Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Fight for equal rights“

Objective: The study clarifies Phan Boi Chau's views on feminism expressed in the right to life, human rights, freedoms, equal rights with men, and the viewpoint of fighting for women's rights. Methods: Dialectical method was chosen as the main research method. Results: The study sheds light on Phan Boi Chau's views on women's rights and the fight for women's rights through the following main issues: the position of women is not only reflected in their role in the family and society. On the basis of criticizing views that do not respect the legitimate rights of women and the inequality between men and women, Phan Boi Chau advocates fighting for women's rights, protecting their legitimate rights and status. of women, that is, the right to life, the right to be a human being, the right to freedom, and the right to be equal with men. Conclusions: The value of the study helps us to realize the role of women's rights in current socio-economic development. Thereby providing the Vietnamese government with policies to promote women's rights in the socio-economic development of Vietnam today.

The black southern press was an entity dominated by male editors and entrepreneurs. The effort to equalize teacher pay, one of the core fights for rights in the South, and the principal effort at gendered race advocacy during the World War II era, was led in large measure by black women. While both the fight for salary equalization and the survival of the black press depended upon segregation to maintain their survival, those newspapers were entities dominated by men advocating for equal salaries in a profession dominated by women, and the gendered nature of their coverage shaped knowledge of the fight within the black community.

Polish Association of Equal Rights for Women (1907–1914) in the Light of Autobiographical Relations, Women’s Press and Feminist Historiography The text investigates the history of the Polish Association of Equal Rights for Women (1907–1914) – one of the first legal feminist organisations in the Kingdom of Poland. The Association was the product of ideological and social clashes within the environment of the emancipationists gathered at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries around Paulina Kuczalska-Reinschmit, the leader of Polish suffragettes. The group was organised around the Women’s Labour Circle attached to The Society for Support of Industry and Trade (1894–1905), and then in the informal Polish Union of Equal Rights for Women. In 1907 the suffragettes formed the Union of Equal Rights for Polish Women, and the proponents of the integration of the fight for gender equality and Polish independence established the Polish Association of Equal Rights for Women. The relations between the Union and the Association were characterised by competition for succeeding in being the first to introduce new ideas into the mainstream and good practices inside the organization.

Polish Association of Equal Rights for Women (1907–1914) in the Light of Autobiographical Relations, Women’s Press and Feminist Historiography The text investigates the history of the Polish Association of Equal Rights for Women (1907–1914) – one of the first legal feminist organisations in the Kingdom of Poland. The Association was the product of ideological and social clashes within the environment of the emancipationists gathered at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries around Paulina Kuczalska-Reinschmit, the leader of Polish suffragettes. The group was organised around the Women’s Labour Circle attached to The Society for Support of Industry and Trade (1894–1905), and then in the informal Polish Union of Equal Rights for Women. In 1907 the suffragettes formed the Union of Equal Rights for Polish Women, and the proponents of the integration of the fight for gender equality and Polish independence established the Polish Association of Equal Rights for Women. The relations between the Union and the Association were characterised by competition for succeeding in being the first to introduce new ideas into the mainstream and good practices inside the organization.

In Article 28C paragraph (2) of the Constitution 1945, “Every person is entitled to advance himself in the fight for their rights to collectively build a community, nation and country”, Article 28D paragraph (3) which reads, “Every citizen is entitled to equal opportunities in government”, should be the basis for guaranteed political rights of women. However, parties often overlook the urgency of this women’s representation. In addition to the provisions of the 1945 Constitution, there is also Election Law, Article 7 and Article 8 of CEDAW and the Convention on the Political Rights of Women who all voiced that women have equal political rights with men. But will the urgency of women’s representation in politics is hampered due to negative stereotypes of women’s capabilities.

This paper to provide an explanation of the ideology that fights for human dignity and the formation of an imaginary or utopian society. The ideology adopted is the political ideology of anarchism and liberalism which both fight for equal rights and freedom. The two ideologies do have different histories or intricacies, but in this paper they will become a tool for human beings living in a country to maintain their dignity as owners of the right to life. And also the formation of an ideal that is often referred to as a utopia or an imaginary society in the midst of the development of increasingly advanced science and technology. The state is an enigma or a mystery. One of the mysteries is human dignity and utopian society which will be raised in this paper

God created male and female in His image (Gen. 1:27). According to the image, it means that there is equality of men and women before God. In life, there are indeed differences in performing functions. The man as the husband becomes the head of the household while the wife becomes the helper. This difference aims for harmony and regularity in the order of life in the family. Recently, a feminist movement has fights for equal rights and opportunities between men and women. This movement is closely related to efforts to fight the domination, exploitation, and repression of an unfair system against women. This movement is closely related to efforts to fight the domination, exploitation, and repression of an unfair system against women. The gender equality movement tries to fight for balance, equality, and equivalence of the roles and/or responsibilities of men and women in things that are not natural, such as rights, opportunities, work relations between men and women. In the family, the wife is the co-heir of grace for a husband. The Apostle Peter warned, “Husbands, live wisely with your wives, as the weaker people! Honour them as co-heirs of the grace of life, that your prayers may not be hindered” (1 Peter 3:7). This study uses a descriptive qualitative method using a narrative study approach to Titus 2:1-5.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed July 25, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Includes bibliographical references (p. 86-88).

In 1972, the campaign to ratify the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) began in the states. Many states quickly ratified the amendment but the ERA stalled fifteen states short of the necessary three-fourths to become part of the United States Constitution. Virginia was one of the states who did not ratify the amendment and this study examines the reasons why. Much like other southern states, conservative Virginia legislators wanted to maintain traditional gender roles. STOP ERA and other anti-ERA organizations mobilized before the proponents developed a unified campaign. Legislators were able to use the rules of the General Assembly to block serious consideration and ratification of the ERA. Proponents of the amendment started with an educational campaign but faced the problem of not being in a position to challenge the powerful conservative leaders in the General Assembly. They then shifted to a campaign based on electoral politics. However, the transition occurred too late to effect the outcome of ERA ratification in Virginia.

Internet piracy has recently been addressed by several policies introduced in US, such as SOPA and ACTA. These policies suggest the general opinion to be that piracy reduce profits. The focus of this thesis is therefore put on the introduction of theoretical concept capable of describing possible piracy impacts and then showing empirical observations to prove it. We developed our own modified time-dependent model of demand function with network effect, which suggests that piracy can have indeed different results on producers' profits depending on the conditions. Further, we showed on real data that the resulting piracy effect in film industry is indefinite and piracy in other industries results in various outcomes.

Déjà handicapée par l’environnement (patriarcat, société islamique, etc.), la femme algérienne souffre, au départ, d’inégalités et d’un statut inférieur à celui de l’homme. Des combats de dignité et de justice lancés dans les années 1990 ont pourtant permis quelques avancées dans le domaine de la protection de ses droits, mais restent très insuffisants.Si elle a le malheur d’aller à l’encontre des codes ancestraux tracés pour faire d’elle la garante de l’honneur de la famille, elle sera doublement punie. Mère célibataire, elle connaîtra le traumatisme d’une grossesse non voulue, l’auto-exclusion du cercle familial, la solitude, la déchéance, la précarité, ou dans le pire des cas un crime d’honneur pouvant sauver l’honorabilité de la famille bafouée. 51 mères célibataires nous ont confié leur parcours, leurs angoisses, leur espoir de s’en sortir, et à notre tour, nous avons analysé leurs témoignages, pour essayer de comprendre cette thématique, vérifier des postulats, ce qui nous a permis de confirmer que jeunes, sans instruction, venant d’un milieu rural ou précaire, elles auront le malheur de connaître la maternité hors mariage. L’abandon du bébé sera une autre confirmation d’un autre postulat. Leur parcours de vie nous a aussi donné l’occasion de nous focaliser sur des thèmes adjacents, comme le tabou qu’on a défini comme autre facteur d’exclusion, l’indicible qu’il conviendrait de rompre pour mieux s’en sortir, la résilience, seul moyen de se reconstruire. On s’est aussi intéressé à l’aide des associations, à l’adoption des enfants abandonnés, aux crimes d’honneur. La maternité célibataire est un parcours de vie individuel faisant suite à la rupture d'un contrat ancestral non écrit, fait par les hommes, pour les hommes, et au détriment des femmes, pour garantir l'honorabilité d'une communauté. Ce parcours individuel deviendra un fait de société, engageant des institutions étatiques, des associations, des mouvements de femmes, des journalistes, des intellectuels, etc. Mais aussi d'autres mouvements qui font tout pour mettre à mal les quelques avancées et retarder les autres combats. Mais un combat essentiel a déjà été gagné : rendre public un débat tabou, et donner aux femmes ce nouveau souffle de lutte pour leurs droits et l'amélioration de leur statut
Already handicapped by the environment (patriarchy, Islamic society, etc.), Algerian woman initially suffered from inequalities and a status inferior to that of man. Battles for dignity and justice launched in the 90s have allowed some progress in the protection of their rights, but remain very insufficient.If she goes against the ancestral codes traced, making her the guarantor of the honor of the family, she will be doubly punished. She will experience the trauma of an unwanted pregnancy, self-exclusion from the family circle, loneliness, forfeiture, precariousness, for many others, prostitution, or in the worst case, an honor killing that could save the reputation of her violated family.51 single mothers told us about their story, their anguish, their hopes of getting out of it, and in our turn, we analyzed their testimonies, to understand the theme, to verify the postulates which allowed us to confirm that younger, without education, coming from a rural or a precarious environment, they will have the misfortune to experience motherhood out of the marriage. The abandonment of the baby will be another confirmation of another postulate.Their life course also gave us the opportunity to go over adjacent themes, such as the taboo that we have defined as another factor of exclusion, the unspeakable that must be broken in order to get out of it better, resilience, the only way to rebuild herself. We also skimmed over related subjects such as the help of associations, the adoption of abandoned children, and unfortunately other more dramatic life courses, such as prostitution, or worse, honor killings to avenge the affront of the dishonor brought to the family.Single motherhood is an individual life course following the breaking of an unwritten ancestral contract, made by men, for men, and to the detriment of women, to guarantee the honor of a community. This individual course will become a fact of society, involving state institutions, associations, women's movements, journalists, intellectuals, etc. But also retrograde movements that do everything to stop the few advances and delay the other fights. But an essential fight has already been won: making public a taboo debate, and giving women this new breath of struggle for their rights and the improvement of their equalitarian status

This thesis studies the American Equal Rights Association (AERA), 1866 to 1870, and argues for its historical distinctiveness and significance. The AERA was the only organisation in nineteenth-century America that explicitly campaigned for the rights of men and women on the same platform. Formed in the immediate aftermath of the American Civil War, the AERA joined the discussion of how to reconstruct the war-torn nation, demanding political rights to be extended to all American citizens based on their common humanity. As the first academic study to focus purely on the AERA, this thesis presents a series of new findings and interpretations about the association. It studies the creation, exploits, and demise of the AERA, highlighting and analysing key aspects of the association’s character, from its membership and ideas, to its campaigning and organisational dynamics. It also broadens the source base beyond the two figures of Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony, who have long dominated writings on the woman suffrage movement. Instead, the thesis examines the AERA membership as a whole. In so doing, it argues three main points: first, the association was more than just the vehicle for the woman suffrage movement at this time; second, the association worked well and was not constantly beset by divisions and disputes, and third, the final collapse of the association was due more to the actions of individuals than to wider historical or contextual forces. Besides arguing for the historical distinctiveness and significance of the AERA, this focus on the association itself provides a new angle on wide-ranging questions, concerning Reconstruction history, political relations between men and women and the role of men in movements for gender equality.

AbstractGender equality is an increasingly topical issue, but it has deep historical roots. The principle of gender equality found its legitimacy, even if limited to salary, in the 1957 Treaty of Rome, establishing the European Economic Community (EEC). This treaty, in Article 119, sanctioned the principle of equal pay between male and female workers. The EEC continued to protect women’s rights in the 1970s through equal opportunity policies. These policies referred, first, to the principle of equal treatment between men and women regarding education, access to work, professional promotion, and working conditions (Directive 75/117/EEC); second, to the principle of equal pay for male and female workers (Directive 76/207/EEC); and finally, enshrined the principle of equal treatment between men and women in matters of social security (Directive 79/7/EEC). Since the 1980s, several positive action programmes have been developed to support the role of women in European society. Between 1982 and 2000, four multiyear action programmes were implemented for equal opportunities. The first action programme (1982–1985) called on the Member States, through recommendations and resolutions by the Commission, to disseminate greater knowledge of the types of careers available to women, encourage the presence of women in decision-making areas, and take measures to reconcile family and working life. The second action programme (1986–1990) proposed interventions related to the employment of women in activities related to new technologies and interventions in favour of the equal distribution of professional, family, and social responsibilities (Sarcina, 2010). The third action programme (1991–1995) provided an improvement in the condition of women in society by raising public awareness of gender equality, the image of women in mass media, and the participation of women in the decision-making process at all levels in all areas of society. The fourth action programme (1996–2000) strengthened the existing regulatory framework and focused on the principle of gender mainstreaming, a strategy that involves bringing the gender dimension into all community policies, which requires all actors in the political process to adopt a gender perspective. The strategy of gender mainstreaming has several benefits: it places women and men at the heart of policies, involves both sexes in the policymaking process, leads to better governance, makes gender equality issues visible in mainstream society, and, finally, considers the diversity among women and men. Among the relevant interventions of the 1990s, it is necessary to recall the Treaty of Maastricht (1992) which guaranteed the protection of women in the Agreement on Social Policy signed by all Member States (except for Great Britain), and the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997), which formally recognised gender mainstreaming. The Treaty of Amsterdam includes gender equality among the objectives of the European Union (Article 2) and equal opportunity policies among the activities of the European Commission (Article 3). Article 13 introduces the principle of non-discrimination based on gender, race, ethnicity, religion, or handicaps. Finally, Article 141 amends Article 119 of the EEC on equal treatment between men and women in the workplace. The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the Nice Union of 2000 reaffirms the prohibition of ‘any discrimination based on any ground such as sex’ (Art. 21.1). The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union also recognises, in Article 23, the principle of equality between women and men in all areas, including employment, work, and pay. Another important intervention of the 2000s is the Lisbon strategy, also known as the Lisbon Agenda or Lisbon Process. It is a reform programme approved in Lisbon by the heads of state and governments of the member countries of the EU. The goal of the Lisbon strategy was to make the EU the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy by 2010. To achieve this goal, the strategy defines fields in which action is needed, including equal opportunities for female work. Another treaty that must be mentioned is that of Lisbon in 2009, thanks to which previous treaties, specifically the Treaty of Maastricht and the Treaty of Rome, were amended and brought together in a single document: the Treaty on European Union (TEU) and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). Thanks to the Lisbon Treaty, the Charter of Fundamental Rights has assumed a legally binding character (Article 6, paragraph 1 of the TEU) both for European institutions and for Member States when implementing EU law. The Treaty of Lisbon affirms the principle of equality between men and women several times in the text and places it among the values and objectives of the union (Articles 2 and 3 of the TEU). Furthermore, the Treaty, in Art. 8 of the TFEU, states that the Union’s actions are aimed at eliminating inequalities, as well as promoting equality between men and women, while Article 10 of the TFEU provides that the Union aims to ‘combat discrimination based on sex, racial or ethnic origin, religion or belief, disability, age, or sexual orientation’. Concerning the principle of gender equality in the workplace, the Treaty, in Article 153 of the TFEU, asserts that the Union pursues the objective of equality between men and women regarding labour market opportunities and treatment at work. On the other hand, Article 157 of the TFEU confirms the principle of equal pay for male and female workers ‘for equal work or work of equal value’. On these issues, through ordinary procedures, the European Parliament and the Council may adopt appropriate measures aimed at defending the principle of equal opportunities and equal treatment for men and women. The Lisbon Treaty also includes provisions relating to the fight against trafficking in human beings, particularly women and children (Article 79 of the TFEU), the problem of domestic violence against women (Article 8 of the TFEU), and the right to paid maternity leave (Article 33). Among the important documents concerning gender equality is the Roadmap (2006–2010). In 2006, the European Commission proposed the Roadmap for equality between women and men, in addition to the priorities on the agenda, the objectives, and tools necessary to achieve full gender equality. The Roadmap defines six priority areas, each of which is associated with a set of objectives and actions that makes it easier to achieve them. The priorities include equal economic independence for women and men, reconciliation of private and professional life, equal representation in the decision-making process, eradication of all forms of gender-based violence, elimination of stereotypes related to gender, and promotion of gender equality in external and development policies. The Commission took charge of the commitments included in the Roadmap, which were indirectly implemented by the Member States through the principle of subsidiarity and the competencies provided for in the Treaties (Gottardi, 2013). The 2006–2010 strategy of the European Commission is based on a dual approach: on the one hand, the integration of the gender dimension in all community policies and actions (gender mainstreaming), and on the other, the implementation of specific measures in favour of women aimed at eliminating inequalities. In 2006, the European Council approved the European Pact for Gender Equality which originated from the Roadmap. The European Pact for Gender Equality identified three macro areas of intervention: measures to close gender gaps and combat gender stereotypes in the labour market, measures to promote a better work–life balance for both women and men, and measures to strengthen governance through the integration of the gender perspective into all policies. In 2006, Directive 2006/54/EC of the European Parliament and Council regulated equal opportunities and equal treatment between male and female workers. Specifically, the Directive aims to implement the principle of equal treatment related to access to employment, professional training, and promotion; working conditions, including pay; and occupational social security approaches. On 21 September 2010, the European Commission adopted a new strategy to ensure equality between women and men (2010–2015). This new strategy is based on the experience of Roadmap (2006–2010) and resumes the priority areas identified by the Women’s Charter: equal economic independence, equal pay, equality in decision-making, the eradication of all forms of violence against women, and the promotion of gender equality and women’s empowerment beyond the union. The 2010–2015 Strategic Plan aims to improve the position of women in the labour market, but also in society, both within the EU and beyond its borders. The new strategy affirms the principle that gender equality is essential to supporting the economic growth and sustainable development of each country. In 2010, the validity of the Lisbon Strategy ended, the objectives of which were only partially achieved due to the economic crisis. To overcome this crisis, the Commission proposed a new strategy called Europe 2020, in March 2010. The main aim of this strategy is to ensure that the EU’s economic recovery is accompanied by a series of reforms that will increase growth and job creation by 2020. Specifically, Europe’s 2020 strategy must support smart, sustainable, and inclusive growth. To this end, the EU has established five goals to be achieved by 2020 and has articulated the different types of growth (smart, sustainable, and inclusive) in seven flagship initiatives. Among the latter, the initiative ‘an agenda for new skills and jobs’, in the context of inclusive growth, is the one most closely linked to gender policies and equal opportunities; in fact, it substantially aims to increase employment rates for women, young, and elderly people. The strategic plan for 2010–2015 was followed by a strategic commitment in favour of gender equality 2016–2019, which again emphasises the five priority areas defined by the previous plan. Strategic commitment, which contributes to the European Pact for Gender Equality (2011–2020), identifies the key actions necessary to achieve objectives for each priority area. In March 2020, the Commission presented a new strategic plan for equality between women and men for 2020–2025. This strategy defines a series of political objectives and key actions aimed at achieving a ‘union of equality’ by 2025. The main objectives are to put an end to gender-based violence and combat sexist stereotypes, ensure equal opportunities in the labour market and equal participation in all sectors of the economy and political life, solve the problem of the pay and pension gap, and achieve gender equality in decision-making and politics. From the summary of the regulatory framework presented, for the European Economic Community first, then for the European Community, and finally for the European Union, gender equality has always been a fundamental value. Interest in the issues of the condition of women and equal opportunities has grown over time and during the process of European integration, moving from a perspective aimed at improving the working conditions of women to a new dimension to improve the life of the woman as a person, trying to protect her not only professionally but also socially, and in general in all those areas in which gender inequality may occur. The approach is extensive and based on legislation, the integration of the gender dimension into all policies, and specific measures in favour of women. From the non-exhaustive list of the various legislative interventions, it is possible to note a continuous repetition of the same thematic priorities which highlights, on the one hand, the poor results achieved by the implementation of the policies, but, on the other hand, the Commission’s willingness to pursue the path initially taken. Among the achievements in the field of gender equality obtained by the EU, there is certainly an increase in the number of women in the labour market and the acquisition of better education and training. Despite progress, gender inequalities have persisted. Even though women surpass men in terms of educational attainment, gender gaps still exist in employment, entrepreneurship, and public life (OECD, 2017). For example, in the labour market, women continue to be overrepresented in the lowest-paid sectors and underrepresented in top positions (according to the data released in the main companies of the European Union, women represent only 8% of CEOs).

Chapter 5 delves into the unionization efforts by former UFC fighter Leslie Smith and the fighters’ association she cofounded, Project Spearhead. Smith has legally challenged the UFC’s classification of fighters as underpaid independent contractors--a classification that makes these athletes a relatively inexpensive and expendable investment for the UFC. The chapter considers potential solutions for gendered labor inequity in sports media by centering political visibility as a viable avenue for illuminating labor inequalities and improving workers’ rights within the UFC. While a union might benefit all fighters, those who stand to gain the most from a fighters’ union are White women and women of color because historically the most disenfranchised identities recuperate the most rights when unions collectively advocate for the equal treatment of all workers.

В данной статье рассмотрены основные права трудящихся и как они защищаются профессиональными союзами. В наши дни профсоюзы стали основным средством защиты трудовых прав, ведь именно они отстаивают интересы работников и борются за них. Профсоюз обладает всеми необходимыми средствами и полномочиями для полноценной реализации трудящимися своих прав. This article examines the basic rights of workers and how they are protected by trade unions. Nowadays, trade unions have become the main means of protecting labor rights, because it is they who defend the interests of workers and fight for them. The trade union has all the necessary means and powers for the full realization by workers of their rights.

Educational institutions consist of spaces for interaction and sociability, therefore, these spaces are composed of a multiplicity of people, each with their individualities, being, therefore, a locus of coexistence with diversity and of creating access opportunities for the equalization of opportunities. From this perspective, research on Human Rights Education means directing citizens in the fight for their rights and for a fairer society, as a form of full realization of citizenship. This research, at first, discusses the various forms of violence that occur in youth, especially those that occur in the school space, highlighting the causes and consequences of physical, psychological, symbolic violence and one of the most worrying in the world scenario: the " bullying". The general objective is to verify the existence and manifestations of violence in the school environment among students, teachers, managers and employees to understand the relationship that young people have with their peers, identifying the forms of violence called "bullying" that occur in the environment in an attempt to reflect on how such practices can be fought through Human Rights Education. Therefore, the methodology used will be qualiquantitative and will consist of a literature review, which will aim to situate human rights and bullying as objects in the field of socio-legal studies. Documentary analysis of laws dealing with human rights and education will be carried out, as well as field research, through which the questionnaire will be used as a data collection instrument to understand the perception of high school students about bullying and the disrespect for differences. The work will also involve quantitative analysis in the analysis of data to verify the incidence of bullying, its modalities and how Human Rights Education can contribute to respecting and valuing differences. With the completion of this research, it is expected to provide educators and students of educational institutions, an analysis of the importance of forming a culture of respect for human dignity, diversity, multiplying information and experiences that contribute to participatory awareness, rethinking the citizen reality of the population involved and reinforcing the socio-political-cultural identity of social segments and groups, based on the school reality and on Human Rights Education

Human rights are one of the most popular topics in modern global communities. Therefore, the adoption of the Law of the Republic of Lithuania on Equal Opportunities and the establishment of the institution that governs the execution of this law is a significant legal step which permits to actually ensure the compliance of one of the most fundamental rights of the individual, i.e. non-discrimination on the basis of gender. Equality, being one of the fundamental principles of human rights, is governed by international contracts and legal acts of the Republic of Lithuania. The results of the questionnaires permit to claim that the administration of Kaunas district municipality pays too little attention to the provision of the information about the Law on Equal Opportunities of the Republic of Lithuania and amendments where of to the employees of Kaunas district municipality. Thus there are a lot of problems related to the provision of equal opportunities to the employees at work.

The coronavirus pandemic has swept across a world unprepared to fight it, because countries had failed to choose policies to fight inequality. Only one in six countries assessed for the CRI Index 2020 were spending enough on health, only a third of the global workforce had adequate social protection, and in more than 100 countries at least one in three workers had no labour protection such as sick pay. As a result, many have faced death and destitution, and inequality is increasing dramatically. This third edition of the CRI Index report recommends that all governments adopt strong anti-inequality policies on public services, tax and labour rights, to radically reduce the gap between rich and poor. The international community must support them with Special Drawing Rights, debt relief and global solidarity taxes. See also the CRI Index website at www.inequalityindex.org

We are living through an unprecedented moment of multiple crises. Tens of millions more people are facing hunger. Hundreds of millions more face impossible rises in the cost of basic goods or heating their homes. Poverty has increased for the first time in 25 years. At the same time, these multiple crises all have winners. The very richest have become dramatically richer and corporate profits have hit record highs, driving an explosion of inequality. This report focuses on how taxing the rich is vital to addressing this unprecedented polycrisis and skyrocketing inequality. The report explores how, in recent history, taxation of the richest was far higher; how talk of taxing the rich and making billionaires pay their fair share is hugely popular; and how taxing the rich claws back elite power and reduces not just economic inequality, but racial, gender and colonial inequalities, too. The report lays out how much tax the richest should pay, and the practical, tried and tested ways in which governments can raise such taxation. It shows us how taxing the rich can set us clearly on a path to a more equal, sustainable world free from poverty.

This research report examines the experiences of Roma communities who have been displaced by the war in Ukraine. Roma in Ukraine and in Europe have historically faced discrimination and prejudice due to widely held stereotypes among the non-Roma majority. This report highlights how Roma internally displaced persons and refugees are discriminated against, and how, whereas many Ukrainian refugees have been welcomed with open arms in European countries, the same welcome has not been extended to Roma. The report also highlights the role of Roma-led organizations in supporting displaced Roma and reinvigorating the fight for the rights of Roma communities.

Our study is the first to investigate the effects of reparations for victims of gross human rights violations. In Colombia, victims of forced displacement, homicide, and other atrocities during the conflict received a lump-sum payment equal to three times their annual household income. Using novel linked administrative microdata and event studies, we show that reparations help victims rebuild their lives and significantly improve their well-being and that of their children. Specifically, reparations promote investment in physical and human capital, leading to enhanced living and health conditions, better educational outcomes, and increased asset-building and entrepreneurship, despite slightly discouraging labor supply.

Despite the progress that has been made in the region to close the gaps and inequalities that affect people with diverse sexual orientations and gender identities, stigma and discrimination continue to be obstacles that affect the social inclusion and full citizenship of lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, queer and other (LGBTQ) people. In order to promote equal rights and opportunities for all LGBTQ people, it is crucial to have solid evidence that can inform policy design in the region. This paper presents a comprehensive review of quantitative studies that contribute to this discussion, addressing issues of social attitudes, the challenges of measuring the size of this population and their experiences of discrimination in several countries in the region.

A government agenda of openness and transparency is critical to improving the quality of services to users and streamlining bureaucratic procedures. Efficiency and transparency in administrative processes, access to information, user-friendliness of paperwork, and mechanisms for resolving paperwork issues must be ensured so that citizens can fully exercise their rights when requesting a decision from the government, applying for a license, or soliciting other information or documentation issued by the State. Bolivia's Ministry for Institutional Transparency and Fight against Corruption treated user experience as a fundamental aspect of the relationship between citizens and the public sector by launching a contest in 2011 called "The Worst Bureaucratic Procedure of My Life". The aim was to solicit examples from users of extremely bureaucratic procedures as well as proposals to improve them.

The COVID-19 pandemic has dealt a huge blow to every country, and many governments have struggled to meet their populations’ urgent needs during the crisis. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) has stepped in to offer extra support to a large number of countries during the pandemic. However, Oxfam’s analysis shows that as of 15 March 2021, 85% of the 107 COVID-19 loans negotiated between the IMF and 85 governments indicate plans to undertake austerity once the health crisis abates. The findings in this briefing paper show that the IMF is systematically encouraging countries to adopt austerity measures once the pandemic subsides, risking a severe spike in already increased inequality levels. A variety of studies have revealed the uneven distribution of the burden of austerity, which is more likely to be shouldered by women, low-income households and vulnerable groups, while the wealth of the richest people increases. Oxfam joins global institutions and civil society in urging governments worldwide and the IMF to focus their energies instead on a people-centred, just and equal recovery that will fight inequality and not fuel it. Austerity will not ‘build back better’.

The next reflection has the purpose of analyzing the resilience strategies of Afghan women and girls throughout the 21st century to compare them with those other strategies that many Mexican women and girls from rural and urban communities have to use on a daily life to survive in the midst of different types of conditions of marginalization, discrimination and violence. The communication compares the representation and construction of negative female stereotypes originated in the most traditional visions of islam and catholicism to analyze the response that contemporary, resilient, and combative women have offered to fight against these cultural assumptions in search of greater freedoms, rights, and opportunities to live with dignity. This cultural comparison has the purpose of looking at women as active subjects, capable of responding and acting in situations of oppression, discrimination, and daily mistreatment in patriarchal societies where violence against women is one of the social, political, economic and cultures of most urgent attention.