for an integrated food policy to tackle the new fundamentals of the food system have been regularly made by academics, policymakers, the food industry and civil society for over a decade in many countries but, despite some changes, much of the old policy framework remains entrenched. This gap raises questions about why policy innovation has proved so difficult. This study responded to that research problem through a qualitative, interpretivist comparative study of how two countries attempted to improve their policy integration, via two specific policy integration projects: the UK’s Food Matters/Food 2030 process (2008-2010) and Australia’s (2010-2013) National Food Plan. It applied a conceptual framework fusing historical institutionalism and the public policy integration literature, focusing on the policy formulation stage. Fieldwork was conducted in both countries, including interviews with key informants; and publically-available documents about the policy projects and broader policy systems were analysed. The findings suggest the two policy projects represent a food policy shift from single-domain ‘policy taker’, towards multiple domain ‘policy maker’, but both fell short of what might be classed as ‘integration’ in the literature. The research identifies how tensions between domains are sidestepped, and makes broader propositions around how multiple values and goals co-exist in this contested policy space, and the need for improved value agreement capacity. It also highlights a general lack of focus on integration as a process. It explores how the legacy of historical fragmented approaches, plus political developments and decisions around institutional design, and a more general trend of hollowing out of national government, impact on how integrated food policy can be formulated in a particular country setting. It therefore proposes an emerging ‘institutionalist theory of food policy integration’, conceptualising the dimensions of integration, and multiple institutional influences on integration attempts.
14
Welsh, Mary, und n/a. „Promoting quality schooling in Australia : Commonwealth Government policy-making for schools (1987-1996)“. University of Canberra. Education, 2000. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20061110.123723.
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Promoting the quality of school education has been an issue of international, national
and local significance in Australia over the past three decades. Since 1973 the pursuit
of quality in school education has been embedded in the rhetoric of educational
discourse and framed by the wider policy context.
This study focuses on the Commonwealth (federal) government's policy agenda to
promote the quality of schooling between 1987 and 1996. During this ten year period,
successive Labor governments sought to promote quality through a range of policy
initiatives and funding programs. Through extensive documentary research, fifty
semi-structured interviews and one focus group with elite policy makers and
stakeholders, the study examines how the Commonwealth government's 'quality
agenda' was constructed and perceived. An analysis of relevant government reports
and ministerial statements provides documentary evidence of this agenda, both in
terms of stated policy intentions and the actual policy initiatives and funding programs
set in place in the period 1987-1996. Set against this analysis are elite informants'
perspectives on Commonwealth policy-making in this period - how quality was
conceptualised as a policy construct and as a policy solution, the influences on
Commonwealth policies for schools, whether there was a 'quality agenda' and how
that agenda was constructed and implemented. Informants generally perceived quality
as a diffuse, but all-encompassing concept which had symbolic and substantive value
as a policy construct. In the context of Commonwealth schools' policies, quality was
closely associated with promoting equity, outcomes, accountability, national
consistency in schooling and teacher quality. Promoting the quality of 'teaching and
learning' in Australian schools took on particular significance in the 1990s through a
number of national policy initiatives brokered by the Commonwealth government.
An exploration of policy processes through interview data reveals the multi-layered
nature of policy-making in this period, involving key individuals, intergovernmental
and national forums. In particular, it highlights the importance of a strong, reformist
Commonwealth Minister (John Dawkins), a number of 'policy brokers' within and
outside government and national collaboration in constructing and maintaining the
Commonwealth's 'quality agenda' for schools. While several Australian education
ii
policy analysts have described policy-making in this period in terms of 'corporate
federalism' (Lingard, 1991, 1998; Bartlett, Knight and Lingard, 1991; Lingard,
O'Brien and Knight, 1993), a different perspective emerges from this study on policymaking
at the national level. Despite unprecedented levels of national collaboration on
matters related to schooling in this period, this research reveals an apparent
ambivalence on the part of some elite policy makers towards the Commonwealth's
policy agenda and its approach to schools' policy-making within the federal arena.
Policy coherence emerged as a relevant issue in this study through analysis of
interview data and a review of related Australian and international policy literature.
Overall, informants perceived the Commonwealth's quality agenda to be relatively
coherent in terms of policy intentions, but much less coherent in terms of policy
implementation. Perceptions of Commonwealth domination, state parochialism,
rivalry, delaying tactics and a general lack of trust and cooperation between policy
players and stakeholders were cited as major obstacles to 'coherent' policy-making.
An analysis of informants' views on policy-making in this period highlights features of
coherent policy-making which have theoretical and practical significance in the
Australian context.
This research also demonstrates the benefits of going beyond the study of written
policy texts to a richer analysis of recent policy history based on elite interviewing.
The wide range of views offered by elite policy makers and stakeholders in this study
both confirms and challenges established views about policy-making in the period
1987-1996. Elite interviewing lent itself to a grounded theory approach to data
collection and analysis (Glaser and Strauss, 1967; Strauss and Corbin, 1998). This
approach was significant in that it allowed relevant issues to emerge in the process of
research, rather than relying on 'up front' theoretical frameworks for the analysis of
data.
15
Wuryandari, Ganewati. „Human rights in Australian foreign policy, with specific reference to East Timor and Papua“. University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2006. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2007.0041.
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[Truncated abstract] This thesis focuses on human rights in Australia’s foreign policy from 1991 to 2004 taking East Timor and Papua as case studies. It encompasses the Paul Keating years (1991 to 1996) as well as John Howard’s three consecutive terms as Prime Minister (from 1996 to 2004). As a consequence of events unfolding in this period of time, the thesis does not consider Australian foreign policy towards East Timor beyond the 1999 referendum that resulted in the separation of East Timor from Indonesia and focuses on Papua until 2004. The primary empirical aim of this thesis is to compare and contrast the two administrations’ approaches and responses to human rights abuses in East Timor and Papua. Drawing upon a variety of theoretical concepts in human rights and foreign policy, this thesis shows that incorporating a concern for human rights in the foreign policy making process is problematic because the promotion of human rights often comes into conflict with other foreign policy objectives . . . The two case studies on human rights abuses in East Timor and Papua reflect the tensions between concepts of realism and idealism in Australian foreign policy. However, the situation of East Timor shows that public pressure is required to balance the disparity of national interest and human rights. The role of public pressure has been largely absent in debates on human rights and foreign policy. While this study focuses on East Timor and Papua as case studies, the discussion of the findings has far reaching implications for Australian foreign policy and international relations, especially concerning the scholarly debate over the place of human rights in foreign policy.
16
Frawley, Patsie, und timpat@pacific net au. „Participation in Government Disability Advisory Bodies in Australia: An Intellectual Disability perspective“. La Trobe University. School of Social Work and Social Policy, 2008. http://www.lib.latrobe.edu.au./thesis/public/adt-LTU20090122.114029.
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This qualitative study examined the participatory experiences of people with an intellectual disability as members of government disability advisory bodies in Australia. These forums are one of the strategies adopted by governments to enable people with an intellectual disability to participate in the formulation of social policy. Such opportunities have arisen from progressive policy that frames people with an intellectual disability as full citizens with equal rights to inclusion and participation in society.
Little research has considered how people with an intellectual disability experience the participatory opportunities that have grown from this recognition of their rights. This reflects the more traditional focus on their status and participation as consumers and service users. The central question of this study is how people with an intellectual disability experience participation in government advisory bodies, and how such forums can be inclusive and meaningful.
This study positions people with an intellectual disability as the experts about their own experiences by relying primarily on their first person accounts of their experiences. Ethnographic and case study methods were employed including in-depth interviews with the central participants, document analysis, observation of the work of the advisory bodies and interviews with others involved in advisory bodies. Analysis led to the development of a typology of participation that describes the political and personal orientations people have to participation.
The study found that structures and the processes used by advisory bodies can mediate people�s experiences; however more significantly, the experiences of people with intellectual disability are shaped by their perception of how they are regarded by others. Central to this is the efficacy of support based on the development of collegiate relationships, similar to the notion of civic friendship described by Reinders (2002), rather than support that is solely focussed on tangible accommodations
The study concludes that citizen participation bodies have not fully recognised the personal and political potential of members with an intellectual disability. It presents evidence that people with an intellectual disability are capable of this form of participation, can provide legitimate and informed perspectives on policy and can engage meaningfully, given full recognition of their capacity to participate as well as structures and processes that enable this.
17
Ip, Yee-cheung. „An analysis of government policy on importation of labour“. [Hong Kong] : University of Hong Kong, 1992. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B1323643X.
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18
Pinheiro, Leticia de Abreu. „Foreign policy decision-making under the Geisel government : the president, the military and the foreign ministry“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1995. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2838/.
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This thesis seeks to provide an explanation for the contents of three foreign policy decisions implemented under the government of general Ernesto Geisel (1974-79). It does so by analyzing the decision-making process which led Brazil l) to abstain in the Meetings of Consultation of American Foreign Ministers for voting the lifting of sanctions against Cuba; 2) to restore diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China; and 3) to recognize Angola's MPLA government. The central hypothesis of the thesis is that, although the doctrine of the regime (National Security Doctrine/NSD) has shaped the general conduct of the government, it is not enough to explain the changes in the main lines of foreign policy. It is necessary to analyze the decision making arena where those changes were indeed defined. The first part of the thesis seeks to review the literature on Brazilian foreign policy under the military regime and to present the perspective of analysis. Then the origins and contents of the NSD, in particular its external components, are presented. In addition, it aims to describe the general structure of the decision making arena under Geisel's government, and the main aspects of the foreign policy implemented during this administration. The following three chapters then seek to reconstruct the decision-making process aiming to retrieve from the analysis of the bargains among the bureaucratic role-players, the meaningful elements of the decision contents. The conclusion then claims that it was President Geisel's leadership, along with his Foreign Minister, which was able to oust the "ideological frontiers" precept from the core of the NSD, in spite of its admitted importance during the Cuban case. Furthermore it disputes the premise which states that the existence of a given ultimate consensus among the decision-makers based on the Doctrine is able to explain, on domestic grounds, the foreign policy of "Responsible Pragmatism". It does so by maintaining that the way whereby a new consensus around foreign policy was developed within the decision making arena is, in itself, a crucial element in understanding the decision contents.
19
Sadleir, Christopher. „On the Frontier : Australia's policy approach to foreign direct investment 1968 - 2004 as a case study in globalisation, national public policy and public administration /“. full text via ADT database, 2007. http://erl.canberra.edu.au/public/adt-AUC20080304.145454/index.html.
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Griffiths, Joanne. „Curriculum contestation : analysis of contemporary curriculum policy and practices in government and non-government education sectors in Western Australia“. University of Western Australia. Graduate School of Education, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0178.
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[Truncated abstract] The aim of this study was to analyse the changing dynamics within and between government and non-government education sectors in relation to the Curriculum Framework (CF) policy in Western Australia (WA) from 1995 to 2004. The Curriculum Council was established by an act of State Parliament in 1997 to oversee the development and enactment of the CF, which was released in 1998. A stated aim of the CF policy was to unify the education sectors through a shared curriculum. The WA State government mandated that all schools, both government and non-government, demonstrate compliance by 2004. This was the first time that curriculum was mandated for non-government schools, therefore the dynamics within and between the education sectors were in an accelerated state of transformation in the period of study. The timeframe for the research represented the period from policy inception (1995) to the deadline for policy enactment for Kindergarten to Year 10 (2004). However, given the continually evolving and increasingly politicised nature of curriculum policy processes in WA, this thesis also provides an extended analysis of policy changes to the time of thesis submission in 2007 when the abolition of the Curriculum Council was formally announced - a decade after it was established. ... The research reported in this thesis draws on both critical theory and post-structuralist approaches to policy analysis within a broader framework of policy network theory. Policy network theory is used to bring the macro focus of critical theory and the micro focus of post-structuralism together in order to highlight power issues at all levels of the policy trajectory. Power dynamics within a policy network are fluid and multidimensional, and power struggles are characteristic at all levels. This study revealed significant power differentials between government and non-government education sectors caused by structural and cultural differences. Differences in autonomy between the education sectors meant that those policy actors within the non-government sector were more empowered to navigate the competing and conflicting forms of accountabilities that emerged from the changes to WA curriculum policy. Despite both generalised discourses of blurring public/private boundaries within the context of neoliberal globalisation and specific CF goals of bringing the sectors together, the boundaries continue to exist. Further, there is much strategising about how to remain distinct within the context of increased market choice. This study makes a unique and significant contribution to the understanding of policy processes surrounding the development and enactment of the CF in WA and the implications for the changing dynamics within and between the education sectors. Emergent themes and findings may potentially be used as a basis for contrast and comparison in other contexts. The research contributes to policy theory by arguing for closer attention to be paid to power dynamics between localised agency in particular policy spaces and the state-imposed constraints.
21
Leung, Yuen-ting, und 梁菀婷. „Immigration policy on non-local students in Hong Kong: a study of policy dynamics“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2012. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B50255472.
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This dissertation seeks to enhance the understanding of the agenda setting process of Hong Kong government by analysis of the immigration policy on non-local students in the post-colonial era. With the government’s determination for developing Hong Kong to become a regional education hub, a general relaxation of immigration policy on non-local students is observed since 2004. By adopting John Kingdon’s policy streams theory as analytical framework, mixed with Cohen et al’s garbage can model and Lindblom’s incrementalism theory, the influential factor on the problem, policy and political streams are identified and the findings suggest that events in political streams, such as the change in national mood and change in administration have great impacts on the agenda whilst the problem and policy streams remain relatively stable. The impact of the policy entrepreneur is also discussed during the course of research.published_or_final_version
Politics and Public Administration
Master
Master of Public Administration
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Chase, Gary Michael. „The impact of U.S. foreign policy on the structure of Iran's government“. Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA420218.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2003.Thesis Advisor(s): James Russell. "December 2003." Includes bibliographical references (p. 61-65). Also available in print.
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Chase, Gary M. „The impact of U.S. foreign policy on the structure of Iran's government“. Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Dec%5FChase.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2003.Thesis advisor(s): James Russell, Robert Looney. Includes bibliographical references (p. 61-65). Also available online.
24
Minami, Masaki. „The role and policy of the South Australian Government in the development of economic ties with Asian nations /“. Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1997. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ARM/09armm663.pdf.
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Yip, Yick-ling Eric, und 葉亦翎. „A review of employees retraining levy on foreign dometic helpers“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2010. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B46778627.
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Auton, Luke Thomas Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. „'A sort of middle of the road policy' : forward defence, alliance politics and the Australian Nuclear Weapons Option, 1953-1973“. Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. Humanities & Social Sciences, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40319.
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This thesis is about the importance of nuclear weapons to Australian defence and strategic policy in Southeast Asia between 1953 and 1973. It argues that Australia's approach to nuclear issues during this period, and its attitude towards the development and acquisition of nuclear weapons in particular, was aimed exclusively at achieving narrowly defined political objectives. Australia was thus never interested in possessing nuclear weapons, and any moves seemingly taken along these lines were calculated to obtain political concessions - not as part of a 'bid' for their acquirement. This viewpoint sits at odds with the consensus position of several focused studies of Australian nuclear policy published in the past decade. Although in general these studies correctly argue that Australia maintained the 'nuclear weapons option' until the early 1970s, all have misrepresented the motivation for this by contending that the government viewed such weapons in exclusively military terms. The claim that Australia was interested only in the military aspect of nuclear weapons does not pay due attention to the fact that defence planning was based entirely on the provision of conventional forces to Southeast Asia. Accordingly, the military was interested first and foremost with issues arising from extant conventional planning concepts, and the government was chiefly concerned about obtaining allied assurances of support for established plans. The most pressing requirement for Australia therefore was gaining sway over allied countries. However, the Australian government was never in a position to overtly influence more powerful allies against an undertaking that could escalate into limited war, and was similarly incapable of inducing its allies to retain forces in the region in spite of competing pressures. It was for this reason that Australia would seek to manipulate the nuclear weapons option. Indeed, access to such weapons offered Australia the opportunity to achieve greater integration in formulating allied planning, while the threat to manufacture them provided a means of convincing regional partners to maintain a presence in the area. The thesis therefore concludes that Australia carefully presented its options for procuring nuclear weapons to gain influence over its allies in response to strategic developments in Southeast Asia.
27
Mikenberg, Eero. „Pskov region of the Russian Federation as foreign policy actor“. Thesis, Connect to e-thesis, 2008. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/211/.
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Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Glasgow, 2006.Ph.D. thesis submitted to the Department of Central and East European Studies, University of Glasgow, 2006. Includes bibliographical references. Print version also available.
28
Tang, Jihua. „Britain and the Peking Government 1926-1928“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.388289.
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Oliver, Clive P. „Analysis and determinants of sustainability policy choice of local councils in Australia : a test of stakeholder theory“. Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2013. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/700.
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Since the early 1990’s, issues of sustainability involving community, government and industry have gained momentum, and the environment has become the focus of numerous studies, such as those undertaken by Young and Hayes (2002); Yuan (2001); Staley (2006); Mellahi and Wood (2004); Hezri and Hasan (2006); Dowse 2006; Wilmhurst and Frost (2000); and Qian, Burritt and Monroe (2010). Cotter and Hannan (1999, p.11) also discussed the impetus of a United Nations summit in 1992, known as the Earth Summit, which resulted in Local Agenda 21, a blueprint for action to achieve sustainable development.
Global sustainability is currently a major focus for policies in both the public and private sectors. Local government in Australia is currently undergoing historic changes as a result of a major thrust to restructure through amalgamation, in order to improve efficiencies and effectiveness in local government. Amalgamations are considered necessary for the financial survival of local government, as there is growing evidence to suggest that too many small councils will not be financially viable in the future. Moreover, local government worldwide is now more accountable than ever before for sustainable policy choices and the impact of those policy choices on their communities.
Sustainable policy choices of local councils worldwide will have an enormous economic and environmental impact on the planet. Previous studies into the effects of sustainability issues and their relationship to local councils have been carried out by Kloot and Martin (2001); O’Brien (2002); Reid (1999); Bulkeley (2000); and Tebbatt (2006).
This empirical quantitative study examines the sustainability policy choices of local government Australia-wide, and looks specifically at the determinants of such choices in local government. It also investigates the influence of stakeholders on the sustainability policy choices of each local government, the results of which have the potential to affect society’s quality of life. Identifying stakeholders who influence sustainability policy choices is therefore of great importance for the future.
All five hundred and fifty eight local Australian government entities listed by the Australian Local Government Association (ALGA) were invited to participate in this study. Data were gathered through the use of a structured questionnaire, and an analysis was undertaken to identify those stakeholders who influence the sustainability policies of Australian local government.
This is the first research to examine all Australian local government entities to find out why they make the sustainability choices they do. To date, most studies relating to local government have been in areas of disclosure, such as those carried out by Royston (2001); Priest, Ng and Dolley (1999); and Piaseka (2006).
The findings of this study support the assertion of Mitchell, Agle and Wood (1997), that stakeholder salience is positively related to the cumulative number of the three variable attributes of power, legitimacy and urgency. In addition, this study ranked stakeholders from one to eight according to the perceptions of local government CEOs. It is interesting to note that, of the listed stakeholders, government did not rank as number one. The results indicated that stakeholder influence on local government sustainability policy choices varied depending on local government size, location, and whether they were urban or rural according to their government classification. The researcher was surprised to learn that many councils did not know their own government classification. The study also revealed that local government took sustainability seriously in all its forms and applications. As in previous research, the CEO of each council was selected as the respondent for the questionnaire. It was discovered that many of the larger councils had specialist positions dealing with these issues.
This study is significant because it contributes original research in the area of stakeholder influence on sustainability policy choices of local government in Australia. It is important for future sustainability studies to have an understanding of which stakeholders influence local government in making their sustainability policy choices. This study also clarifies the perceived salience of local government stakeholders from the perspective of Australian local government CEOs. Moreover, the study proves quite clearly that local government is not homogenous, and the potential exists for future studies to investigate the importance and consequence of heterogeneous local government in Australia and around the world.
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Demir, Mustafa. „Turkish foreign policy towards the Kurdistan Regional Government (2003-2013) : a globalist analysis“. Thesis, Keele University, 2015. http://eprints.keele.ac.uk/2500/.
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Despite the shadows cast by their history, Turkey has developed relations with the Kurdish government to the level of a strategic partnership within the last decade, following the 2003 invasion of Iraq. This thesis contextualizes this unexpected rapprochement from a globalist perspective. To do so, the research first identifies and analyses important developments taking place during 2003-2013, then it seeks the motives that led to the emergence of this strategic partnership between these two regional actors, first at regional, then at global level. In conclusion, it argues that it was mainly the power shift in global political system that led Turkey to abandon its traditional policy towards the Kurdish Region of Iraq.
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Ratz, D. (David). „The Canadian image of Finland, 1919–1948:Canadian government perceptions and foreign policy“. Doctoral thesis, Oulun yliopisto, 2018. http://urn.fi/urn:isbn:9789526220338.
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Abstract Perceptions of Finland and Finns held by Canadian government decision-makers underscore the relations between the two countries. The individuals involved had definite views of what Finland and Finns were like and these images were at times openly expressed or inferred from the archived government departmental files. Using an analysis of images, the evolving bilateral relations between Canada and Finland from the recognition of Finnish independence in 1919 until the early Cold War in 1948 can be understood from the Canadian perspective. The images are analyzed on a scale in terms of their positive or negative connotations. Positive images regarded Finland as a friendly, Northern, country, a borderland, cultured, Western, modern, progressive, liberal, and democratic. When these images were applied to Finns they were seen as honest, hardworking, reliable and the payers of debts. On the opposite end of the spectrum, Finland was an enemy and a trade competitor. The Finnish people could also be seen with negative images as dangerous and radical. These images existed before the establishment of diplomatic relations and carried over to interactions involving immigration, the League of Nations, trade, and scientific exchanges. They are also evident in relations between the two countries during the Winter War, in the decision to declare war against Finland during the Continuation War, during the armistice period, the peace process, and the during the early Cold War when normalized relations were established. The findings suggest that relations between Canada and Finland were most often impacted by events in Europe. The images of Finland and Finns did not directly impact relations as such, since the policies and actions taken were based on what decision-makers considered realistic assessments of the situation, as well as Canada’s national interests and capabilities. However, the images appear frequently as a means to narrow the range of acceptable options, rationalizations for specific polices, and justification for particular actionsTiivistelmä Kanadan hallituksen päätöksentekijöiden näkemykset Suomesta ja suomalaisista korostavat maiden välisiä suhteita. Hallituksen arkistot paljastavat, että päättäjillä oli selvä näkökuva Suomesta ja suomalaisista, ja siihen viitattiin joko avoimesti tai peitetysti. Kanadan ja Suomen suhteet Suomen itsenäisyyden tunnustamisesta vuonna 1919 aina kylmän sodan alkuun saakka vuonna 1948 ovat ymmärrettävissä Kanadan näkökulmasta käyttämällä näkökuva-analyysia. Näkökuvat analysoidaan joko positiivisella tai negatiivisella asteikolla. Positiiviset näkökuvat Suomesta kuvaavat sitä ystävällisenä, pohjoisena rajamaana, joka oli sivistynyt, länsimainen, nykyaikainen, edistynyt, suvaitsevainen ja demokraattinen. Suomalaiset nähtiin rehellisinä, ahkerina, luotettavina ja velkansa maksajina. Asteikon toisessa päässä Suomi nähtiin vihollisena ja kauppakilpailijana. Suomalaiset voitiin myös nähdä negatiivisesti vaarallisina ja radikaaleina. Nämä näkökuvat olivat läsnä ennen maitten välisten diplomaattisuhteiden perustamista, ja jatkuivat vuorovaikutuksissa koskien siirtolaisuutta, Kansojen liittoa, kauppaa ja tieteellistä vaihtoa. Ne ovat myös nähtävissä suhteissa talvisodan aikana, päätöksessä julistaa sota Suomea vastaan jatkosodan aikana, aserauhan aikana, rauhanteon aikana sekä paluussa normaaleihin suhteisiin kylmän sodan alussa. Euroopan tapahtumilla näytti olevan myös suuri vaikutus Suomen ja Kanadan suhteisiin. Näkökuvat Suomesta ja suomalaisista eivät suoranaisesti vaikuttaneet maitten suhteisiin, koska käytännöt ja toiminnat perustuivat päättäjien mielestä realistiseen arvioon tilanteista sekä Kanadan kansallisista eduista ja kyvyistä. Tästä huolimatta näitä näkökuvia käytettiin usein rajoittamaan hyväksyttävien vaihtoehtojen valikoimaa, järkeistämään tiettyjä käytäntöjä sekä oikeuttamaan joitakin toimintoja
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Khan, Faheem Jehangir. „Inside foreign aid : donor-government interactions and the aid policy network in Pakistan“. Thesis, University of Bristol, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.687687.
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Despite an extensive debate on foreign aid, the voluminous aid literature mainly focuses on donors' strategies, aid modalities, and the scope for foreign aid to improve development indicators. The evaluation of foreign aid outcomes (or aid effectiveness) dominates the debate. The aid literature has rarely considered the aid policy process and the influence of aid policy networks on managing foreign aid decisions in an aid recipient country. This research responds to this gap by providing new understanding of how the aid community interacts and manages aid decisions in Pakistan. The aim of this research is to explore how donors and the Pakistan government interact to manage foreign aid in the aid policy network. This research provides an in-depth, qualitative, rich description of donor-Pakistan government interactions in managing the aid policy process. These insights are valuable in improving existing knowledge about the complexities, interdependencies and constraints involved in managing foreign aid in Pakistan. This research focuses on donor-government interactions in the complex web of multiple actors. First, it maps the network structure in place to manage the aid delivery system. Second, it explores the network management strategies actors employ in their attempt to manage the aid policy process. Finally, it examines the influence of aid proliferation and state capacity on managing foreign aid in Pakistan. This study concludes that many of the problems of international development aid are known to the actors involved in the aid policy process in Pakistan. However, there has been a lack of collective action on practical steps to make foreign aid more effective that adds to the complexity of the aid policy process. To make the aid policy process work better and eventually enhance the value and effectiveness of foreign aid, the Pakistan government and donors need to review their partnership strategies and interaction practices to make aid efforts more collaborative and improve coordination. The Pakistan government needs to focus more on overcoming capacity issues and shortages of technical expertise in the public sector, while donors should cooperate with the government in curtailing high transaction costs. Nonetheless, overcoming the passive acceptance of the problems among actors involved in the aid delivery process is likely to be hugely challenging.
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Moeti, Kabelo Boikhutso. „Rationalization of government structures concerned with foreign direct investment policy in South Africa“. Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/24485.
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This thesis sought to focus attention on the fact that currently in the Republic of South Africa (RSA) there is no specific governmental body that is charged with complete responsibility for policy-making and regulation of foreign direct investment (FDI) in general and multinational enterprise (MNE) investment in particular. This issue was identified for study as it was noted that firstly, several other countries (irrespective of their level of development) have such an organization in place. Secondly and more importantly, it was also noted that there have been several cases in which a multinational enterprise posed legal, social and political challenges for host country governments for which such governments were not empowered to resolve in either the a priori or ex-post facto sense. This inability on the part of governments to deal effectively with the challenges created by the unique characteristics and behaviors of multinational enterprises could possibly have been mitigated through the existence of a governmental unit tasked with MNE regulation. The objective of the thesis, was to study the feasibility of designing, developing, and/or proposing, for South Africa, a governmental unit for policy making, policy implementation and control of the inward foreign direct investments of multinational enterprises, where it could firstly be shown that such an administrative unit is indeed needed. The arguments made in the study were framed in the form of a null hypothesis and a single research question. The null hypothesis of the study being: Ho = there is a necessity to formalize a government administrative structure for policy setting and implementation of multinational enterprise regulations in South Africa. The hypothesis was examined in terms of being accepted or rejected based in part upon first resolving the research question of the study which is: Is there a need for foreign direct investment policies that apply exclusively to multinational enterprises? As the thesis was of a qualitative rather than quantitative nature, the methodological approach primarily examined theoretical, empirical and anecdotal evidence to ascertain whether the hypothesis should be supported or rejected. Given that the null hypothesis was not disproved and the research question was answered in the affirmative, the thesis concluded and recommended the establishment of a small specialized unit of experts to serve as part of the public service but independent of any other governmental department or unit. The proposed unit should work to provide support to other government agencies in the areas of research, advice and coordination services. As the environment within which such an organizational unit operates can be expected to be relatively stable over time, and the work of the unit highly specialized, it is envisioned that decision making in the unit will be more centralized than de-centralized. The thesis ended by exploring optional organizational designs with the aim of recommending the appropriate hierarchical arrangements to be established for the proposed organizational unit. More specific answers with respect to, for example, the number of people to be employed, their job descriptions, and the remuneration scales to be applied to their positions are recommended by the thesis for further study.Thesis (DAdmin (Public Administration))--University of Pretoria, 2006.
School of Public Management and Administration (SPMA)
unrestricted
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Goldberg, David Howard. „Ethnic interest groups as domestic sources of foreign policy : a theoretical and empirical inquiry“. Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=76524.
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This study investigates the phenomenon of ethnic interest groups as domestic sources of influence on the making of foreign policy on a cross-national basis. The attempt is made first to develop a framework for comparing theoretically the role of ethnic groups in various governmental systems. Once completed, the various conceptual assumptions are applied to the activities of domestic ethnic interest groups in the United States and Canada concerned with policy for the Middle East and the Arab-Israel conflict. The focus is primarily on the American and Canadian pro-Israel lobbies during the period between October 1973 and September 1982. Data for domestic Arab ethnic constituencies are also considered where relevant, but more as logical counter-points to the North American Jewish communities than as bases for full and complete cross-ethnic comparison. The principal objective of this study is to compare the political influence of two interest groups of the same faith and fundamental purpose but of different systems of government and political cultures.
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李良柱 und Jeremy Edward Lee. „An examination of government investment incentives and disincentives: the case of Vietnam“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1995. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31266617.
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Chartprasert, Kiattikhun. „Australia and the Kampuchean problem : Thai perspectives“. Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112144.
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Throughout recorded history, Indochina has experienced conflict, turbulence and violence. One of the first recorded conflicts was in the first century A. D. when the Hung Sisters led a revolt in Northern Vietnam against Chinese domination. Ever since, relations with China have included long periods of peace and stability broken by conflict, invasion and resistance. But it was not until the United States directly participated in Vietnamese affairs following the French withdrawal after the battle of Dien Bien Phu and the Geneva Settlement of 1954 that the region has been the scene of "superpower rivalry". The wars which have engulfed the Indochina states over the past 30 years have brought untold human suffering and misery. When hostilities finally ceased as a result of the communist victories in Indochina in mid 1970s, the world looked forward hopefully to a long period of peace in which the well-being of the people of the region could be advanced and assured. Unfortunately, conflicts and instability have broken out anew.
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Totaro, Genevois Mariella. „Foreign policies for the diffusion of language and culture : the Italian experience in Australia“. Monash University, Centre for European Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8828.
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Henry, Adam. „Manufacturing Australian foreign policy 1950 - 1966“. Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150822.
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The transition from the liberal foreign policy approach of the Chifley Labor Government to the more strident anti-communism of the conservative Menzies Government after 1949 is a significant event in 20th Century Australian history. During the period 1950-1966 the Menzies Government faced a range of challenges such as relations with the USA, responses to the USSR and China and the question of Indonesia and decolonisation in post-war Southeast Asia. In response the Menzies Government developed new foreign policies, encouraged a particular style of diplomacy and helped to establish a new Cold War attitude towards Australian international affairs. In the 1950s, the Cold War, the United Nations (UN) and the establishment of new overseas diplomatic missions (particularly in Asia) placed growing administrative and bureaucratic demands on the machinery of Australian diplomacy. From the mid 1950s the Department of External Affairs (DEA) was restructured in order to meet such demands. This process allowed the Department to establish what were considered to be the defining characteristics and attitudes of a new professional Australian diplomacy. The selection and training of new diplomatic recruits is one such area in which this occurred. This period saw growing interest from politicians, diplomats and academics for developing new types of foreign policy analysis about communism in South East Asia, or the Cold War in general. While some networks between politics, bureaucracy and academia linked to foreign policy analysis had existed in the 1930s and 1940s, from the 1950s new and more powerful relationships were being established. Various academics, many from the Australian Institute of International Affairs (AlIA) and the Australian National University (ANU) forged close and ongoing contacts with the DEA. The relationships between small groups of key individuals and institutions ultimately wielded significant influence on issues such as the Cold War and Australian foreign policy debates. By the 1960s this small foreign policy network had built a vital relationship with the Ford Foundation of New York. This relationship certainly helped to define dominant attitudes towards Australian foreign policy debates. The ANU, AIIA, DEA and Ford Foundation network established a style of foreign policy analysis that was openly (or at least cautiously) sympathetic to the policies of Canberra and Washington often accepting the official justifications at face value.
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Chapman, Paul (Paul Noel). „The policy implications of Japanese foreign direct investment in Australia“. 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phc4662.pdf.
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Chapman, Paul (Paul Noel). „The policy implications of Japanese foreign direct investment in Australia / Paul Chapman“. Thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/21758.
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Pokarier, Christopher James. „Politics of foreign direct investment in Australia, 1960-96“. Phd thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110001.
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Foreign direct investment has played an important role in the Australian economy
yet despite frequent public controversy there is still no general study of the politics
of inward FDI in Australia. This thesis seeks to explain why Australia turned away
from a long-established 'open door' policy towards FDI in the late 1960s only to
liberalise policy again from the mid-1980s and why policy openness varied across
sectors. In doing so the thesis tests the explanatory power of both private and public
interest theories of FDI policy. Both accounts are grounded in a theory of political
markets characterised by information shortages and political entrepreneurialism.
This thesis concludes that Australia's FDI policy during 1960-96 principally
reflected government attempts to make politically optimal compromises between
competing conceptions of the public interest in relation to FDI. Yet rent seeking
was rife and, to some degree, influenced popular and elite perceptions of the public
interest. Liberal business constituencies and the imperative of growth-oriented
policy strategies usually outweighed private interest suppliers of restrictive FDI
policy although periodically the latter did find some influence. Private interests
seeking restrictive policy were helped by shortages of information about the real
costs and benefits of FDI, in the case of the mining industry in particular, and by
popular concern about the cultural consequences of FDI in the case of the mass
media. The public interest politics of FDI policy also proved to be inseparable from
the use of restrictions on FDI as a second best solution to poor regulatory design,
tariff policy and mismanagement of national resources. These findings about the
politics of FDI in Australia suggest that when confronted by a weak economy most
governments will deliver quite liberal policy in practice for all but the most
politically sensitive sectors. The economic costs of economic nationalism may
engender their own political momentum for the liberalisation of FDI policy. Yet the
Australian experience also suggests that governments will be very hesitant to give
up discretionary controls on FDI, such as the Foreign Investment Review Board.
This is because they provide a mechanism for managing politically resilient
economic nationalist sentiment in the electorate and for providing the odd favour to
an influential private interest.
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Hackforth-Jones, Simary. „The ALP's foreign policy towards Indonesia 1983-1996 : cooperating for peace?“ Master's thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151221.
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Broadbent, Stephen J. „Australia's defence export policy“. Master's thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/145187.
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MacCallion, Gregory John. „Defining human and national security in military interventions : Australia and Canada in Somalia and Afghanistan“. Phd thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/155775.
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Since the introduction of the concept of human security in 1994, debates have raged regarding the definition and applicability of the concept. Proponents of human security have sought to define the concept so that it may be utilised, whereas critics of human security have argued that the concept is too broad and amorphous to be adopted or utilised by states in international relations. This thesis examines two states; Australia, which has never utilised the term, 'human security,' in its declaratory policies; and Canada, a state that, for a time, was one of the most vocal proponents of the concept in its foreign policy statements. The research examines the two countries' military interventions in Somalia (1992-1995 - prior to the introduction of human security as a concept) and Afghanistan (2001-2013 - after the concept's introduction) to establish if, and to what extent, human security featured in and/or shaped their missions. Drawing upon an analysis of Australia's and Canada's declaratory policies and implementation approaches for each mission, this thesis presents a unique analytical framework that assesses the degree of norm internalisation of human security by the two states. It argues that human security is both co-opted and adapted by states in military interventions when the limitation of traditional national security approaches is recognised and when such actions are in alignment with national values. This thesis finds that the core concept of human security can be, and has been, operationalised at the implementation level, regardless of whether the state has a clearly defined declaratory policy of human security or not. Further, states now perceive the core concept of human security as a necessary condition for mission success in military interventions; military security, alone, is no longer enough. The thesis concludes with the argument that, for states, the concept of human security works better in practice (implementation) than it does in theory (declaratory policies). Indeed, when it comes to incorporating the fundamental elements of human security in military interventions, this thesis argues, it is the practices of human security that drives, and helps create, policies based on human security.
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Herd, Andrew Philip. „Guest workers in the age of globalisation : Australia's 457 visa program“. Phd thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151766.
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Introduced in 1996 by the newly elected Howard Government, the Temporary Business Visas (long stay) Subclass 457 visa has become an important yet controversial element of Australia's migration program. Allowing the temporary migration of workers for a period of between three months and four years, the 457 visa program is based on the need for such workers to be sponsored by an eligible employer while they are in Australia. Criticism of the program has focused on the exploitation and mistreatment of workers that has been uncovered, much of it linked to the uneven power dynamics that exist due to this need for sponsorship. In addition to these controversies, there has been discussion of the program's role in the purported shift away from permanent towards temporary migration and the related influence of globalisation on its development and operation. Acknowledging that there has been debate over the concept of globalisation, this thesis takes a sceptical view of the concept and investigates the claims made by scholars and politicians that the 457 visa program is a response to globalisation. To do this, it measures the program against five criteria for a globalised worker migration program: it is unprecedented; it allows participants to engage in a global labour market; it provides evidence of the decline in the importance of the nation; it shows the diminishing power of the state; and it demonstrates the increasing power of the business community. This thesis finds that while there is superficial evidence suggesting that the 457 visa program is a response to globalisation, as measured by these criteria, a more detailed examination raises considerable doubts over such claims. It is shown that in contrast, an anti-capitalist analysis of the program provides useful insights into its operation. Further, it demonstrates how the concept of globalisation can be used to disguise the growing influence of both the state and the business community while also making it difficult for opponents of the 457 visa program to criticise it.
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Anwyl, Ben. „John Howard’s Australia and September 11“. Thesis, 2016. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/33187/.
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The literature on the performance of Australia’s centre-right government led by John Howard (1996-2007) has tended to underplay the role of September 11 in his electoral success. To win four terms of continuous government in the contemporary political scene is, however, no mean feat, ensuring Howard a place in the pantheon of celebrated conservative leaders in the English-speaking world.
Our framework is the celebrated gestalt developed by Fred I. Greenstein to analyse the strengths and weaknesses of each American President. Based on a series of interviews with Howard, the inner sanctum around him, other players in the political scene, and expert commentators, this thesis interrogates the leadership of John Howard in Greenstein’s terms.
Each of the six skills and attributes in the Greenstein typology is viewed in specific ways from the standpoint of the two dozen interviewees. In areas where Howard was in some sense or other deficient or lacking, his experience in government, notably September 11, had a positive effect on his capacity for leadership.
This analysis serves to help us approach the central question of this thesis, namely, what is the role of leader in the formation of a nation’s foreign policy? This question has been debated in the International Relations (IR) field for several generations of scholarship, and is most closely associated with the name of James N. Rosenau.
The case of John Howard in the reformulation of Australian foreign policy in the aftermath of September 11 is an example on the ‘yes’ side of the ledger in that important debate.
Where the Greenstein framework is important is to help us to see that these epochal events in IR can shape leaders as well as be shaped by them.
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Lofgren, Hans Vilhelm Martin. „Globalisation of the pharmaceutical industry and the Australian state: the transformation of a policy network“. 1997. http://repository.unimelb.edu.au/10187/1525.
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Processes of rationalisation and restructuring within the international drug industry in the past decade have altered the conditions for governance of Australia’s pharmaceutical sector. This thesis demonstrates that the balance of power within the domestic policy network shifted to favour multinational suppliers of prescription drugs after the Government in the late 1980s embraced the objective of making the regulatory and policy environment more user-friendly. The emphasis of state activities has moved away from welfare and public interest objectives towards provision of direct support for capital accumulation under conditions of globalising capitalism.The domain of pharmaceutical policy was historically characterised by corporatist bargaining between strong regulatory agencies within the Commonwealth Department of Health and centralised associations representing producer and professional interests. Following recent reform of these agencies and a reordering of their relative authority, the pattern of interaction within the policy network has become more open and politicised, with more active participation of groups representing consumers, patients and the research and development (R&D) community. Conversely, the capacity of Australian state agencies to manage and control sectoral change has diminished. A greater degree of pluralism at the level of interaction between the state of interest groups has evolved within the context of the principal trend towards marketisation and commodification within the drug sector.
These conclusions arise from the empirical analysis of developments in the international pharmaceutical industry, including the formation of a transnational regulatory regime, and changes in domestic policy and regulatory practices. The thesis traces the ascendance of governance through the market mechanism at the expense of direct state control or corporatist bargaining. The investigation gives particular attention to: the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme; the Pharmaceutical Industry Development Program introduced in 1987, notably the Factor (f) scheme (which provides notional drug price increases in exchange for expanded industry activity); and the politics of brand substitution and generic drugs.
It is shown that the Australian Government in the period under consideration, irrespective of party political composition, has pursued purposefully a policy of international integration derived from an acceptance of the imperative of retaining and attracting foreign capital. While the Factor (f) program as designed to sustain bargaining between the state and the multinational industry, it is demonstrated that the Department of Industry proved unable to maintain and generate support for strategically oriented industry policy.
The changes identified and analysed in this thesis are consistent with the hypothesis of a hollowing out of the state associated with the decline of the Fordist model of accumulation and the Keynesian welfare state. A feature of this transition is the subordination of social policy to the imperatives of innovation, flexibility and international competitiveness.
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Thompson, Laura. „The Australian Government, the US alliance, and the Cuban Missile Crisis: A history and policy analysis“. Thesis, 2017. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/35980/.
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In October 1962, the world was brought to the brink of nuclear catastrophe. The Cuban
Missile Crisis marked the closest the United States (US) and the Soviet Union came to
military conflict that might have led to nuclear annihilation during the Cold War. This
thesis investigates the Australian Government’s policy response to the crisis. In doing
so, it makes an original contribution to Australian Cold War history and to the extensive
literature on the crisis.
The Australian Government’s policy response to the crisis is examined in the context of
the Australia-US alliance. A diplomatic history, this thesis relies heavily on declassified
government records from Australian and American archives. Additionally, oral history
interview transcripts, audio-visual materials, Hansard, newspapers, and private
collections, were consulted in order to reconstruct comprehensively Australia’s policy
on this matter and the factors that shaped it.
This thesis examines: Australia’s awareness of the Cuban situation; the Menzies
Government’s policy on the crisis, specifically, factors it considered—and did not
consider—in formulating its policy; and the Government’s immediate implementation
of that policy, including the reactions of some sections of the Australian community to
that policy. It demonstrates that despite limited advance notice and awareness of the
Cuban situation, the Government swiftly declared support for the US in the crisis,
specifically, its resolution to be presented to the United Nations Security Council. It reveals that certain politicians, diplomats, and public servants were concerned about:
Australia’s obligations under the Australia New Zealand United States Security Treaty;
the legality of the US response; the precedent set by the quarantine; the implications of
US policy on the crisis regarding Australian nuclear ambitions; Australia maintaining its
trade relationship with Cuba; and the repercussions the crisis could have on collective
defence arrangements, which Australia relied on for its security. Despite these concerns
and challenges, the Government considered the successful management of the US
alliance paramount in formulating and implementing its policy on the crisis.
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Davis, Thomas William d'Arcy. „Governance and uncertainty: the public policy of Australia's official development assistance to Papua New Guinea“. 2002. http://repository.unimelb.edu.au/10187/1024.
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Against the backdrop of the historical failure of official development assistance to alleviate poverty in the Third World, this thesis examines the current approach of Western aid donors toward development. The thesis asks whether aid policy processes indicate a willingness, or capacity, on the part of official donors to more fully engage with the causal complexity of development, and so potentially improve development outcomes. Considering the case study of the Australian bilateral aid program to Papua New Guinea from both top-down and bottom-up policy perspectives, the thesis concludes that, in relation to Australia, there are significant structural and institutional impediments to change. The Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, and its interpretation of national interest, dominate high-level aid policy-making, even though the objectives of foreign policy and those of foreign aid differ. Australia's official development agency, AusAID, is limited in its capacity to legitimately challenge this dominance, not least because its use of contracted-out projects restrict its corporate knowledge and its ability to influence policy agendas and networks. Overcoming this impasse requires creative management on the part of senior public servants and non-governmental members of the aid policy community alike.
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Stanley, Laura. „Mates and missiles: the Menzies Government and the Cuban Missile Crisis“. Thesis, 2010. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/30231/.
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This thesis examines the Menzies Government's response to the Cuban Missile Crisis of
October 1962. This is the first historical investigation of the Crisis in the context of
Australian-American relations. Its primary objective, therefore, is to fill a historiographical
gap in Australia's Cold War history.