Thematische Bibliographien / Feminist politics

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Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Feminist politics“

Autor: Grafiati

Veröffentlicht am 4. Juni 2021

Zuletzt aktualisiert am 21. Februar 2023

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Feminist politics"

Conway, Janet M. „Popular Feminism: Considering a Concept in Feminist Politics and Theory“. Latin American Perspectives 48, Nr. 4 (28.06.2021): 25–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x211013008.

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An analysis of popular feminism as a category in Latin American feminist studies from its origins in the 1980s and its disappearance in the 1990s to its resurgence in the present through the protagonism of the World March of Women, asks what is at stake in this contemporary claim to popular feminism in relation to the multiplication of feminisms. The contemporary use of the concept specifies a feminist praxis that is contentious, materialist, and counterhegemonic in permanently unsettled relations both with other feminisms and mixed-gender movements on the left. Despite converging agendas for redistribution, it also remains in considerable tension with black and indigenous feminisms. As a racially unmarked category, contemporary popular feminism continues to reproduce an elision of race and colonialism common to mestiza feminism and the political left. Un análisis del feminismo popular como categoría en los estudios feministas latinoamericanos, desde sus orígenes en la década de 1980 y su desaparición en la década de 1990 hasta su actual resurgimiento a través del protagonismo de la Marcha Mundial de la Mujer nos lleva a preguntarnos qué está en juego en esta reivindicación contemporánea del feminismo popular cuando lo consideramos en relación a la actual multiplicación de feminismos. El uso contemporáneo del concepto especifica una praxis feminista que es polémica, materialista y contrahegemónica dentro del marco de relaciones permanentemente inestables, tanto con otros feminismos como con movimientos izquierdistas de género mixto. A pesar de las agendas convergentes de redistribución, también mantiene una tensión considerable con los feminismos negros e indígenas. Como categoría racialmente inespecífica, el feminismo popular contemporáneo mantiene sus elisiones de raza y colonialismo, asunto característico del feminismo mestizo, así como de la izquierda política.

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Fowlkes, Diane L. „Moving from Feminist Identity Politics To Coalition Politics Through a Feminist Materialist Standpoint of Intersubjectivity in Gloria Anzaldúa's Borderlands/La Frontera: The New Mestiza“. Hypatia 12, Nr. 2 (1997): 105–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1997.tb00021.x.

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Identity politics deployed by lesbian feminists of color challenges the philosophy of the subject and white feminisms based on sisterhood, and in so doing opens a space where feminist coalition building is possible. I articulate connections between Gloria Anzaldúa's epistemological-political action tools of complex identity narration and mestiza form of intersubject, Nancy Hartsock's feminist materialist standpoint, and Seyla Benhabib's standpoint of intersubjectivity in relation to using feminist identity politics for feminist coalition politics.

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Kirkpatrick, Jennet. „Introduction: Selling Out? Solidarity and Choice in the American Feminist Movement“. Perspectives on Politics 8, Nr. 1 (März 2010): 241–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709992829.

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This symposium examines an emergent orientation within the American feminist movement called “choice feminism.” Choice feminists are primarily concerned with increasing the number of choices open to women and with decreasing judgments about the choices that individual women make. Choice feminists are best known for their argument that a woman who leaves the remunerated labor market to care for her children is a feminist in good standing; she makes a feminist decision. While media coverage of choice feminism has been extensive, political scientists have been comparatively quiet. In this symposium, four political scientists analyze and evaluate choice feminism, revealing their disagreement about the validity of the choice feminist position and about the meaning of choice feminism for movement politics, political judgment, and liberal political theory.

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Evans, Elizabeth, und Prudence Bussey-Chamberlain. „The problems with feminist nostalgia: Intersectionality and white popular feminism“. European Journal of Women's Studies 28, Nr. 3 (August 2021): 353–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13505068211032058.

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Contemporary feminisms are ineluctably drawn into comparisons with historic discourses, forms of praxis and tactical repertoires. While this can underscore points of continuity and commonality in ongoing struggles, it can also result in nostalgia for a more unified and purposeful feminist politics. Kate Eichhorn argues that our interest in nostalgia should be to understand feminist temporalities, and in particular the specific context in which we experience such nostalgia. Accordingly, this article takes up the idea that neoliberalism and populism, which have given rise to both neoliberal feminism and femonationalism, have produced a series of contestations regarding the purpose and nature of feminist politics, as expressed by white popular feminism in the United Kingdom. This article examines two dimensions of feminist nostalgia: first, nostalgia for a more radical form of feminist politics – one not co-opted by neoliberal forces, not individualistic and not centred around online activism; and second, a nostalgia for the idea of ‘sisterhood’ – a time before white feminists were called upon to engage with intersectionality or be inclusive of trans-women. We analyse these themes through analysis of white popular feminism produced in the United Kingdom between 2010 and 2020, cautioning against a feminist nostalgia which neglects to engage with the radical politics of intersectionality.

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Kelly, Maura, und Gordon Gauchat. „Feminist Identity, Feminist Politics“. Sociological Perspectives 59, Nr. 4 (03.08.2016): 855–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0731121415594281.

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Feminist scholars and activists have endorsed a broad and intersectional political agenda that addresses multiple dimensions of inequality, such as gender, sexuality, race/ethnicity, and class. We examine whether or not this perspective is also held by self-identified feminists in the general public. Drawing on public opinion polls from 2007 to 2009, we assess self-identified feminists’ attitudes toward a range of social policies. We find that after controlling for sociodemographic factors and political ideology, feminist identity is associated with progressive attitudes on policies related to gender and sexuality (e.g., abortion) as well as policies related to other social justice issues (e.g., immigration, health care). We also find some interactions between feminist identity and gender, age, education, and political ideology, suggesting some heterogeneity in feminists’ political attitudes. Overall, these findings suggest that feminists in the general public support an intersectional social justice agenda rather than a narrow focus on gender issues.

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Marome, Wijitbusaba. „Foucault’s Work for the Analysis of Gender Relations: Theoretical Reviews“. Journal of Architectural/Planning Research and Studies (JARS) 3 (30.12.2005): 115–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.56261/jars.v3.169048.

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Michel Foucault’s focus on power relationships has drawn political scientists, political philosophers,and feminists to his texts. His argument which analyses power and discourse takes political analysts beyondstate as the locus of power. In general, his work is important for feminist analyses, especially the threevolumeof historical account of sexuality, because it shares with feminists and intense and critical gaze atsexuality, ‘power and knowledge.’ However, Foucault’s politics of Western sexuality leaves female sexualityinvisible. To complete this historical account of sexuality requires feminist critiques which extend and alterthe analysis to include female sexuality. Thus, the question is not if, but how Foucault should be situated intocontemporary feminist theory. This paper examines four major criticisms that traditional feminists haveargued against Foucault’s understanding of theory-justification, power relations, collective politics, and genderneutrality. We argue that the first three criticisms are undiscovered, but offer an important set of political toolto feminism. For the gender neutrality criticism, we argue that Foucault’s neglect of gender difference in hishistory of sexuality falls short of feminist goals. Finally, feminists should approbate only the aspects ofFoucauldian philosophy that are conductive to gender analysis and move beyond Foucault’s androcentrism tocreate alternative histories of sexuality and opportunities for resistance.

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Benezra, Karen. „Feminine Desire, Feminist Politics“. Critical Times 5, Nr. 1 (01.04.2022): 227–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/26410478-9536575.

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Marso, Lori J. „Feminism's Quest for Common Desires“. Perspectives on Politics 8, Nr. 1 (März 2010): 263–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709992854.

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One attraction of “choice” feminism has been its refusal to judge the diverse desires of women. Yet for feminism to retain its political vision as a quest for social justice, we must continue difficult conversations concerning how acting on our individual desires impacts the lives of others. In this essay, I argue that feminists can acknowledge women's diverse desires while forging a meaningful feminist community. I make this argument by considering feminism's relationship to time, and particularly how women's diverse desires are read in each moment in time. If we abandon the generational model, wherein each new generation of feminists improves upon the last, for a genealogical perspective where women recognize our feminist origins and empathize with the diverse struggles of other women, we might reaffirm social justice for the community as central to feminist politics. To articulate this possibility, I turn to the work of Simone de Beauvoir to explain her discovery of how her embodiment as a woman and her relationship to femininity becomes a way of grounding a feminist politics. Recognizing the “demands of femininity” in other women's lives allows us to affirm feminist community while retaining the capacity to make judgments that realize social justice as a feminist goal.

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Mojab, Shahrzad. „Theorizing the Politics of ‘Islamic Feminism’“. Feminist Review 69, Nr. 1 (November 2001): 124–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01417780110070157.

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This article examines developments in ‘Islamic feminism’, and offers a critique of feminist theories, which construct it as an authentic and indigenous emancipatory alternative to secular feminisms. Focusing on Iranian theocracy, I argue that the Islamization of gender relations has created an oppressive patriarchy that cannot be replaced through legal reforms. While many women in Iran resist this religious and patriarchal regime, and an increasing number of Iranian intellectuals and activists, including Islamists, call for the separation of state and religion, feminists of a cultural relativist and postmodernist persuasion do not acknowledge the failure of the Islamic project. I argue that western feminist theory, in spite of its advances, is in a state of crisis since (a) it is challenged by the continuation of patriarchal domination in the West in the wake of legal equality between genders, (b) suspicious of the universality of patriarchy, it overlooks oppressive gender relations in non-western societies and (c) rejecting Eurocentrism and racism, it endorses the fragmentation of women of the world into religious, national, ethnic, racial and cultural entities with particularist agendas.

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Frazer, Elizabeth, und Kimberly Hutchings. „The feminist politics of naming violence“. Feminist Theory 21, Nr. 2 (08.07.2019): 199–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464700119859759.

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The naming of violence in feminist political campaigns and in the context of feminist theory has rhetorical and political effects. Feminist contention about the scope and meaning of ‘Violence against Women' (VAW) and ‘Sex and Gender-Based Violence' (SGBV), and about the concepts of gender and of violence itself, are fundamentally debates about the politics of feminist contestation, and the goals, strategies and tactics of feminist organisation, campaigns and action. This article examines the propulsion since the late twentieth century of the problems of VAW and SGBV on to global and national political agendas. The feminist theory that underpins the uptake of this new agenda is contested by opponents of feminism. More significantly for the article it is also contested within feminism, in disputes about how feminist political aims should be furthered, through what institutions and with what strategic goals in view. The article aims to show that theoretical and philosophical controversy about the concepts of violence, and sex and gender, are always political, both in the sense that they are an aspect of feminist competition about how feminist politics should proceed, and in the sense that the political implications of concepts and theory must always be a significant factor in their salience for feminist action.

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Dissertationen zum Thema "Feminist politics"

Billingsley, Amy. „Humorwork, Feminist Philosophy, and Unstable Politics“. Thesis, University of Oregon, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/24550.

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This dissertation examines humor as a situated practice of reappropriation and transformation undertaken by a subject within a social world. I bring together insights from humor studies, philosophy of humor, and feminist philosophy (especially feminist continental philosophy) to introduce the concept of humorwork as an unstable political practice of reappropriating and transforming existing images, speech, and situations. I argue that humorwork is an unstable politics because the practice of reappropriation and transformation often exceeds the intentions of the subject practicing humor, taking on a continued life beyond the humorist’s intentions. By focusing on the practice of humor, the subject who produces it, their social and political world, the affects circulated through political humor, and the politics of popular and scholarly discourse about humor, I push against a reductive, depoliticized concept of humor and the trivializing gesture of “it’s just a joke.” Instead, I argue that humorists are responsible and connected to (if not always blameable) for the social and political life of their humorwork, despite the unstable and unpredictable uptake of humor against a humorist’s intentions.

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Murphy, Kylie. „Bitch: the politics of angry women“. Thesis, Murphy, Kylie (2002) Bitch: the politics of angry women. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2002. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/217/.

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'Bitch: the Politics of Angry Women' investigates the scholarly challenges and strengths in re theorising popular culture and feminism. It traces the connections and schisms between academic feminism and the feminism that punctuates popular culture. By tracing a series of specific bitch trajectories, this thesis accesses an archaeology of women?s battle to gain power. Feminism is a large and brawling paradigm that struggles to incorporate a diversity of feminist voices. This thesis joins the fight. It argues that feminism is partly constituted through popular cultural representations. The separation between the academy and popular culture is damaging theoretically and politically. Academic feminism needs to work with the popular, as opposed to undermining or dismissing its relevancy. Cultural studies provides the tools necessary to interpret popular modes of feminism. It allows a consideration of the discourses of race, gender, age and class that plait their way through any construction of feminism. I do not present an easy identity politics. These bitches refuse simple narratives. The chapters clash and interrogate one another, allowing difference its own space. I mine a series of sites for feminist meanings and potential, ranging across television, popular music, governmental politics, feminist books and journals, magazines and the popular press. The original contribution to knowledge that this thesis proffers is the refusal to demarcate between popular feminism and academic feminism. A new space is established in which to dialogue between the two.

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Murphy, Kylie. „Bitch : the politics of angry women /“. Murphy, Kylie (2002) Bitch: the politics of angry women. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2002. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/217/.

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Kim, Bomyung, und Bomyung Kim. „Spatiotemporal Politics of Postwar U.S. "Feminist History": Manifestos, Histories, and Post-Feminisms“. Diss., The University of Arizona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/621868.

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This dissertation examines postwar U.S. feminist narrative practices of "making," writing, and sustaining "feminist history" and their spatiotemporal figuration of the subject of "women of color." In so doing, I attend to three discursive genres of postwar U.S. "feminist history": manifestos of postwar U.S. women's movements, histories of postwar U.S. women's movements, and the discourse of "post-feminism." The term "feminist history," in this sense, relates to the various ways that postwar U.S. feminists theorized women's liberation (manifestos), historicized the past of postwar U.S. women's movements (histories), and countered the putative "end" of postwar U.S. feminism (post-feminism). First, I argue that manifestos and histories of postwar U.S. women's movements as well as the discourse of "post-feminism" commonly utilized narrative form of discourse within which spatiotemporal imagination of "feminist history" articulate. Second, I point to the spatiotemporal figuration of racial others within these postwar U.S. feminist narratives of "feminist history." Third, I question the political implication of the spatial mobility of "women of color" which is increasingly seized by the late-modern spatiotemporal politics of multiculturalism.

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Rossiter, Penny, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College und School of Humanities. „Problematising the political : feminist interventions“. THESIS_CAESS_HUM_Rossiter_P.xml, 2002. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/579.

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This thesis is a study of selected themes in feminist rethinkings of the political. It explores connections between specific interpretations of the meanings and boundaries of the political, the problems of exclusion and the imagination of non-exclusionary alternatives. It traces, and responds to, shifts in these interconnected concerns that have transpired over the last three decades as feminists in western liberal democracies have moved from a preoccupation with gendered oppression, to relations of identity and difference more broadly conceived. The contrasting perspectives of Moira Gatens and Anne Phillips on political exclusion and their preferred political futures are discussed. Gatens' preferred future is a 'polymorphous, polyvocal and polyvalent body politic' but the institutional forms of that polity and its relation to actually existing liberal democracy are uncertain. Phillips apparently has more modest aspirations; for increased political presence for the politically marginalised (especially women); and for a revitalisation of the deliberative component of democracy. Although Phillips appears to hold the trump card of immediate practical relevance, the thesis questions this assumption. It argues that feminist analysis can only benefit from increased conversation between such divergent feminist responses to the problem of political exclusion. But further, it concludes that the least 'practical' may sometimes be the most important components of feminist rethinkings of the political
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

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Edwards, Kathy. „The politics of prositution : a feminist dilemma /“. Title page, contents and introduction only, 1989. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09are256.pdf.

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Górska, Magdalena. „Breathing Matters : Feminist Intersectional Politics of Vulnerability“. Doctoral thesis, Linköpings universitet, Tema Genus, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-128607.

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Breathing is not a common subject in feminist studies. Breathing Matters introduces this phenomenon as a forceful potentiality for feminist intersectional theories, politics, and social and environmental justice. By analyzing the material and discursive as well as the natural and cultural enactments of breath in black lung disease, phone sex work, and anxieties and panic attacks, Breathing Matters proposes a nonuniversalizing and politicized understanding of embodiment. In this approach, human bodies are onceptualized as agential actors of intersectional politics. Magdalena Górska argues that struggles for breath and for breathable lives are matters of differential forms of political practices in which vulnerable and quotidian corpomaterial and corpo-affective actions are constitutive of politics. Set in the context of feminist poststructuralist and new materialist and postconstructionist debates, Breathing Matters offers a discussion of human embodiment and agency reconfigured in a posthumanist manner. Its interdisciplinary analytical practice demonstrates that breathing is a phenomenon that is important to study from scientific, medical, political, environmental and social perspectives.
Andning är inte ett vanligt förekommande ämne inom feministiska studier. Breathing Matters introducerar detta fenomen som har en potential för feministiska intersektionella teorier, politik, social rättvisa och klimaträttvisa. Genom analyser av materiella, diskursiva, naturliga och kulturella dimensioner av andningens formationer, i sjukdomen pneumokonios, telefonsexarbete samt ångest och panikattacker, föreslår Breathing Matters en icke-universialiserande och politiserad förståelse av förkroppsligande. Genom denna ansats konceptualiseras mänskliga kroppar som agentiella aktörer i en intersektionell politik. Magdalena Górska argumenterar att kampen för att andas och för andningsbara liv är ett angeläget ämne för differentiella former av politisk praktik. Denna sårbara och vardagliga praktik som både består av kroppsmateriella och kroppsaffektiva handlingar konstituerar politik. Placerad i en kontext av feminist poststrukturalistisk, nymaterialistisk och postkonstruktivistisk debatt erbjuder Breathing Matters en diskussion kring mänskligt förkroppsligande och agentskap som är omkonfigurerad på ett posthumanistiskt sätt. Den tvärvetenskapliga analytiska praktiken visar att andning är ett fenomen som är viktigt att studera från vetenskapliga, medicinska, politiska, miljömässiga och sociala perspektiv.

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Banerjee, Amrita 1979. „Re-conceiving "borders": A feminist pragmatic phenomenology for postcolonial feminist ethics and politics“. Thesis, University of Oregon, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/11556.

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xi, 205 p.
As an increasing number of differentially situated women implicated within the global economy continue to come into contact with each other, a host of opportunities and challenges are inaugurated for feminist praxes across borders and differences. The cycles of dependencies accentuated by globalization come hand-in-hand with concerns about unequal distribution, unequal access to resources, and the rise of fundamentalist ideologies. All these together remind us of the urgency of collaboration and cooperation across differences. At the same time, the presence of differences and inequalities threaten to undermine the spirit for collaboration at any given moment. We, therefore, need analytical frameworks that are able to do justice to our identities and agency within interactive spaces. We also need better evaluative frameworks for theorizing ethical responsibility and political concerns about justice within a transnational space that take these realities into account. I argue for the possibility of a new "critical multicultural transnational feminism" and develop a theoretical framework to anchor this vision in my dissertation. The "critical" component emphasizes the vision for a feminism that is, at once, a self-reflective praxis. The juxtaposition of "multicultural" and "transnational" seeks to emphasize the need for recognizing both the limitations and the importance of borders on our lives. To do this, I articulate an alternative logic of "borders" so as to develop an interactive ontology for thinking about transnationalism and transnational identity. I then take up the project of envisioning the ethical-political project of "solidarity" in the light of this ontology. The philosophical framework that I develop is inspired by the philosophical pragmatism of Mary Parker Follett and Josiah Royce, the existential phenomenology of Simone de Beauvoir, and the work of various postcolonial feminists such as bell hooks, Chandra Mohanty, and Ofelia Schutte. This framework is a feminist pragmatic phenomenology for postcolonial feminist ethics and politics, which can serve as a normative paradigm and a framework of analysis. Finally, I use the framework developed in the dissertation to analyze and evaluate aspects of the international industry in surrogacy-related fertility tourism--a paradigmatic instance of incommensurability and inequality among women within the global economy.
Committee in charge: Bonnie Mann, Co-Chair; Scott L. Pratt, Co-Chair; Mark Johnson, Member; Judith Raiskin, Outside Member

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Velasquez, Juan. „A Feminist Sustainable Development : In Between Politics of Emotion, Intersectionality and Feminist Alliances“. Stockholms universitet, Centrum för forskning om internationell migration och etniska relationer (CEIFO), 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-15150.

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Singh, Michelle Marie. „Feminist subjects: issues of sexual politics and the problem of subjectivity“. Thesis, Griffith University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366079.

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This dissertation sets out to re-describe (hetero)sexuality as a theoretical and political problem for feminism. I pursue this task two ways: by historicising both heterosexuality and feminist sexual politics, and by critically assessing the effects of the conceptions of subjectivity and power that have shaped primary feminist approaches to sexuality. I begin this project by examining a specific feminist attitude of antagonism towards post-structuralist theories, and drawing out its underlying ideal of feminism as a closed and coherent theoretical and political system. I argue that this conception of ‘proper’ feminist theory and politics has significant bearing on how sexuality – especially heterosexuality – can be conceived and dealt with. I also take up alternative feminist responses to post-structuralist theories: engagements which reflect very different notions of feminism generally, of subjectivity and power, and consequently, of (hetero)sexual politics. In the last two chapters, I examine some specific problems of sexuality, including anti-rape politics, and debates over the sexualisation of culture, in order to test the utility of the post-structuralist-influenced approach I have developed. Throughout the dissertation, I avoid a sole focus on corrective, theoretical critique, aiming to also acknowledge the significance of emotional affect, and historical location.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Humanities
Arts, Education and Law
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Bücher zum Thema "Feminist politics"

Rethinking contemporary feminist politics. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.

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Dean, Jonathan. Rethinking Contemporary Feminist Politics. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230283213.

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Why feminism?: Gender, psychology, politics. New York: Columbia University Press, 1999.

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Jaggar, Alison M. Feminist politics and human nature. Savage, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1988.

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Jane, Kenney Sally, und Kinsella Helen, Hrsg. Politics and feminist standpoint theories. New York: Haworth Press, 1997.

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Simien, Evelyn M. Black feminist voices in politics. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 2005.

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Goedecke, Klara. Men’s Friendships as Feminist Politics? Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11771-8.

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Black feminist voices in politics. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2006.

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Chopra, J. K. Gender politics. Jaipur, India: Book Enclave, 1999.

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Passionate politics: Essays, 1968-1986 : feminist theory in action. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1987.

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Buchteile zum Thema "Feminist politics"

Hayes-Conroy, Allison, Jessica Hayes-Conroy, Yoshiko Yamasaki und Ximena Quintero Saavedra. „Feminist Visceral Politics“. In Routledge Handbook of Gender and Feminist Geographies, 379–88. Names: Datta, Anindita, 1968- editor. Title: Routledge handbook of gender and feminist geographies/ edited by Anindita Datta, [and four others]. Description: Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, [2020]: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315164748-38.

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David, Deirdre. „Political Economy and Feminist Politics“. In Intellectual Women and Victorian Patriarchy, 40–57. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18792-8_3.

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Bryson, Valerie. „Politics and the state“. In Feminist Debates, 90–122. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27505-2_5.

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Frosh, Stephen. „Feminist Psychoanalysis“. In The Politics of Psychoanalysis, 196–240. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27643-1_8.

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Bottici, Chiara. „Anarchafeminism & the Ontology of the Transindividual“. In Materialism and Politics, 215–31. Berlin: ICI Berlin Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37050/ci-20_12.

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While literature on intersectionality proliferates, mention of anarchafeminism, which is a feminist tradition that focuses on the intersectional nature of female oppression, is scarce to say the least. This feminist strand of anarchism has largely been neglected both within feminism and the left. I argue that anarchafeminism is a particularly timely form of feminism because it is able to articulate a feminism free of essentialism. Furthermore, I argue that an ontology of the transindividual is the best possible philosophical ally for this project.

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Guest, Carly. „Rebecca: Class, Politics and Family“. In Becoming Feminist, 49–83. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-53181-0_3.

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Krystalli, Roxani. „Feminist Methodology“. In Gender Matters in Global Politics, 34–46. 3. Aufl. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003036432-5.

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Evans, Elizabeth. „Feminist Inclusivity“. In The Politics of Third Wave Feminisms, 87–110. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137295279_5.

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Dean, Jonathan. „Rethinking Feminist Radicalism“. In Rethinking Contemporary Feminist Politics, 36–63. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230283213_3.

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Goedecke, Klara. „Conclusion: Friendship Politics as Feminist Politics?“ In Men’s Friendships as Feminist Politics?, 159–76. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11771-8_6.

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Konferenzberichte zum Thema "Feminist politics"

Daemmrich, Chris. „Freedom and the Politics of Space: Contemporary Social Movements and Possibilities for Antiracist, Feminist Practice in U.S. Architecture“. In Schools of Thought Conference. University of Oklahoma, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/11244/335076.

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Students and practitioners of architecture challenge the hegemonic Whiteness, maleness, cisheteronormativity, and capitalist control of these disciplines as a means of democratizing and decolonizing practice to create conditions for Black self-determination. This paper considers how architectural professionals have responded to contemporary movements for social justice in the United States and the ways in which some are more and some less successful at addressing the intersecting nature of identity-based oppressions. Organizations and convenings, including the National Organization of Minority Architects (NOMA), Black in Design, the Design Futures Public Interest Design Student Leadership Forum, Equity by Design, and the Architecture Lobby are considered from 2012 to the pre-pandemic spring of 2020, with a focus on the emergence of new spaces and shifts in how existing spaces engage with activist movements as a result of changing political conditions. The paper provides historical background and constructive critique. It concludes with recommendations for creating institutions that respond proactively, rather than reactively, to racist violence, sexual harassment, assault, and exploitation, and for making lasting meaning of these injustices when they occur. The roles Black people and other people of color, particularly women, have played, and the roles White people, particularly men, and White institutions must play in creating an antiracist, feminist architecture are a focus of this paper.

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Ramírez Rivera, Jessica Beatriz. „Prácticas Feministas en Museos y sus Redes Sociales en México: una respuesta ante la pandemia. Feminist Practices in Museums and their Social Networks in Mexico: a response to the pandemic.“ In Congreso CIMED - I Congreso Internacional de Museos y Estrategias Digitales. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica de València, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/cimed21.2021.12631.

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El objetivo de esta comunicación es presentar algunas prácticas feministas que han hecho uso de las tecnologías en los museos de México, así como reflexionar en torno a la soberanía digital, los derechos culturales que se ejercen en las redes sociales y si estos se inscriben en la “internet feminista” desde los museos.En los últimos años, los movimientos feministas en México han tomado relevancia política, en ámbitos públicos y de intervención social. Muchas de ellas, han sido juzgadas negativamente por hacer uso de bienes culturales, lo cual ha desencadenado opiniones polarizadas.Si bien, la postura de los museos mexicanos a este respecto es reservada, existe una apertura a prácticas con perspectiva de género, desde sus investigaciones, oferta cultural y exposiciones temporales. Con las medidas de confinamiento derivadas del COVID-19, quedó claro que las estrategias de los museos para continuar sus actividades, se centraron y volcaron en las Redes Sociales y sus páginas web. Asimismo, se lograron continuar no solo con las prácticas con perspectiva de género que incipientemente se realizaban en estos espacios, si no que se incrementaron los contenidos de corte feminista y de acción política cultural.Entre los ejemplos más notables estuvieron la apertura de nuevos espacios virtuales como lo hizo el Museo Universitario de Arte Contemporáneo, con su Instagram Brillantinas MUAC, en donde se publican diversos materiales feministas desde la cultura y se ínsita al diálogo y la profundización de varios temas con perspectiva de género.Por otro lado, la actividad digital y cultural a raíz de la Conmemoración del Día Internacional para la Eliminación de las Violencias contra las Mujeres, fue adoptada por una gran cantidad de museos desde privados hasta estatales, ya sea con una mención al tema o una actividad o serie de actividades al respecto. Fue un ejercicio que trascendió a los 10 días de activismo y que obtuvo una interesante respuesta tanto negativa como positiva dentro de los públicos.Finalmente, uno de los ejercicios más interesantes que se lograron a pesar de las dificultades por la situación sanitaria, fue la iniciativa “Laboratoria: Mujeres en el Museo” lanzada por el Observatorio Raquel Padilla del Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, que por medio de diversas herramientas digitales, se pudo llevar a cabo un ejercicio feminista y de soberanía digital en la elaboración de prototipos con perspectiva de género y para la prevención de las violencias contra las mujeres.-------- The objective of this communication is to present some feminist practices that have made use of technologies in museums in Mexico, as well as to reflect on digital sovereignty, the cultural rights that are exercised in social networks and if they are registered in the "Feminist internet" from museums.In recent years, feminist movements in Mexico have taken on political relevance, in public spheres and social intervention. Many of them have been judged negatively for making use of cultural property, which has triggered polarized opinions.Although the position of Mexican museums in this regard is reserved, there is an openness to practices with a gender perspective, from their research, cultural offerings and temporary exhibitions. With the confinement measures derived from COVID-19, it was clear that the museums' strategies to continue their activities were focused and turned over to Social Networks and their web pages. Likewise, it was possible to continue not only with the practices with a gender perspective that were incipiently carried out in these spaces, but also the contents of a feminist nature and of cultural political action were increased.Among the most notable examples were the opening of new virtual spaces such as the University Museum of Contemporary Art, with its Instagram Brillantinas MUAC, where various feminist materials from culture are published and the dialogue and the deepening of various issues are encouraged. gender perspective.On the other hand, the digital and cultural activity as a result of the Commemoration of the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women, was adopted by a large number of museums from private to state, either with a mention of the subject or an activity or series of activities in this regard. It was an exercise that transcended 10 days of activism and that obtained an interesting negative and positive response from the public.Finally, one of the most interesting exercises that were achieved despite the difficulties due to the health situation, was the initiative "Laboratory: Women in the Museum" launched by the Raquel Padilla Observatory of the National Institute of Anthropology and History, which through various digital tools, it was possible to carry out a feminist exercise and digital sovereignty in the development of prototypes with a gender perspective and for the prevention of violence against women.

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Sell, Lígia, und Cristina Meinhardt. „Análise do Comportamento Histórico do Perfil de Gênero em Cursos de Computação na UFSC“. In Women in Information Technology. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação - SBC, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/wit.2022.222847.

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Este trabalho analisa o perfil de estudantes de cursos de computação na UFSC, comparando com os comportamentos reportados de inversão de maioria de gênero feminino em outros cursos de computação e com dados gerais de estudantes na área no Brasil. Além disso, são discutidos aspectos relacionados a raça nos cursos avaliados. O mapeamento do perfil de estudantes na instituição alvo permite planejar ações e politicas mais eficientes para aumentar a inclusão feminina na área de tecnologia da informação.

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Wuschitz, Stefanie, und Astrid Reza. „Coded Feminisms in Indonesia“. In Proceedings of Polititcs of the machines - Rogue Research 2021. BCS Learning & Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.14236/ewic/pom2021.31.

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Lopez, N. „8. Feminist political ecology of agricultural changes in Myanmar“. In EurSafe 2022. The Netherlands: Wageningen Academic Publishers, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3920/978-90-8686-939-8_8.

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Serpa, Bibiana. „Towards a Political Design Through Feminist Waysof Movement-Making“. In Pivot 2021 Dismantling/Reassembling: Tools for Alternative Futures. Design Research Society, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21606/pluriversal.2021.0007.

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Kasirzadeh, Atoosa. „Algorithmic Fairness and Structural Injustice: Insights from Feminist Political Philosophy“. In AIES '22: AAAI/ACM Conference on AI, Ethics, and Society. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3514094.3534188.

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Daulay, Harmona, und T. Ilham Saladin. „Resilience of Women Leaders as Village Heads in Patriarchal Culture (Eco-feminist Analysis)“. In 2nd International Conference on Social and Political Development (ICOSOP 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icosop-17.2018.22.

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Kusumawardhani, E. „“Halal” Sex Tourism from Feminism Prespective“. In Proceedings of the First Brawijaya International Conference on Social and Political Sciences, BSPACE, 26-28 November, 2019, Malang, East Java, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.26-11-2019.2295182.

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Riadhussyah, M., J. Jumadi, A. Subarkah, H. Subarkah und A. Bukhari. „Feminism Criticism towards "Merariq Kodeq" Culture in West Nusa Tenggara Society“. In Proceedings of the First Brawijaya International Conference on Social and Political Sciences, BSPACE, 26-28 November, 2019, Malang, East Java, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.26-11-2019.2295194.

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Berichte der Organisationen zum Thema "Feminist politics"

Woolson Neville, Diane, und Helen Gremillion. Experiencing Women’s Advocacy: Connections with and Departures from a Feminist Socio-Political Movement to end Violence Against Women. Unitec ePress, August 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.34074/rsrp.032.

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This article examines how contemporary women’s advocates working in New Zealand with women experiencing intimate partner violence regard their work and how these experiences both connect with and depart from a feminist movement to end violence against women. Ten women’s advocates from ten different organisations were interviewed two times. The first interviews involved participants commenting on vignettes about hypothetical cases of intimate partner violence. The second interviews weresemi-structured and involved discussions about participants’ work and wider thoughts on the phenomenon of intimate partner violence. Interviews were analysed using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis to identify key themes within participants’ interviews. Analysis indicated an alignment with international research illustrating an erosion of feminist perspectives in advocacy work. At the same time, it revealed areas of enduring feminist influence. Findings, therefore, suggest that the relationship between advocacy and the feminist movement to end violence against women is complicated and contradictory. Implications for further research directions are considered.

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Shaw, Jackie, Masa Amir, Tessa Lewin, Jean Kemitare, Awa Diop, Olga Kithumbu, Danai Mupotsa und Stella Odiase. Contextualising Healing Justice as a Feminist Organising Framework in Africa. Institute of Development Studies, August 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2022.063.

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Healing justice is a political organising framework that aims to address the systemic causes of injustice experienced by marginalised peoples due to the harmful impacts of oppressive histories, intergenerational trauma, and structural violence. It recognises that these damaging factors generate collective trauma, which manifests in negative physical, mental–emotional, and spiritual effects in activists and in the functioning of their movements. Healing justice integrates collective healing in political organising processes, and is contextualised as appropriate to situational needs. This provided the rationale for a research study to explore the potential of healing justice for feminist activists in Africa, and how pathways to collective healing could be supported in specific contexts. Research teams in DRC, Senegal, and South Africa conducted interviews with feminist activists and healers, in addition to supplementary interviews across sub-regions of Africa and two learning events with wider stakeholders.

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