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Yakovleva, Nailya. „LATIN AMERICA IN PORTUGAL'S FOREIGN ECONOMIC STRATEGY“. Urgent Problems of Europe, Nr. 3 (2022): 158–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.03.07.
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The article deals with the current and insufficiently explored issue of Portugal's international relations with Latin American countries. It is shown that after a series of crises, the Portuguese economy managed to reach a growth trajectory, change the image of a European outsider and gain the authority in the world community. Special attention is paid to the current stage of structural modernization, the characteristic of which is the innovatization and digitalization of production processes, the development of high-tech industries. The ongoing changes have led to significant edits in the foreign economic strategy of the Portuguese authorities and the transition to an offensive export policy. The growth of the economy, the course towards its internationalization by supporting exports and expanding foreign economic relations have contributed to the intensification of cooperation with other regions of the world, including Latin American countries. It is noted that the Latin American direction is an important element of the foreign policy activities of the Portuguese authorities. Historically, Portugal's relations with the countries of the region have been built in different formats: at the bilateral level and through participation in regional and interregional groupings. In recent years, there has been an increase in the expansion of Portuguese business in Latin America. And although the process of trade development of Latin American markets faces objective difficulties and develops relatively slowly, the region is assigned the role of a promising partner of Portugal in the implementation of the strategy of export diversification, increasing the share of innovative products of high processing in it. It is emphasized that in every Latin American country, Portugal is trying (sometimes very effectively) to find its trade and economic niche. At the same time, Brazil has a special status in Portugal's relations with Latin American partners.
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Klochkovsky, L. „New World Economic Development Trends and Latin America“. World Economy and International Relations 60, Nr. 4 (2016): 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-4-48-60.
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There are substantial changes in the evolution of world economy and world economic relations. The growth rates of international trade have diminished two-fold, the prices for oil and other commodities have fallen, and the competition on world markets has sharpened greatly. These new trends complicate fundamentally external conditions for the economic development of peripheral regions, especially Latin America. Latin American countries have reached a phase of considerable economic deceleration. Under these circumstances, there is an urgent need for reconsideration of key conclusions made by some Russian experts on the possibilities of the future economic and social growth of Latin America. The author examines the most discussed aspects of the Latin American modern economic situation – the deepening technological gap and slow rates of technological progress, the limited role of internal economic motive forces, the conservation of foreign economic dependence. The future of Latin America’s economic development is uncertain in many respects and will depend greatly on foreign economic conditions. The new world balance opened important additional possibilities for Latin America on world markets. China has converted into the second largest economic partner of the region. But there is a number of complicated problems in their relations that need an urgent regulation. At the same time, the strategic task for Latin America consists in finding of effective ways for further broadening of economic relations with the United States in terms of equality and mutual benefit.
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Lopez Garcia, Ana Isabel. „The Myth of 9/11 in Latin America“. Cornell Internation Affairs Review 2, Nr. 1 (01.11.2008): 35–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.37513/ciar.v2i1.340.
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It is often argued that the first and most visible impact of the terrorist attacks of 9/11 has been the reordering of Washington’s priorities in its relations with Latin America. The United States (U.S.) has focused its attention outside the hemisphere and placed Latin America at the “bottom of U.S. terrorist agenda” (Youngers 2003). Various scholars argue that the U.S has returned to its Cold-War stance, in which it only notices those developments in Latin America that directly challenge U.S. interests (Hakim 2006). Accordingly, after 9/11 U.S. security demands have overshadowed other issues that Latin American countries consider priorities (Youngers 2003, 2). Susan Kauffman (2002), for instance, posits that: “once again the United States is looking at Latin America through a security lens, while Latin America wants the emphasis to remain on economic development.” The effects of U.S. foreign policy towards Latin America after 9/11 have not repeated the pattern of the Cold War. Although Latin America no longer is the overriding priority of American foreign policy, the U.S. has not neglected the region, nor, as many analysts have argued (Shifter 2004; Youngers 2003; Hakim 2006; Roett 2006), has it become disengaged from the hemisphere. The terrorist attacks did not introduce a different agenda for U.S.-Latin American relations from that of the post-Cold-War period. Free trade, illegal migration and the fight against drugs have continued to be the main issues of U.S.-Latin American relations. Even the trend towards militarization of U.S. foreign policy began in Latin America long before the terrorist attacks. U.S.-Latin America relations have been affected significantly not by the consequences of 9/11, but rather by the negative effects of the U.S-promoted economic model in the region. The failures of the so-called Washington Consensus are not linked to the terrorist attacks.
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Molokoedov, Daniil Igorevich, und Syatsin Sun'. „US-China Rivalry in Trade and Economic Relations with Latin American Countries“. Конфликтология / nota bene, Nr. 1 (Januar 2023): 11–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2023.1.39613.
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This article is devoted to the analysis of trade and economic relations between the United States and China with Latin American countries. This region is a sphere of competitive confrontation between the two countries not only for foreign policy ties, but also for trade and economic ones. The authors in this article show the peculiarities of the bilateral relations between China and the United States with Latin America and describe the process of changing US policy towards Latin America after 2017, when it radically changed after the Trump administration came to power, and Beijing, taking advantage of this opportunity, began to compete with Washington in this region. Also, in this article, the authors provide a comparative analysis of the indicators of trade and economic relations between China and the United States with the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean. The scientific novelty of this work lies in the fact that, using the example of the transition of leading positions towards China, the authors, within the framework of the theory of "power transit" (Power transition theory), describe the competitive struggle of states in this region in trade and economic terms, which is inextricably linked with political relations. The main conclusions are that the United States is still an external force that cannot be ignored in Latin American international relations, while China has every chance of gradually displacing the United States from the foreign market in Latin America thanks to its economic projects with the introduction of leading Latin American countries in the economic sphere. The United States of America, in turn, is trying to maintain its position in this region by easing its economic and financial constraints and, thereby, inclining the political leadership of Latin American countries to its side.
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Chirkin, S. A. „NEW NON-R EGI ONAL PARTNERS OF LATIN AMERICA: CHALLENGES AND LESSONS FOR RUSSIA“. International Trade and Trade Policy 8, Nr. 1 (15.04.2022): 66–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2022-1-66-83.
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The article examines the trade and economic relations of Latin American countries with individual non-regional partners represented by Japan, South Korea, India and Turkey. The main focus is on the evolution of the foreign economic relations of these countries with the Latin American region and the efforts of the governments of these states to develop them. The main features and trends of bilateral economic cooperation are revealed. The main indicators of trade and economic interaction of the studied countries with the Latin American region are given. Special attention is paid to the analysis of the situation with the conclusion of bilateral trade agreements. There is a clear desire on the part of Turkey to develop a dialogue with Latin American countries in the field of military-technical cooperation. A comparative analysis of the level and content of foreign economic relations with Latin America of the mentioned countries and Russia is carried out. It is concluded that recently there has been a noticeable intensification of trade and economic cooperation between Latin America and Japan, South Korea, India and Turkey, which creates certain challenges for the Russian Federation in terms of increasing the supply of export products to the region. In conclusion, a number of recommendations are formulated to increase the pace of cooperation between Russia and Latin-American countries in the context of increasing competition in the region from other states.
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KARPOVICH, Oleg. „PROSPECTS FOR ECONOMIC GROWTH IN LATIN AMERICA AT THE PRESENT STAGE“. Russian Journal of Management 7, Nr. 4 (28.01.2020): 111–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/2409-6024-2019-7-4-111-115.
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. In the XXI century, cardinal changes continue in the financial and economic situation of Latin America. New influential non-regional partners besides the US and the EU, China, Iran, India, Russia, have come to the fore, significantly expanding the range of foreign relations of Latin American and Caribbean countries, which significantly increases the role of Latin America in the international arena. In economic terms, Latin America is experiencing a period of increased international dynamics, characterized by the intensification of intraregional interactions and the search for new non-regional partners and markets.
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Yakovlev, Petr Pavlovich. „USA and China in Latin America: Contours of Competition“. Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, Nr. 1 (15.12.2019): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-1-47-58.
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In the last decade Latin America in trade, economic and financial terms turns out to be increasingly “sandwiched” between the United States and China, which accounted for more than half of the total trade of Latin American countries, and also a crucial part of entering the region investment and credit resources. This circumstance has the strongest impact on the structure and orientation of foreign economic relations and foreign policy contacts. In the foreseeable future one of the complexities of foreign policy of the Latin American countries will be delaying action between the United States and China, are becoming involved in hybrid war for dominance in the global economy and trade. In Latin American capitals the USA-Chinese rivalry at the global level are watched with suspicion and fear. It is connected not only with the current situation, but with the dynamics of relations between Washington and Beijing, the intensification of contradictions at the global and regional levels. Latin Americans believe that initiation of trade wars and other kinds of American-Chinese confrontation could harm the development of the world economy and harm the crucial interests of the region, which is critically dependent on international goods and financial markets. The main challenge is the diversification of international relations of the Latin American States, the broadening of their economic and political partners. Only in this way can be weakened the hyper dependence of Latin America from Washington and Beijing, and reversed the negative effects of the ongoing protectionist policies and trade wars initiated by the administration of Donald Trump.
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Klochkovskii, D. „Latin America: Problems of Economic Modernization“. World Economy and International Relations, Nr. 12 (2013): 47–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-12-47-55.
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The Latin American nations badly need to undertake a dramatic turn to modernization and innovative way of development. However, low growth rates of 1980-s and second half of 1990-s, marginal level of accumulation and investment, low investment activity of the governments, slow growth of productivity and several other reasons of economic and political nature prevent an effective modernization process in the region. In order to solve these problems Latin American countries should map out a concrete program of actions. This program should clearly determine the governments’ role in modernization. The relationships with the foreign capital should be revised and the foreign economic strategy of the region should be adjusted.
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Sposito, Italo Beltrão, und Fernando José Ludwig. „Mapping Inter-American struggle (1946-2001): an overview on military conflict and economic embargoes“. Revista de Paz y Conflictos 14, Nr. 1 (28.12.2021): 35–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.30827/revpaz.v14i1.15218.
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International relations have always focused on security and conflict studies. These themes are central to understand several factors from geopolitics to world (re)ordering. There is no doubt that since the Second World War, the role played by the United States (US) is crucial to understand such aspects of international life. Furthermore, their acting in Latin America follows the same pattern. In that sense, this article proposes to address the following research question: which changes in the US' foreign policy towards Latin America influenced conflict patterns in the Interamerican system after the Cold War? We intend to demonstrate that shifts on US’ foreign policy towards Latin American, from military actions to economic embargos, had an impact over conflict patters in the region after the end of the Cold War. In order to assess the manifold aspects of US-Latin America relations, we explore data on Interamerican conflicts and map 60 years of economic and military conflict in the American continent and systematize conflictive interactions to identify patterns and changes in US-Latin America interplay. We present evidence of a significant change in the kind of conflict, from military to economic, since the end of the Cold War. Our findings indicate a predominance of military interventions during the Cold War, especially as a US response to intrastate wars (revolutions and civil wars), targeting predominantly small Central American and Caribbean countries. After the end of the Cold War, economic sanctions dominated the agenda, with the US targeting mostly Latin America’s three largest countries, Brazil, Mexico, and Argentina.
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Perrone, Nicolás M. „Locating the 1948 Economic Agreement of Bogotá: The Rise and Fall of Latin America’s International Economic Law Project“. Journal of the History of International Law / Revue d'histoire du droit international 25, Nr. 4 (04.04.2024): 529–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718050-bja10099.
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Abstract This article claims that Latin America developed a competing International Economic Law project in the 1940s. These ideas and practices served the region to imagine its economic development process. Through the work of economists and lawyers – especially international lawyers – Latin America envisioned a future of industrialization and designed a strategy to make it happen. In the 1940s, many Latin Americans were enthusiastic about the prospects of industrialization; however, the consensus was that this objective required regional cooperation to reshape international trade and foreign investment laws among themselves and, especially, vis-à-vis the United States. This article explores this regional momentum focusing on the 1948 Economic Agreement of Bogotá, one of the most important international economic law-making efforts in the Western Hemisphere. In Bogotá, many Latin American governments insisted that states, not markets or foreign investors, should plan the region’s economic future. The United States and the US business elite disagreed.
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Tkach, Anatoly. „NEW REGIONAL RESPONSIBILITY IN A FOREIGN POLICY IN RELATION LAC-AMERICAN REGION OF ADMINISTRATIONS OF GEORGE W. BUSH AND BARACK OBAMA“. Politology bulletin, Nr. 81 (2018): 83–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.81.83-90.
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The article analyzes the priorities of the Obama’s administration in the region and the Latin American states actions in rebuilding the existing system of relations at the global and regional levels. The current financial and economic crisis has shown the need for changes in the economic world order, financial system, which was formed in the end of the Second World War, where the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank (WB) play a key role. For many decades developing countries were rather an object of economic expansion than serious actors in the world economy.In the article features of foreign policy of the USA of relatively Latin America are examined in the article; the conceptual providing of foreign policy is analysed the USA, the comparative analysis of foreign policy of administrations of presidents of relatively Latin America is carried out, the detailed analysis of influence of foreign-policy course of the USA is presented, the basic factors of forming of new foreign policy the USA of relatively Latin America are found out. Purpose of the research: External U.S. Relations with Latin America and the Caribbean under the Barack Obama Administration. The article of analysis is includes resolution of long duration aims and corporate strategic planning taking into account correlation of application in space and in time of necessary resources, as activity of the American state that is sent to determination and achievement of long-term aims in a region by means of corresponding facilities. Without belittling the importance of not denying the «national roots» the origin of these crises can not be ignored or underestimated the fact that the development of Latin America in previous decades influenced deep region in the processes of global integration with its «distortions» and instability, with increasingly the apparent inability of international institutions. The main mechanisms for implementation of the USA foreign policy strategy objectives are LAC, bilateral relations with main European countries and USA as well as crisis management. The work ascertains the limited effectiveness of multilateral instruments for the achievement of strategic objectives of the LAC foreign policy. LAC represents one of the power centers of the multipolar world in LAC strategy, but in this regard, has to possess proper political and military mechanism for regulation of international relations. LAC suggested a lot of proposals and projects in the field of crisis management under B.Obama presidency, but its initiatives did not receive proper support in the LAC.
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Bernal-Meza, Raúl. „Dynamics and Prospects for China - Latin America Relations from the Perspective of Latin American Scholars“. Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 22, Nr. 3 (15.12.2022): 464–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-3-464-477.
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The research reveals Latin American academic thought on the relationship between Latin America countries and China. The relevance of the topic is linked to the growing importance and presence of China in the foreign policy of Latin American countries, whose bilateral relations are developing against a backdrop of growing US - China tensions. Today, China is one of the key economic partners of several Latin American countries, as well as implementing a number of infrastructure projects on the continent. This forces Latin America to choose between traditional ties of dependence vis-à-vis Washington and increasing economic and investment cooperation with Beijing. Methodologically the article is based on the study and interpretation of the ideas of Latin American scholars and experts gathered from secondary sources, monographs and academic articles. The author puts forward two hypotheses based on the existence of two conjectures. The first hypothesis is that there is no consensus among Latin American scholars and representatives of research centers about the impact of China’s bilateral relations with the countries of the region in the logic of the core-periphery model on the economic development of Latin America. The second hypothesis is that the views of the local academic community have little or even no influence on the decisions Latin American governments make regarding China. The author concludes that at a time when Latin America is going through a crisis cycle of integration processes the region is unable to take a unified position on the issue of assessing China’s performance.
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Romanov, Roman. „Chile in Joseph R. Biden’s foreign policy doctrine: problems and prospects“. Latin-American Historical Almanac 35, Nr. 1 (24.09.2022): 79–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2022-35-1-79-105.
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Chile is one of the most developed countries in Western hemisphere. It has a high economic potential and a comparatively stable political system. Election of a new president will not only influence domestic af-fairs but also affect Santiago’s relations with main global actors, first and foremost, with the United States. After the end of Cold War Washington utilized its resources in Eurasia which generated a leadership vacuum in Latin America. The US positions in the region were weakened during Trump’s presidency. The latter did not only fail to propose an alternative path of interregional development but used rhetoric of ultimatums towards Latin-American countries. Renewal of relations with regional powers is one of the main goals of the Biden administration. Cooperation with Chile could optimize White House’s prospects not only in restoration of its regional influence but in the context of the great power competition. Economic development and solid institutions may make Santiago effectively contain China’s influence in the region. A new “Pink tide” will deepen Sino-American rivalry in Latin America and force the United States to widen its policy-toolkit.Partnership is relevant in several spheres: economic, strategic and cultural. The latter two are easier to realize because presidents’ capacity lets them simplify implementation of projects from those fields notwithstanding absence of legislative power’s support. Nevertheless, international context characterized by conflict in Ukraine and economic instability does not allow Washington to work out a long-term and efficient strategy towards Latin America in general and Chile in particular.
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Gonzalez, Vinicio X. Medina, und Reyza N. Toro Bellott. „Russia’s foreign economic relations with major Latin American partners in the context of anti-Russian sanctions“. Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 10, Nr. 3 (19.01.2023): 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-3-109-122.
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The article examines key vectors of the development of Russia’s foreign economic relations with its largest trading partners in Latin America in the context of anti-Russian sanctions. The author analyzes peculiarities of Russia’s foreign trade and investment cooperation with Brazil, Ecuador, Argentina, Mexico and Chile. Factors hindering the development of this cooperation are economic instability in the world, anti-Russian sanctions, weak development of logistics networks, lack of free trade agreements, the presence of high custom duties on Russian products in the Latin American market, high competition on part of the United States and China, insufficient interest of Russian business in economic cooperation with the countries of the region over the past decades. It is shown that the largest increase in Russia’s trade turnover with the countries under consideration was recorded with Mexico, an increase in Russian exports was observed in Argentina, and imports - from Mexico. Chile demonstrated the worst indicators in the sphere of foreign trade relations among the countries under consideration. It is concluded that Russia’s largest Latin American partners have serious prospects for expanding their presence on the Russian market in the face of anti-Russian sanctions. Two key factors can be considered favorable for further development of Russia - Latin America trade cooperation. The first one is the orientation of the foreign policy of many countries in the region to other economic partners in order to minimize dependence on the United States. The second one is that Russia is shifting its vectors of economic cooperation from unfriendly countries to other countries, including Latin American states. It is concluded that investment cooperation between the countries has certain prospects for development, especially in the field of oil and gas exploration, energy and railway construction.
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Singh, Priti. „India and Latin America: Potential Partners in a Changing World“. National Security 6, Nr. 4 (10.02.2024): 252–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.32381/ns.2023.06.04.2.
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India’s relations with Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) have seen an effective change in the last few years. The change reflects the ‘energetic’ foreign policy of India and its increasing dynamism in global politics. The Latin American and the Caribbean region, so far overlooked by India, is increasingly becoming one of the focal points of its various foreign policy overtures. This article draws attention to the growing significance of the Latin American region for India both in terms of resources and a political-diplomatic partnership. Given the recent setbacks of the pandemic, followed by the Ukraine war and the rising tensions between the United States and China, Latin American countries are looking for strategic partners without aligning themselves with any power. While India has growing relations with some LAC countries and has signed several strategic partnerships, it needs to engage with the region much more. Several economic factors favour an increased engagement. Positive perceptions about India in the region also help.
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Khmel, Anastasiia, und Iryna Tykhonenko. „Latin American Direction of Ukrainian Economic Diplomacy: The Overview of Successes and Failings“. Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 9, Nr. 1 (10.01.2020): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2020-0004.
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In the article, the authors analyzed successes and failings of the Ukrainian economic diplomacy in Latin America region. Such results were achieved by analyzing the degree of scientific investigation the possibilities, features and basic characteristics of economic diplomacy by contemporary Ukrainian and foreign researchers, as well as by analyzing the websites of Ukrainian embassies in Latin American countries and using the information of the State Statistics Service of Ukraine and mass media. Researchers drew attention to the peculiarities of economic relations between Ukraine and Latin America countries. It has been found that bilateral relations between Ukraine and Latin American countries are generally poorly developed, the embassies of Ukraine exist only in five countries: Mexico, Cuba, Argentina, Brazil and Chile, and these embassies in turn represent Ukraine’s national interests in 15 other Latin American countries. Ukraine has the most well-established economic relations with the first five above-mentioned countries as a result of economic diplomacy. It was concluded that Ukrainian economic diplomacy has some achievements (the developing of volume of export-import operations between Ukraine and all regional countries, except Cuba, and the opening of the honorary consulate in Chile) and failings (the lack of diplomatic missions in all LA countries, problems with updating information on planned activities in the economic sphere (2015, 2016) on the embassies’ web-site, negative trade balance for Ukraine).
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Angulo-Bustinza, Harold D., und Jenny Paola Lis-Gutiérrez. „Trade and inclusive economic growth: China and Latin America (2004-2021)“. Retos 13, Nr. 26 (29.09.2023): 309–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17163/ret.n26.2023.08.
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China has consolidated itself as a global economic power, and its growth has been remarkable. China’s economic influence in Latin America has significantly increased, and the country has become one of the region’s most important and relevant trade partners. Therefore, the trade relations between Latin America and China are considered “strategic.” In this context, the purpose of this study is to analyze the relationship between international trade with China and inclusive economic growth in Latin America from 2004 to 2021, using data from 13 countries in the region (Uruguay, Peru, Paraguay, Panama, Mexico, El Salvador, Ecuador, Costa Rica, Colombia, Chile, Brazil, Bolivia, and Argentina). Our research is quantitative in nature, with a non-experimental design and a correlational scope. The econometric model used panel data and the Newey-West estimator to account for first-order autocorrelation in the error. The results indicate a statistically significant and negative relationship between Latin American exports to China, which has a 10% impact on inclusive economic growth. Similarly, imports from China to Latin America show a statistically significant and negative relationship of 5% with inclusive economic growth. However, no discernible evidence was found to support a relationship between China’s foreign direct investment (FDI) in Latin American countries and inclusive economic growth.
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Almeida Ferreira Abrão, Rafael. „Belt and Road Initiative and China-Latin America Relations | A Iniciativa Cinturão e Rota e as relações China-América Latina“. Mural Internacional 14 (28.11.2023): e74301. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/rmi.2023.74301.
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The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has become a significant component of China’s foreign policy. Latin American countries were invited to participate in the BRI in 2018. Despite a considerable number of countries subscribing to the initiative, China has faced difficulties expanding the BRI in Latin America. The purpose of this paper is to investigate why Latin America is relevant to an Asian-centered project such as the BRI, how the BRI can influence the region's geopolitical and economic landscape, and what are the implications of this initiative for Latin American countries. This article argues that the future of the BRI in Latin America depends on China's ability to (1) address the concerns of countries that fear signing agreements related to the BRI amidst increasing competition between China and the US, and (2) make the BRI attractive to Taiwan's diplomatic allies.
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Czarnecka-Gallas, Marta. „Chinese foreign direct investments in Latin America and their influence on Chinese-Brazilian economic relations“. Oeconomia Copernicana 3, Nr. 1 (31.03.2012): 49–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/oec.2012.003.
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For many decades Chinese foreign direct investments in Latin America were not a subject of academic research or political debate. However, thanks to China’s fast economic growth, huge saving rate and national reserves, the country plays a more and more important role not only in global trade, being the world’s biggest exporter, but also in international investment scene by increasing the number and volume of its overseas businesses. Chinese FDIs in Latin America, although not as controversial as those in Africa, have registered a steady growth and seem to be both a chance and a threat for Latin American states. The scale and structure of FDI still remain relatively poor but the situation in the last years, especially 2009-2010 shows a significant change. Huge amount of Chinese FDI go to Brazil, which is also the recipient of the biggest Chinese single overseas business project (Porto do Aço). As far as Brazilian-Chinese bilateral economic relations are concerned, the complementarity of countries’ economies gives hope of beneficial cooperation, but at the same time poses a threat on Brazil of being vulnerable to externalities and losing manufacturing advantage in exports. Moreover, Chinese presence in Latin America means not only counterbalance to the influence of the USA but also undermines Brazilian position in the region. Methodology: the author combines quantitative and qualitative data analysis. Data used for the purpose of the article come mainly from UNCTAD statistics on-line, statistics of Chinese Ministry of Commerce, CIA Factbook. Moreover, the author makes use of desk research and literature review.
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Yevseenko, Andrey. „China’s and Russia’s Growing Footprint in Latin America As a Challenge to American Interests“. Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, Nr. 2 (April 2022): 163–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.2.14.
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Introduction. The Trump administration defined China and Russia as a “revisionist powers”, which challenge to American power, influence and interests. Such a perception affected the U.S. policy in Latin America. Major alarmist sentiments come from the U.S. military, which regularly notes the growth of foreign presence in the region. Methods and materials. The author conducted a critical analysis of Chinese and Russian footprint aspects in Latin America, which cause U.S. establishment concerns. Information was gathered from doctrinal documents, economic statistics and indicators of arms exports. Analysis. President Trump administration hasn’t created a credible barrier against the rise of foreign influence in this region. The causes lie in the specifics of the current U.S. foreign policy, which lacks positive incentives and representativeness. As a result, foreign influence is constrained by three main factors. First, the investment climate in Latin America continues to deteriorate. Second, most governments of the Latin American countries don`t intend to spoil relations with the United States. Thirdly, today there are no alternatives to the United States in the military-strategic aspect. Results. Washington involuntarily promotes expanding and strengthening of other world powers’ footprint in Latin America. It happens not just because of Trump administrations’ protectionism and its skepticism about multilateral formats. Latin American continue to be considered in the context of Monroe Doctrine. American establishment doesn’t seek to invest its political capital in expanding the U.S. influence in the region. That’s why a high level of representativeness in promoting initiatives and new formats of cooperation has become an advantage of foreign actors.
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Andreev, Anton. „Uruguay and the USSR in 1945–1991: bilateral relations in the context of the left movement“. Latinskaia Amerika, Nr. 9 (2022): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0021677-3.
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In modern international conditions Russia is forced to change the vectors of its foreign policy. Moscow paying attention to the countries of Latin America, seeing them as its political and economic partner. However, Russian-Latin American relations have historical traditions formed during the Cold War. The purpose of this article is to show the development of bilateral relations between the USSR and Uruguay in the second half of the 20th century in the context of the development of the Latin American left movement. Based on archival materials, press, memoirs, the article shows how contacts between the left parties of Uruguay and the CPSU influenced to the formation of relations between the two states. Using diplomatic documents, the author reveals the main stages and events of bilateral relations.
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Vakarchuk, Kateryna. „Relations between the EU and Brazil, Argentina, Mexico: economic and political context“. American History & Politics: Scientific edition, Nr. 14 (2022): 74–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2022.14.7.
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The article considers the main directions of EU cooperation between Brazil, Argentina and Mexico. It was proved that Latin American countries will increasingly be involved in the search for a new model of interaction between the world community in the context of changes in the international order. This is especially true for resource potential and deeper cooperation with EU countries. The agreement on a common trade area only strengthened these processes and enabled the leading countries of Latin America to enter new international markets. The aim of the article is to consider the evolution of relations between the EU and the leading states of the Latin America region. Research methods. Using the case study method helped to focus on the shared main and problematic areas of cooperation between the EU, Brazil, Argentina and Mexico. This method is used to study individual countries, political systems, and specific political phenomena. Such methods as analysis and synthesis and the comparative approach made it possible to draw parallels between the countries and the scope of cooperation between relationship participants. The scientific novelty consists in the systematization and consideration of new research areas in the bilateral relations of the European Union countries and the leading countries of Latin America. The international actors’ cooperation in the economic and political sphere of the EU countries with Brazil, Argentina and Mexico was analyzed through the prism of transatlantic relations. In the conclusions of the work, the positive dynamics of cooperation between the EU and the leading countries of the Latin American region are indicated. It is emphasized that active collaboration and the development of economic and political directions of cooperation may lead to the creation of the world’s largest trade zone between the EU and MERCOSUR in the future. It is noted that the formation of the Latin American policy vector in the EU’s foreign policy strategy led to the deepening of relations with Brazil, Argentina and Mexico.
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Fatalski, Marcin. „Foreign Policy of the Polish People’s Republic on Mexico 1945-1989“. Ad Americam 19 (08.02.2019): 45–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/adamericam.19.2018.19.04.
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In the period between 1945-1989, Polish-Mexican relations were determined by the Cold War rivalry. Poland remained in the Soviet sphere of influence and its sovereignty was limited by Moscow. Although controlled by the Kremlin, Poland had its own initiatives in foreign policy. Warsaw considered Mexico to be the most important partner in Latin America (not to mention the communist ally, Castro of Cuba), thus Polish diplomacy made many efforts to strengthen mutual political, cultural and economic relations. Mexico, with its independent foreign policy, progressive state ideology and tremendous market, seemed a particularly valuable partner in Latin America to the Polish communist leaders. The climax of Polish diplomatic initiatives occurred in the 1970s. Mexico was also interested in cooperation with Poland, especially in its economic dimension but the result of the efforts was mixed. The poor performance of Polish-Mexican economic relations when compared with the Mexican commercial exchange with other East European countries proves that the efforts of the Polish government in the economic sphere were rather futile. Political relations were good, however geopolitically both countries belonged to different spheres. The special, independent position of Mexico in world politics made such friendly relations possible.
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Jones, Charles. „Foreign investment, debt and economic growth in Latin America“. International Affairs 66, Nr. 3 (Juli 1990): 644. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623189.
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Katkova, Ekaterina. „Relations of Yugoslavia with the countries of Latin America in the 1960-1980’s“. Latinskaia Amerika, Nr. 6 (2023): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0025613-3.
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Based on published sources and relevant literature, the article examines the relations of socialist Yugoslavia with the countries of Latin America in the period of 1960-1980’s. The main part of the article is preceded by a short review of Yugoslavia’s contacts with Latin America in the first post-war years. The authors analyze the features of the political, economic, cultural and educational interaction between Yugoslavia and the countries of the region. Particular attention is paid to the role of the Non-Aligned Movement and Tito’s understanding of Yugoslav foreign policy in the matter of building equal, constructive and mutually beneficial relations between Belgrade and the states of the South American continent.
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Aleksanyan, L. M. „Trade and economic relations between the EAEU member states and the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean at the present stage: the cases of Armenia and Kazakhstan“. Post-Soviet Issues 10, Nr. 3 (24.11.2023): 245–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2023-10-3-245-257.
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In the context of a changing world order, the development of regional integration processes is an important trigger for the inclusion of countries in the world economy and increasing the sustainability of national economies. Integration processes contribute to deepening of the interdependence of different countries, as well as to the expansion of the influence of world economic relations on national economic systems. At the same time, tendency towards the erosion of institutions and mechanisms of multilateral (global) trade and the formation of preferential regional and interregional trade agreements (partners in which are often not only individual countries, but also integration blocs), has become one of the characteristic features of modern international economic relations. The Eurasian Economic Union, as an international organization for regional economic integration, makes efforts to expand geographical boundaries of foreign economic ties, with the aim of developing relations with the economic integration groupings and individual countries throughout the world. With the same purpose EAEU member states pay attention to the development of relations with the region of Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), considering regional countries as promising partners for mutually beneficial cooperation. This article is devoted to the study of trade relations between the countries of the EAEU and Latin America. Special attention is paid to the trade and economic relations of Armenia and Kazakhstan with Latin American countries. The choice of these two states is not accidental, since they are relatively active in the Latin American direction and complement the policy of the Russian Federation aimed at deepening cooperation with the LAC. The author concludes that these countries have the potential for further development of trade and economic relations, the implementation of which requires overcoming, first of all, logistical obstacles and tariff barriers.
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Muñoz, Pedro Felipe, und Stefan Rinke. „Latin America in the global exchange of the German Hygiene Museum in Dresden (1919-1930)“. Revista Tempo e Argumento 14, Nr. 35 (30.04.2022): e0104. http://dx.doi.org/10.5965/2175180314352022e0104.
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In 1912, Karl Lingner created the German Hygiene Museum Dresden profiting from the Dresden International Hygiene Exhibition 1911. Lingner aimed to build a permanent building for the museum, but due to the Great War and post-war economic crisis in Germany, the permanent building was not opened until 1930. In the Weimar Republic, the museum circulated internationally through traveling exhibitions and the sale and donation of collections and exhibits. This circulation comprised a global exchange promoting health education that included Latin America. In keeping with German foreign cultural policy of the period, the German Hygiene Museum played an active role in the transatlantic cultural relations and the German-Latin American exchange, functioning as "a cultural propaganda institute". In this article, we explore the transnational circulation of objects and collections between Dresden and Latin America which was also associated with international efforts to promote public health. Keywords: Public Health; Health Education; Cultural Propaganda; German-Latin American Relations; Transnational and Global History.
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Malacalza, Bernabé. „What LED to the Boom? Unpacking China’s Development Cooperation in Latin America“. World Affairs 182, Nr. 4 (11.11.2019): 370–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820019883251.
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What led to the boom of Chinese development cooperation in Latin America? This article provides a systematic analysis of China’s foreign behavior, motives, and policies regarding development cooperation toward the region between 2000 and 2014. I propose a comparative framework that defines Chinese development cooperation as a tool of economic diplomacy. Drawing on empirical evidence from AidData’s Global Chinese Official Finance Dataset and Chinese white papers on foreign aid, the findings evidence that China was motivated by multiple and conjunctural factors in providing development cooperation. In the realm of theory, the article contributes to the literature on economic statecraft—filling in gaps in understanding the relationship between economics and politics. Empirically, it provides a set of tools for understanding the important role that development cooperation plays in a nation’s statecraft. Regarding Chinese foreign policy studies, it offers insight into the financial dimension of China’s international economic relations.
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Yakovlev, Petr P. „Integration in Latin America: centripetal and centrifugal trends“. Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, Nr. 4 (28.11.2017): 86–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-4-60-65.
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Latin American countries were the first in the developing world on the path of economic integration. In the region, back in the early 1960’s were created the integration groupings, with the aim of strengthening trade ties between the neighboring States and their position in the world economy. As a result, the integration process has been going on for about six decades, transforming the economies of Latin America. Integration largely determines the main vectors of development of foreign trade relations, affects the direction of cross-border investment flows, strengthens corporate relationships and the emergence of various forms of production cooperation, stimulates scientific and technological cooperation, “pushes” the countries of the region towards closer political interaction. At the same time Latin American integration appears a complex and contradictory phenomenon, its history has known periods of high activity and long pauses, reversals, attempts by individual States to revise the rules of the game, receive unilateral benefits. In recent years, the integration process in Latin America acquires new features and characteristics, increasing its importance for the social and economic future of the region.
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Chernega, Vladimir. „FRANCE’S LATIN AMERICAN POLICY: EVOLUTION DURING THE YEAS OF THE FIFTH REPUBLIC“. Urgent Problems of Europe, Nr. 3 (2022): 119–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.03.05.
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The article examines the evolution of the French foreign policy towards the Latin America in the period of the Fifth Republic. It is noted that this policy was uneven, because it depended on the preferences of each president who plays a major role in determining the country’s foreign policy priorities. Charles de Gaulle, in the framework of his policy of restoring the «greatness» France, attached great importance to political, economic and cultural ties with Latin America and made a very important personal contribution to building up such ties. Georges Pompidou and Valery Giscard d’Estaing did not show much interest towards the region, although they encouraged trade and economic exchanges with it, allowing to sell French goods there, and in return receive row materials and semi-finished products for their own industry. On the contrary, François Mitterrand developed political and cultural relations with the Latin America countries, with the focus on supporting the «progressive» forces and democratization processes. Jacques Chirac and Nicolas Sarkozy took a more pragmatic approach, but they did a lot to develop economic and political co-operation with the region both at the bilateral level and trough the EU. François Holland, who believed that the Latin America had a «great future», promoted the relations with it even more actively. At the same time, protecting the interests of French agricultural producers he practically blocked negotiations between the EU and the common market MERCOSUR on a free trade zone and association. Under Emmanuel Macron Latin America «dropped out» of French policy priorities, which led to the loss of the former dynamics of relations. The coronavirus pandemic has dealt a severe blow to mutual trade and economic exchanges. However, some prospects of enhancing co-operation still exist.
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Borzova, Alla Yu, Olga V. Volosyuk und Nino D. Nikolashvili. „Spanish Humanitarian Policy in Latin America: Peculiarities and Priorities“. Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 22, Nr. 3 (15.12.2022): 586–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-3-586-599.
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The article deals with the establishment and formation of the humanitarian policy of Spain, the evolution of the concept of “Hispanidad” in relation to Latin America, when Spain, along with the expansion of investment and economic cooperation, was building up educational, scientific, cultural interaction based on a common historical past, and intended positioning itself as a “bridge” between the EU and this region. The authors apply the theory of constructivism, based on the position that “historical and cultural paradigms,” norms and beliefs, and not only economic power influences the rapprochement of states. The chronological order makes possible to trace the evolution of the features and priorities of the country’s humanitarian policy, starting from the second half of the 2010s, when it was reduced to the dominance of the educational and scientific factor in Spanish public diplomacy towards Latin America. The Spanish state has achieved significant results in improving the system of higher education, making it attractive to foreign students. The activities of public and private structures (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, AECID, Carolina Foundation, Casa America) are focused not only at creating a positive image of Spain (the Program “Spain Global”), but also at forming a common Ibero-American scientific and educational space. In the Ibero-American Community of Nations (ICN), which unites countries on the basis of language and culture, an important place is given to youth problems related to the availability of quality education and employment, as well as issues of digitalization, economic modernization, renewable energy. Within the framework of the ICN, the Tordesillas Group, the Association of Ibero-American Universities, the La Rabida Group, etc., are intended to implement the 2021 Goals in the field of education. The use of professional research networks, the introduction of new skills and competencies for students and teachers, the creation of the Ibero-American Institute for Education and Productivity (IIEYP), focusing on the relationship between education and economic growth, became a real basis for strengthening a common Ibero-American educational and scientific space as a main priority in the actual humanitarian policy of Spain.
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Yakovlev, P. „Model “Nearshoring” – the Concept of the New Economy of the Latin America“. World Economy and International Relations 67, Nr. 2 (2023): 93–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-2-93-103.
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In the vocabulary of world economics, the term “nearshoring” has become increasingly common. It implies the spread of business in its most diverse manifestations (e.g. foreign trade, cross-border investment, technology transfer, outsourcing, formation of value chains, etc.) mainly to neighboring countries. This growing trend was a response to the many problems that arose in the global economy and world trade during the coronavirus pandemic and the subsequent geopolitical upheavals. In fact, the process of neoliberal globalization, which for four decades was determining the development vector and the content of world economic relations, switched to low dynamics mode. Latin America, as an important part of a complex international economic hub, has actively participated in the globalization process, but has not become its beneficiary, unlike Asian states. Most of the Latin American economies based their development models on the intensive exploitation of vast natural resources in the interests of world markets. However, this neither brought the region to the forefront of the global economy, nor did it solve the acute social problems of Latin America. Therefore, in the conditions of the ongoing crisis, a growing number of Latin American states are ready to make adjustments to their development models, and focus on the strategy of “nearshoring” in order to maximize intraregional cooperation that would stimulate accelerated economic growth.
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Katkova, Evgenia, und Arkady Eremin. „hina's relations with Latin America and the Caribbean at the present stage“. International Organisations Research Journal 17, Nr. 2 (01.07.2022): 164–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2022-02-07.
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In the "new era" of China’s foreign policy based on the concept of major power diplomacy with Chinese characteristics, Beijing has begun to change its attitude toward Latin America. In 2018, Xi Jinping officially invited Latin American countries to participate in the construction of the Belt and Road initiative, thereby bringing the region into the sphere of its global interests. This article is devoted to the study of the main directions of cooperation between China and the Latin American states and changes in the forms and instruments of Beijing's policy toward the region. The authors analyze the degree of involvement of Latin American states in the BRI and consider pros and cons of increasing China's influence in the region. The provisions of power transition theory form the methodological basis of the work, through the prism of which the U.S. factor in Sino-Latin American relations is examined. The final part of the article is devoted to the challenges facing Washington from the growing influence of China in the Latin America and Caribbean (LAC) region.
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Dabagyan, E. „Latin America and Iran“. World Economy and International Relations, Nr. 12 (2014): 91–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-12-91-101.
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The article reviews the general vectors and the spheres of cooperation between Latin America and Islamic Republic of Iran at present. The major attention is given to the analysis of the Teheran relationships with the countries of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America. It is mentioned that these contacts were mostly based on the anti-American and anti-imperialistic ideas. There are also highlighted the fields of cooperation and the visits of the senior officials which played an important role in the regulation of political, trade, economic and humanitarian relationships, in creating the joint strategy for the world scene. The attitude of the ruling circles toward Iran’s nuclear program is investigated. The article evaluates H. Chávez’s contribution to the development of strategic alliance with Iran under M. Ahmadinedjad. It is noted that each of this group of countries put forward its own reasons for strengthening of mutual relations. The difference of approaches of Latin American giants is emphasized. Brazil, taking on the status of the great power, tried to contribute to solving the old nuclear problem, while Argentina turned sharply from total hostility to building constructive partnership. The special attention is paid to Iran president’s visit to 4 countries of the region in January 2012. It was considered as an intention to overcome the isolation at the moment of toughening of the sanctions imposed by the West. The US response to intensifying presence of Iran in the region is stated and the wide ranging opinions on the problem are shown. The article considers the future trends in the relations after the election of 2014 in Iran which brought to power moderate M. Rouhani, whose adjustments in the foreign policy affairs affected Latin America.
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Anikeeva, Natalia. „FOREIGN POLICY OF PEDRO SÁNCHEZ: ONE YEAR ON“. Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 23, Nr. 5 (31.10.2021): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran520211522.
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The article analyzes the foreign policy of Spain, as well as the foreign policy strategy (2021–2024), adopted in early 2021, a year after Pedro Sánchez took office as chairman of the coalition government. The appearance of this document took place against the backdrop of the inauguration of the new US President Joe Biden. P. Sánchez’s government expressed the hope that Spain and the EU will be able to improve relations with the United States in various spheres of activity. The new foreign policy strategy was influenced by the global financial and economic crisis provoked by the development of the coronavirus pandemic. In the summer of 2021, another important event for Spanish foreign policy took place. Jose Manuel Albarez was appointed to the post of Foreign Minister, who replaced Arancha Gonzalez Lai. The author comes to the conclusion that relations with Morocco are traditionally important for the foreign policy of Spain. Latin America will play an important role in the new strategy. The place of Spain in the establishment of a dialogue between the EU and Latin American states was especially marked.
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Chuvychkina, Inna. „STRUCTURE AND DYNAMICS OF RUSSIAN EXPORTS TO THE LATIN AMERICAN MARKETS“. Urgent Problems of Europe, Nr. 3 (2022): 270–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.03.12.
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The Latin American region occupies a less significant share in the overall structure of Russian exports compared to traditional sales markets. Nevertheless, the region has recently been increasingly in the spotlight as a place for the geographical reorientation of foreign trade operations. Even though the corona crisis had a significant impact on the development of foreign trade relations with Latin America, export interest to the region was expressed in the pre-pandemic period through an increased volume of deliveries, a surplus in Russia’s trade balance and an increase in the number of counterparty countries. The article is devoted to the quantitative analysis of Russia’s foreign trade relations with the Latin America and the Caribbean. The empirical material for the analysis was a database that includes data on the export and import of Russian and Latin American goods in 2000-2020, as well as the countries to which these goods are exported or imported. The dataset contains information about the country of delivery, product code, cost, industry sector. Based on this database, a review of the qualitative structure of Russian exports in the region was carried out, considering the differentiation into raw materials, non-resource energy and non-resource non-energy supplies in the context of dividing into three stages: low, middle, and high value-added products. This approach contributed to the assessment of the diversification of Russian exports in terms of economic complexity. The article also gives an idea of the import structure of Latin American countries, which makes it possible to identify possible niches for Russian exports. In conclusion, the prospects for expanding Russian supplies to the region are presented and the challenges are identified that Russia may face in increasing its share of Latin American import markets.
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Berrios, Rubén. „Relations between Nicaragua and the Socialist Countries“. Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 27, Nr. 3 (1985): 111–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165602.
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Since the Late 1960s, due to détente and rising nationalism in Latin America, the Soviet Union and the Eastern European countries have succeeded in expanding diplomatic relations with most countries in the Western Hemisphere (Blasier, 1984; Fichet, 1981). For an increasing number of Third World nations, the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) countries of Eastern Europe have become a source of trade, credits, technical assistance and political support. Hence, many Third World countries view CMEA agreements as a means of strengthening their negotiating position vis-á-vis the United States and other developed countries. In turn, the CMEA countries have stepped up their commercial activity irrespective of the nature of the governments of the recipient countries. In the case of Latin America, CMEA ability to provide such funding is restrained by their own economic limitations, by geographical distance and by the shortage of foreign exchange. These factors discourage risky commitments in a region that is peripheral to essential security concerns of the CMEA countries.
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Yakovlev, P. P. „From the standpoint of friendshoring: Russia's trade relations with the regions of the global south“. International Trade and Trade Policy 9, Nr. 1 (05.05.2023): 136–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2023-1-136-152.
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The geography of Russia's foreign trade, which is experiencing a period of profound transformational changes, acquires radically new contours. The Western states, which for a long time occupied dominant positions in the exports and imports of the Russian Federation, are being replaced by the countries of the global South – regions of Asia, Africa and Latin America. This process has been developing for more than a decade, but has now been radically accelerated in the face of sanctions and restrictions imposed on the Russian economy and trade, and the almost complete curtailment of Russia's business ties with the collective West. The countries of the global South, the informal leader of which is the economically successful China, are promoting their own agenda in the field of international trade, which opens up wide opportunities for Russia, but it also poses a new challenge – the need to build mutually beneficial business relations with dozens of different Asian, African and Latin American countries. Solving this problem requires rebooting the system of Russian foreign trade relations and developing a scientifically based and feasible strategy for cooperation with the regions of the global South. In doing so, it is necessary to take into account both the factors that bring all developing countries closer together and also regional and national specificities, which form an extremely diverse picture of the specific interests of individual States. The scientific novelty of this article, the author of which relies on the fruitful methodology developed by R. I. Khasbulatov, consists in a comparative analysis of trade relations of the Russian Federation with each of the largest regions of the global South: Asia, Africa and Latin America. The paper reveals both the specific features of Russian-Asian, Russian-African and Russian-Latin American trade, and the general features inherent in business relations of domestic enterprises with partners in the global South. The main conclusion of the study is that the development of trade relations with friendly countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America on the principles of friendshoring is becoming a key link in the foreign economic strategy, the main content of the turn of Russia's trade flows from the western (northern) to the eastern (southern) direction.
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Loseva, A. V., und V. S. Osipov. „ANALYSIS OF THE FOREIGN ECONOMIC POTENTIAL OF LATIN AMERICAN COUNTRIES“. Intellect. Innovations. Investments, Nr. 2 (2023): 47–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.25198/2077-7175-2023-2-47.
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The article analyzes the foreign economic potential of Latin American countries in the context of its development in the last decade, characterized by significant global crises and geopolitical upheavals. Considering that Latin American countries are active participants in international relations, including with the Russian Federation, and also play a significant role in the international division of labor, we have set the goal of the study – to quantify the changes and the state of the main economic indicators that reflect both foreign economic and domestic processes in the leading countries of the region under consideration, which determine their foreign economic potential. To achieve this goal, traditional methods of scientific knowledge, analysis and synthesis, as well as methods of analytical tools for working with statistical data were used: tabular, graphical, coefficient method, analytical indicators of time series. Based on the results of the study, a number of patterns of recent years have been identified. In particular, the region under consideration experienced the colossal destructive impact of the COVID-19 pandemic crisis, however, under these conditions, it generally retained its position in the share of world GDP, which is demonstrated by the analyzed international statistics. According to the results of the analysis, it was noted that the realization of the potential of Latin American countries and the development of their economies is ensured through significant structural changes with priorities for such sectors as the agro-industrial complex and high technology, which largely provides prospects for further development of foreign economic activity and strengthening its position in world markets. The data of international statistics demonstrate the effectiveness of the efforts of the leadership of these states to reduce dependence on the export of the oil and gas industry and develop other types of economic activity. A special place in the economies of countries and their potential as a global supplier is occupied by the modernizing agro-industrial complex, and the tourism services sector plays a significant role. The development of enterprises in the field of information and communication services and digital technologies is assessed by experts as the potential for new positive qualitative changes both for the domestic economy and for international cooperation. However, despite the potential, the economies of Latin America are also subject to systemic problems, which are also clearly reflected in the statistics. The main ones are: corruption, which prevents the formation of a favorable market environment; the complexity of organizing business activities; negative investment flows reflecting capital flight; low standard of living of the population as a whole. As a conclusion, conclusions are drawn about the main systemic problems that prevent the countries of Latin America from realizing their socio-economic potential, as well as about the possibilities of foreign economic cooperation between the Russian Federation and them.
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Novitskiy, E. R. „Latin American states cooperation with the United States of America and the European Union“. Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, Nr. 3 (28.09.2019): 54–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2019-3-54-58.
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Both the political and economic role of the Latin American region has increased significantly in the modern world. The largest Latin American countries have emerged as major regional players. In this regard, the analysis of the current foreign policy relations of the region is of particular interest and relevance for this research. Many key actors in the international arena are now paying increasing attention to the region. For a long time, the main partners of Latin American countries in various fields have been the USA and the European Union (EU), which have long historical ties with the region. However, against the backdrop of increased interest in the region on the part of other major international players, in particular China, the positions of both the US and the EU may have been weakened.
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Jameson, Kenneth P. „Latin America and the Dollar Bloc in the Twenty-first Century: To Dollarize or Not?“ Latin American Politics and Society 43, Nr. 4 (2001): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2001.tb00186.x.
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AbstractThe choice of exchange rate regime is a continuing challenge to Latin American policymakers, who currently face pressure to dollarize their economies. The constraints imposed by the “dollar bloc,” the informal but powerful currency bloc that ties Latin America to the dominant currency, are central to that choice. Current weak economic performance has called the bloc's norms and principles into question and has made the exchange rate an open issue. Ecuador's full official dollarization is one possible strategy for countries with political stability but poor economic performance to gain access to needed dollar resources. Most of Latin America, however, will continue with variants of managed floating exchange rates, and the periodic foreign exchange crises will provide access to official dollar resources and facilitate renegotiation of the terms of outstanding debt.
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Fadeeva, Alina Vitalievna. „Belize: unknown notoriety“. Век информации (сетевое издание) 4, Nr. 3(12) (01.06.2020): 31–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.33941/age-info.com43(12)3.
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Today, in the conditions of the current foreign policy situation in Latin America and Central America, it has a special strategic value for Russia. The implementation of projects aimed at strengthening Russia’s position, as well as the degree of its political and economic presence in the international arena, necessitates the study of cooperation with potential partners. This study explores the case of Russian-Belize relations in detail.
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Santoro, M. „China in Latin America in the 21st century“. Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, Nr. 3 (11.03.2021): 24–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-3-24-34.
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In the last two decades, China became a major economic force in Latin America, due to trade and investment, and it established strong links with the countries in the region, including a strategic partnership with Brazil. However, Chinese influence is also provoking concerns in the United States, while the latter is trying to curb Beijing’s role in Latin America. This paper analyzes China’s actions in the region and the American response, using Brazil as a case-study environment because of its importance for the Chinese foreign policy and its current president, who adopted a pro-Trump foreign policy and a rhetoric that is very critical of Beijing. The author begins by analyzing China’s strategy towards Latin America presenting a historical outlook of major events thereto, particularly underscoring both growth and diversification of the Chinese investments in the last decade. The author then proceeds to analyzing current position of the U.S. towards Chinese actions in Latin America, additionally highlighting major U.S. concerns thereto. The final part of the paper represents a case-study of Chinese policy towards Brazil and correspondent Brasília’s position on the subject concerned. It is noted that close-term prospects are complicated to draw due to the dynamic changes in the international scenario, with the deterioration of the Washington-Beijing relations, and the cross-pressures that these disputes will bring to Brazil.
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Eremin, A. „“Breaking the Continuity” of the Latin American Vector of US Foreign Policy under Donald Trump and the Crisis of Pan-Americanism (2017-2020)“. World Economy and International Relations 66, Nr. 5 (2022): 68–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-5-68-77.
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In this article the author examines the process of revising the Latin American vector of US foreign policy under the presidency of Donald Trump. In particular, the paper analyzes the economic and political aspects of a new US policy in the Latin American region. The main focus of the research is on the reorganization of US economic relations with the countries of the region and cancellation of various financial aid programs and multilateral agreements, including the North American Free Trade Agreement. The main hypothesis of the paper is that US foreign policy under the 45th president underwent a profound change towards diminishing the role of the Latin American region among other foreign policy priorities of the United States. Vivid confrontation with China and the Russian Federation became the center of the contemporary foreign policy course of Washington, making relations with Latin American countries of secondary importance. This shift created a certain power vacuum in the region and opened additional opportunities for extraregional players. China could arguably become one of such players as it is known to have utilized Washington’s weakening grip on the region to its own economic and political benefit, expanding the “One belt, one road” initiative.
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Urdinez, Francisco, Fernando Mouron, Luis L. Schenoni und Amâncio J. de Oliveira. „Chinese Economic Statecraft and U.S. Hegemony in Latin America: An Empirical Analysis, 2003–2014“. Latin American Politics and Society 58, Nr. 4 (2016): 3–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/laps.12000.
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AbstractIf one interprets China's sizable rise in Latin America as an unprecedented phenomenon, it follows that the concurrent story of declining U.S. influence in the region is an event hastily acknowledged at best and ignored at worst. In this article, we ask whether Chinese economic statecraft in Latin America is related to the declining U.S. hegemonic influence in the region and explore how. To do so we analyze foreign direct investments, bank loans, and international trade from 2003 to 2014, when China became a major player in the region. We use data from 21 Latin American countries, and find that an inversely proportional relationship exists between the investments made by Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs), bank loans, manufacturing exports, and the U.S. hegemonic influence exerted in the region. In other words, Beijing has filled the void left by a diminished U.S. presence in the latter's own backyard.
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LeoGrande, William M. „From Havana to Miami: U.S. Cuba Policy as a Two-Level Game“. Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 40, Nr. 1 (1998): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166301.
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For thirty years, Cuba was a focal point of the Cold War. Before the demise of the Soviet Union, Cuba’s close ideological and military partnership with the communist superpower posed a challenge to U.S. foreign policy, especially in the Third World (see, e.g., Domínguez 1989). With the end of the Cold War, Cuba retrenched, ending its aid programs for foreign revolutionaries and regimes. Without the Soviet Union’s sponsorship, Cuba could no longer afford the luxury of a global foreign policy exporting revolution. Instead, its diplomats focused on reorienting Cuba’s international economic relations toward Latin America and Europe, building friendly relations with former adversaries.
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Kheifets, L., und K. Konovalova. „Latin America in the South-South Cooperation Against the Background of Globalization Controversies“. World Economy and International Relations 65, Nr. 4 (2021): 21–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-4-21-29.
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Received 05.11.2020. The research focuses on the participation of Latin American states in the South-South cooperation (SSC) against the background of the contradictions of the current stage of globalization. Analyzing the official documents, leaders’ speeches, using quantitative data, the authors consider three factors that model such involvement today: (a) a new context in Latin America, i. e. the growing popularity of the right-wing forces, financial and economic difficulties after the end of the commodities boom in the 2000s, (b) the rise of China and its deepening confrontation with the United States, (c) today’s global coronavirus crisis. According to the authors, all the mentioned factors affect the process of Latin America taking part in SSC in the following ways. First, due to internal and international changes, the foreign policy agendas and the way of self-identification of the Latin American countries in the global world are in transformation. While the cooperation with other developing nations, within the region and beyond, seems less relevant for the New Right, the South-South vector is still in demand as a foreign policy diversification tool. Second, the strategic partnership with China remains an indicator of the region’s actors’ commitment to the ideas of multilateralism, openness, and globalization as such, but at the same time, it goes against the principles of SSC as equal and horizontal by its nature and also because of the tensions between China and the US. As for the pandemic, although in discourse it revives the importance of international cooperation, including SSC, in practice it rather catalyzes the disconnecting trends that have developed in recent years in Latin America. Acknowledgements. The reported study was funded by RFBR, project number 19-014-00042 А “Latin America in the new world order: prospects and challenges”.
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Dabagyan, E. „Russian-Latin American Relations at Modern Stage“. World Economy and International Relations, Nr. 12 (2011): 89–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-12-89-97.
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The article contains an analysis of Russia’s foreign policy towards the Latin American continent in the first decade of the XXI century. The author points out the intensive development of contacts in different fields (political, economic, military-technical and humanitarian). A pluralistic feature of the Russian strategy towards the countries of the region and the absence of the confrontational agenda are emphasized.
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Milani, Livia Peres. „US Foreign Policy to South America since 9/11: Neglect or Militarisation?“ Contexto Internacional 43, Nr. 1 (April 2021): 121–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-8529.2019430100006.
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Abstract Academic literature on US Foreign Policy to South America usually states its lack of attention to the region in the post 9/11 period. I aim to problematize this assertion through an analysis of US regional security policy. Therefore, I consider data referring to military and economic assistance, arms transfers, and the SOUTHCOM position towards its area of responsibility, as well as official documents and diplomatic cables. I conclude that, although the region was not a priority, a waning in US actions or a moment of neglect in its policy towards it was likewise not observed. From a historical perspective, the area was never the main focus of attention, but there is a specialized bureaucracy that works on the region to maintain US hegemony. Therefore, the investigation indicates that Latin American assertiveness during the 2000s was caused primarily by the conjunction of the ascension of leftist governments and quest for autonomy, as well as by Chinese and Russian involvement in Latin America, but not by US neglect. The article is divided into six sections, including the introduction and final remarks. Following the introduction, I analyse the academic literature regarding USA-Latin American relations in the second section, the US assistance in the third, the SOUTHCOM postures in the fourth, and the strategies deployed by the USA regarding great powers and arms transfers in the fifth. Finally, I present the final remarks.
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Bengoa, Marta, und Blanca Sanchez-Robles. „Foreign direct investment, economic freedom and growth: new evidence from Latin America“. European Journal of Political Economy 19, Nr. 3 (September 2003): 529–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0176-2680(03)00011-9.
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