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1
Elliott, Karla. „Negotiations between progressive and ‘traditional’ expressions of masculinity among young Australian men“. Journal of Sociology 55, Nr. 1 (08.10.2018): 108–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783318802996.
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This article draws on feminist theory and critical studies on men and masculinities to explore expressions of masculinity among young, relatively privileged men between the ages of 20 and 29 in Australia. Narrative interviews conducted with these men in 2014 revealed assertions of progressive attitudes alongside reworkings of more hegemonic expressions of masculinity. In particular, participants demonstrated distancing from ideas of protest masculinity and spoke of iterations of softer masculinities in relation to their work lives and friendships. At the same time, they borrowed or co-opted aspects of a perceived version of protest masculinity, such as ‘hard work for hard bodies’. Through such practices and beliefs, participants could juggle contradictory requirements of masculinity in late modernity and perpetuate more privileged modes of masculinity. This article argues that sociological attention must continue to be focused on ongoing, privileged expressions of masculinity, even as encouraging changes emerge in late modern, post-industrial societies.
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Handayani, Diah. „Political Identity, Popular Culture, and Ideological Coercion: The Discourses of Feminist Movement in the Report of Ummi Magazine“. Jurnal Pemberdayaan Masyarakat: Media Pemikiran dan Dakwah Pembangunan 5, Nr. 1 (18.06.2021): 185–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/jpm.2021.051-08.
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This research examines the rise of Islamic populism in Indonesia and understands it as an instrument to clear a new pathway for populism movement into popular culture. Ummi magazine is one of the religious media used to be political vehicles of stablishing constituencies, especially for the Tarbiyah movement in the Soeharto era to the current tendency to popularize the Tarbiyah identity as a new lifestyle. Historically, The Tarbiyah movement in Indonesia is a social and political movement among Indonesian Muslimah students, especially activists in the Suharto period. Muslim middle class entrepreneurs launched a campaign of ‘economic jihad. This research uses a qualitative approach by interpreting and studying the data contained in Ummi Magazine. Media studies were carried out in the January 2017 to 2018 editions. The data obtained were described and associated with the magazine's transformation as an ideological medium and Muslim women's lifestyle today. The result shows that the magazine's transformation from ideology magazine to lifestyle magazine can influence readers because there are more new readers. Whether Ummi as a media for da'wah and a women's magazine, it is still perceived by the readers to apply ideological coercion or simply provide an alternative lifestyle or consumption where religious independence is the main characteristic of the magazine. We argue that Islamic populism is mainly a medium for coercion ideology to gain tracks to power, while the poor remain as ‘floating mass’, and entrapped in many so-called 'empowerment' projects. Populism can be interpreted as a communication style in which a group of politicians considers themselves to represent the people’s interests contrasted with elite interests. Nevertheless, the populism approach is gaining momentum. Abdullah, I. (1996). Tubuh, Kesehatan, dan Struktur yang Melemahkan Wanita. Kumpulan Makalah Seminar Bulanan. Pusat Penelitian Kependudukan UGM.Al-Abani, S. M. N. (1999). Jilbab Wanita Muslimah. Pustaka At-Tibyan.Ahmed, L. (1992). Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots of Modern Debate. Yale University Press.Al-Ghifari, A. (2005). Kerudung Gaul, Berjilbab Tapi Telanjang. Mujahid Press.Armbrust, W. (2000). ‘Introduction’, Mass Mediation: New Approaches to Popular Culture In The Middle East and Beyond. University California Press.Askew, K. (2002). ‘Introduction’, The Anthropology of Media: A Reader.Blackwell.Astuti, S. N. A. . (2005). Membaca Kelompok Berjilbab Sebagai Komunitas Sub Kultur. Universitas Gadjah Mada.BPS. (2017). Statistika Pendapatan. BPS Publication. Banet-Weiser, S. (2006). “I just want to be me again!”: Beauty pageants, reality television and post-feminism. Feminist Theory, 7(2), 255–272. https://doi.org/10.1177/1464700106064423Banna, H. (2011). Majmu’ah Rasail Al Iman As Syahid (Risalah Pergerakan Ikhawanul Muslimin. Era Intermedia. Barthel, D. (1976) . The Impact of Colonialism on Women’s Status in Senegal.Ph.D Dissertation, Harvard University.Barthes, R. (1977). Image, Music, Text. Fortana Press.Bertrand, I., & Hughes, P. (2005). Media Research Methods: Audiences, Institutions, Texts. Palgrave Mecmillan.Bordo, S. (1995). Unbearable Weight : Feminism, Western Culture, and The Body. University of California Press.Branner, S. (1995). Why Women Rule the Roost: Rethiking Javanese Ideologies of Gender and Self-Control. In Bewitching Women, Pioner Men. University of California Press.______. (1996). ‘Reconstructing Self and Society, Javannese Muslim Women and The Veil’. American Ethnologist.Bruneinessen, M. v. (2002). ‘Genealogies of Islamic Radicalism in Post-Suharto Indonesia’. South East Asian Research. Champagne, J. (2004). Jilbab Gaul. Bali. Latitudes, 46, 114-123.Damanik, A. S. (2000). Fenomena Partai Keadilan: Transformasi 20 Tahun Gerakan Tarbiyah di Indonesia. Mizan.Durkin, K. (1985). Television and Sex Role Acquisition I: Content’. British Journal of Social Psycology, 24, 102-113.Effendi, B. (2003). ‘Islam Politik Pasca Suharto’. Refleksi, 5(2).El-Guindi, F. (1991). Veil, Modesty, Privacy, and Resistance. Berg.Frederick, W. H. (1982). Rhoma Irama and The Dangdut Style: Aspects of Contemporary Indonesian Popular Culture. Indonesia, 34, 103-130.Featherstone, M. (2001). The Body in Consumer Culture. In The Body: Social Process and Cultural Theory. SAGE Publication.Foucault, M. (1981). The Order of Discourse. Routledge and Keagon Paul.Fukuyama, F. (2018). Against Identity Politics. Foreign Affairs, Sptember/October, 1-25.Gough, Y. A. (2003). Understanding Women Magazine. Routledge.Gautlett, D. (2002). Media, Gender, and Identity: An Introduction. Routledge.Geetzt, C. (1973). The Interpretation of Culture. Verso.Gill, R. (2009). Mediated Intimacy and Post Feminism: a Discourse Analytic Examination of Sex and Relationship advice in Woman’s Magazine. Discourse and Communication Journal, 3(4), 345-369. https://doi.org/10.1177/1750481309343870Gramsci, A. (1992). Selection from The Prison on Notebooks. International Publisher.Gorham, B. W. (2004). The Social Psychology of Stereotypes: Implications for Media Audiences. In Race/Gender/Media: Considering Diversity Across Audiences, Content, and Producers. Pearson.Hall, S. (1997). The Work Of Representation. In Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices. SAGE Publication.Handayani, D. (2014). Performatifitas Muslimah dalam Majalah Ummi. At-Tabsyir. Jurnal Komunikasi Penyiaran Islam, 2(1), 73-98. http://doi.org/10.21043/at-tabsyir.v2i1.461.Hanifah, U. (2011). Konstruksi Ideologi Gender pada Majalah Wanita (Analisis Wacana Kritis Majalah Ummi). KOMUNIKA: Jurnal Dakwah dan Komunkasi, 5(2), 199-220. https://doi.org/10.24090/komunika.v5i2.170Imdadun, R. (2005). Arus Baru Iislam Radikal: Transmisi, Revivalisme Islam Timur Tengah ke Indonesiaan. Erlangga.Itzin, C.(1986). Media Images of Women: The Social Construction of Ageism and Sexism. In Feminist Social Psycology: Developing Theory and Practice. Milton Keynes. Open University Press.Kailani, N. (2008). Budaya Populer Islam di Indonesia: Jaringan Dakwah Foru Lingkar Pena. Jurnal Sosiologi Reflektif, 2(3). Kellner, D. (1995). Cultural Studies, Identities and Politics Between The Modern and Postmodern. Routledge.Machmudi, Y. (2006). Islamizing Indonesia: The Rise of Jamaah Tarbiyah and The Presperous Justice Party (PKS). PhD Dissertation, Australia National University.Maulidiyah, L. (2014). Wacana Relasi Gender Suami Istri dalam Keluarga Muslim di Majalah Wanita Muslim Indonesia. Universitas Airlangga.Parihatin, A. (2004). Ideologi Revivalisme Islam dalam Majalah Perempuan Islam (Analisis Wacana pada Majalah Ummi). Universitas Indonesia. Qadarawi, Y. (2004). Al Islamu wal Fannu. Islam Bicara Seni. Era Intermedia. Qutb, S. (1980). Ma’alim fi Al Tariq (Petunjuk Jalan-Milestone). Media Dakwah.Rozak, A. (2008). Citra Perempuan dalam Majalah Wanita Islam UMMI. Jurnal Penelitian Agama. VXII(2), 332-354.Storey, J. (2010). Culture and Power in Cultural Studies: The Politics of Signification. Edinburg University Press.Ulfa, N. M. (2016). Dakwah Melalui Media Cetak (Analisis Isi Rubrik Mutiara Islam Majalah Ummi). Islamic Communication Journal, 1(1), 73-89.
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Gilchrist, Roberta. „Women's archaeology? Political feminism, gender theory and historical revision“. Antiquity 65, Nr. 248 (September 1991): 495–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00080091.
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Women's issues are deservedly a growing concern in archaeology, with concerns that run from the power (im)balance between the sexes in the present practice of archaeology to the technical question of how gender-relations are, or are not, recoverable from archaeological context. The several aspects that lie within the phrase ‘women's archaeology’are explored.
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Millner, Jacqueline. „Caring through art: Reimagining value as political practice“. Art & the Public Sphere 8, Nr. 2 (01.12.2019): 163–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/aps_00014_1.
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Recent feminist critiques of neo-liberalism have argued for care as an alternative structuring principle for political systems in crisis and have proposed that the transformation of the existing capitalist order demands the abolition of the (gendered) hierarchy between ‘care’ ‐ the activities of social reproduction that nurture individuals and sustain social bonds ‐ and economic production. Key to answering what it might mean for care to become the central concern or core process of politics is imagining alternatives outside deeply ingrained and guarded conventions. It is in this imagining that artists have much to contribute, more so still because for many artists, maintaining a practice in neo-liberal contexts demands nurturing collectivities, sensitivities and resourcefulness ‐ essential aspects of care. By focusing on recent Australian examples, this article examines what role artists can play in engaging with, interpreting or enacting care in practices ‐ such as works of self-care, care for country and the environment, care for material culture and heritage, care for institutions and processes, and care for others ‐ which might help forge an alternative ethics in the age of neo-liberalism. This exploration is driven by the need for a contemporary values revolution as we ‐ as a species, as a planet ‐ face existential threats including climate emergency and terminal inequality. Can art be a generative site to work towards alternative ethics that privilege trans-subjective relations predicated on attentiveness and tending, on spending time, on holding space?
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Effendi, Pranoto, und Jerry Courvisanos. „Political aspects of innovation: Examining renewable energy in Australia“. Renewable Energy 38, Nr. 1 (Februar 2012): 245–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.renene.2011.07.039.
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Rogan, Frances, und Shelley Budgeon. „The Personal is Political: Assessing Feminist Fundamentals in the Digital Age“. Social Sciences 7, Nr. 8 (09.08.2018): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci7080132.
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The ‘personal is political’ has long been recognised as the definitive slogan of second-wave feminism but can it still inform our understanding of the contemporary practice of feminism? Questioning the importance of this claim now invites us to critically reflect upon the trajectory Western feminism has followed in light of the efforts made by the Women’s Liberation movement to politicise formerly unquestioned aspects of social relations. In this paper, the significance of this feminist slogan will be assessed by locating it within two broadly defined historical periods. Firstly we identify the critical work performed by the ideas expressed in the slogan in the early years of the 1970s and then assess their continued relevance within the context of the early 21st century. Drawing upon the empirical analysis of young women’s experience of and relationship to feminism via their engagement with social media in Britain, this research critically assesses digital spaces as places where young women explore their personal experiences. We aim to understand how this may constitute a contemporary form of feminist practice consistent with the claim that ‘the personal is political’.
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Allen, Felicity. „Feminism and Behaviourism in Academia: Strategies for Change“. Behaviour Change 8, Nr. 1 (März 1991): 10–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0813483900006860.
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This paper considers the employment of women academics in Australia and describes ideological sources of individual cognitions about the acceptability of the jobs typically performed by women in academia. A cognitive-behavioural model is used to explore the role of certain group behaviours in maintaining power divisions between the sexes. It is suggested that women can control aspects of their interactions with others in ways that might facilitate their promotion. The importance of time and resource management in making these changes is emphasised. The questions of reconciling the issues of feminism and behaviourism in dealing with co-workers in tertiary education are discussed. The context is not a client/therapist interaction and the model of behaviour change underlying this article is participant rather than administrative, in that it assumes that at least some members of both sexes within Australian universities will take responsibility for self-directed behaviour change. The purpose of this paper is to consider the areas of academic politics, both micro and macro, which might be susceptible to change by people using self-directed behaviour modification techniques.
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Ghobadzadeh, Naser. „A multiculturalism–feminism dispute: Muslim women and the Sharia debate in Canada and Australia“. Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 48, Nr. 3 (Juli 2010): 301–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662043.2010.489747.
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Safarian, Alexander. „On the History of Turkish Feminism“. Iran and the Caucasus 11, Nr. 1 (2007): 141–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338407x224978.
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AbstractThe paper deals with the several aspects of the history of Feminism in the Ottoman Empire. It elucidates the early stages of the formation of the Feministic ideas and tendencies in the Turkish society at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century. Particular attention is paid to the social-political activities and the role of the Turkish women writers Halide Edib, Arife Hanım, and others. The author discusses inter alia the impact of the Armenian intellectual milieu and, especially, that of the Turkish Armenian women's literature on the inception and development of the Feministic literature in Turkey.
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Schaeffer, Denise. „Feminism and Liberalism Reconsidered: The Case of Catharine MacKinnon“. American Political Science Review 95, Nr. 3 (September 2001): 699–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401003082.
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Much of contemporary feminist theory presents itself as radically opposed to liberalism. Certain claims made by Catharine MacKinnon have contributed significantly to this view. In this article, however, I argue that certain fundamental aspects of MacKinnon's work must be understood within a liberal framework, even as she challenges the epistemological assumptions that tend to inform liberal political theories. I highlight the ways in which MacKinnon makes use of several fundamental liberal tenets, such as the primacy of individual choice, and then consider how her work contributes to an ongoing discussion about the relevance of liberal theory to contemporary feminist concerns.
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Woodard, Ben. „User Errors: Reason, (Xeno)-Feminism and the Political Insufficiency of Ontology“. Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture 17, Nr. 2-3 (30.12.2020): 54–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.51151/identities.v17i2-3.467.
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This paper revisits elements of second wave feminism—in its psychoanalytic, radical, materialist, Marxist and deconstructionist aspects—the better to understand how it is we might define sexual difference today. The vexed question of sexuation, of what it means to be a woman in particular has today generated great tensions at the theoretical, legal and philosophical level. This paper is an attempt to return to aspects of the second wave—an unfinished project where many enduring feminist concerns were for the first time thoroughly and metaphysically articulated—the better to defend the importance of sexual difference. To this end, the transcendental and parallax dimensions of sexed life will be discussed, alongside a defence of the centrality of the mother to our thinking about the relevance and necessity of preserving the importance of sexual difference, not only for thought but also for political and legal life.
Author(s): Ben Woodard
Title (English): User Errors: Reason, (Xeno)-Feminism and the Political Insufficiency of Ontology
Journal Reference: Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 17, No. 2-3 (Winter 2020)
Publisher: Institute of Social Sciences and Humanities - Skopje
Page Range: 54-68
Page Count: 15
Citation (English): Ben Woodard, “User Errors: Reason, (Xeno)-Feminism and the Political Insufficiency of Ontology,” Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 17, No. 2-3 (Winter 2020): 54-68.
Author Biography
Ben Woodard, Independent Researcher
Ben Woodard is an independent scholar living in Germany. His work focuses on the relationship between naturalism and idealism during the long nineteenth century. He is currently preparing a monograph on the relation of naturalism and formalism in the life sciences. His book Schelling’s Naturalism was published in 2019 by Edinburgh University Press.
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Leimgruber, Ute. „Hostility toward Gender in Catholic and Political Right-Wing Movements“. Religions 11, Nr. 6 (21.06.2020): 301. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11060301.
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Starting with a speech by Theodor Adorno, the essay analyzes some thematic parallels between political and religious populism regarding the view on gender and feminism. In both certain traditional Catholic circles and right-wing political parties, an explicit hostility toward gender can be observed. In this article, this resentment is discussed in three aspects: the defense of a traditional image of the family, the instrumentalization of women’s rights against “the Islam”, and, generally, the propaganda of anti-feminism or anti-genderism. Moreover, the text considers the fact that in spite of anti-feminist positions, many women are part of these movements, sometimes even as leaders. The text will prove that this is only a superficial contradiction. The right-wing populist groups—both secular and religious—promise to reduce the potential threat to modern societies while “preserving” the traditional order. The coalitions between them run along the lines of the “values” represented, including anti-feminism and anti-genderism. The danger that these “alliances” pose to a liberal society must not be underestimated by the religious and secular actors who value and protect ambiguity and diversity.
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Chebankova, Elena. „Theoretical Debates within Contemporary Russian Feminism“. Russian Politics 1, Nr. 3 (01.09.2016): 223–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2451-8921-00103001.
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Feminism emerged as an important ideological trend in contemporary Russia. Different strands of this thought focus on divergent problems experienced by Russian women. Some researchers consider the experience of women representing Russia’s growing middle class. Others tend to focus on the problems of dispossessed and less privileged layers of the Russian society. The difference in the focus of attention is reminiscent of the pre-existing Western division of the feminist thought on the feminism of equality and feminism of difference. This paper will consider the main directions of these debates in Russia focusing on key aspects pondered by feminism in general. It will also argue that the state deploys both strands of feminist thought selectively in situations that suits its ideological and political purposes.
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Pettersen, Tove. „Conceptions of Care: Altruism, Feminism, and Mature Care“. Hypatia 27, Nr. 2 (2012): 366–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2011.01197.x.
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In “Conceptions of Care,” Tove Pettersen discusses and articulates select ways in which care can be comprehended. Several difficulties related to an altruistic understanding of care are examined before the author presents the case for a more favorable concept: mature care. Mature care is intended to take into account the interests of both parties to the caring relationship. This understanding of care facilitates the expression of the relational and reciprocal aspects of caring while emphasizing the equal worth of all involved. Also attended to is the embeddedness of care in wider cultural and political contexts.
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Dominijanni, Ida. „Rethinking the Change: Italian Feminism Between Crisis and Critique of Politics“. Cultural Studies Review 11, Nr. 2 (11.10.2013): 25–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/csr.v11i2.3636.
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I think of the kinds of questions that I’ve heard female researchers and students ask of Italian feminism in Sydney, Melbourne and Auckland. I think of a certain ease of dialogue between men and feminists that is less suspicious than what we’re used to in Italy. There is an openness to the other and to otherness, which might derive from Australia being a multicultural society. The relativisation of Europe, and even more so of Italy, happens spontaneously when looked at from Australia with Asia in between. All this adds up to an ‘Australian Effect’ that has profoundly changed me and that in turn changes my way of talking about the ‘Italian Effect’. I am therefore writing from within a relationship to this context that already marks me, questions me and dislocates me, and my intention is to yield not so much a thought as a practice of thought, born and bred in close proximity to a political practice.
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Peng, Niya, Tianyuan Yu und Albert Mills. „Feminist thinking in late seventh-century China“. Equality, Diversity and Inclusion: An International Journal 34, Nr. 1 (09.02.2015): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/edi-12-2012-0112.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to offer novel insights into: knowledge of proto-feminism through description and analysis of the rule of the seventh century female Emperor Wu Zetian; postcolonial theory by revealing the existence and proto-feminist activities of a non-western female leader; and the literature on gender and invisibility through a study of a leading figure that is relatively unknown to western feminists and is even, in feminist terms, something of a neglected figure. Design/methodology/approach – In order to examine Wu’s proto-feminist practices as recorded in historical materials, we use critical hermeneutics as a tool for textual interpretation, through the following four stages: choosing texts from historical records and writings of Wu; analyzing the historical sociocultural context; analyzing the relationship between the text and the context; and offering a conceptual framework as a richer explanation. Findings – Wu’s life activities demonstrate proto-feminism in late seventh century China in at least four aspects: gender equality in sexuality, in social status, in politics, and women’s pursuit of power and leadership. Research limitations/implications – Future research may dig into the paradox of Wu’s proto-feminist practices, the relationship between organizational power and feminism/proto-feminism, and the ways in which Wu’s activities differ from other powerful women across cultures, etc. Practical implications – The study encourages a rethink of women and leadership style in non-western thought. Social implications – The study supports Calás and Smircich’s 2005 call for greater understanding of feminist thought outside of western thought and a move to transglobal feminism. Originality/value – This study recovers long lost stories of women leadership that are “invisible” in many ways in the historical narratives, and contributes to postcolonial feminism by revealing the existence of indigenous proto-feminist practice in China long before western-based feminism and postcolonial feminism emerged.
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BLOCH, RUTH H. „THE ORIGINS OF FEMINISM AND THE LIMITS OF ENLIGHTENMENT“. Modern Intellectual History 3, Nr. 3 (22.09.2006): 473–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244306000886.
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The publication of the collection of essays Women, Gender and Enlightenment (ed. Sarah Knott and Barbara Taylor, Houndsmills: Palgrave MacMillan, 2005) affords an unusual opportunity to confront a myriad of interrelated issues, at once definitional and ideological, that face intellectual historians of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Europe and America. The 768-page work came out of a highly unusual collaborative research project conducted from 1998 to 2001, “Feminism and Enlightenment, 1650–1850: A Comparative History,” a series of colloquia, conferences, and Internet exchanges enlisting the participation of over a hundred historians in Europe, North America, and Australia. The product of this extensive interaction showcases the contributions of thirty-eight authors, not only covering a broad array of topics but, still more remarkable, displaying a large degree of consensus about issues of interpretative concern. While dozens of books and articles have anticipated pieces of the arguments made in this volume, never has so extensive an attempt been made to pull them together into a cohesive whole.
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Pini, Barbara, und Sally Shortall. „Gender Equality in Agriculture: Examining State Intervention in Australia and Northern Ireland“. Social Policy and Society 5, Nr. 2 (April 2006): 199–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746405002885.
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This paper is concerned with the extent to which the state offers potential for furthering farm women's status and rights. Using case studies of Australia and Northern Ireland, it examines the extent to which the state has intervened to address gender inequality in the agricultural sector. These two locations provide a particularly rich scope for analysis because while Australia has a long history of state feminism and an extensive legislative framework for pursing gender equity, this is not the case with Northern Ireland. At the same time, the restructuring of the state in Northern Ireland, following on from the Belfast Agreement of 1998 and the Northern Ireland Act of 1998, has generated new opportunities for state intervention regarding gender equality. Moreover, while gender is now for the first time being placed on the state agenda in Northern Ireland, gender reform is being wound back in Australia, as equity discourses are subsumed by the hegemonic discourses of neo-liberalism.
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Alexander, Kirsty, Catherine Eschle, Jenny Morrison und Mairi Tulbure. „Feminism and Solidarity on the Left: Rethinking the Unhappy Marriage Metaphor“. Political Studies 67, Nr. 4 (19.03.2019): 972–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321718817479.
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In the context of efforts to revive and reconfigure the left, fraught solidarity relations between feminism and other left forces are again under the political spotlight. This article revisits the widespread use of the ‘unhappy marriage’ metaphor to characterise these relations, given that metaphors play a significant role in structuring political discourse and action. We argue that the metaphor has been used in uncritical and limiting ways, and turn to feminist reconfigurations of the institutions of marriage to develop a more expansive, reflexive conceptual lens. We then apply this lens to three case studies of left organising in Scotland around the time of the 2012–2014 Scottish independence referendum, showing that the expanded marriage metaphor captures a more complex story of solidarity relations. Nonetheless, aspects of the marriage metaphor remain irredeemable, and we end with a call for the continued development of alternative frameworks that imagine political solidarity differently.
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Shahid, Izzah, Fakhira Riaz und Akifa Imtiaz. „Elements of Feminism in Language of Childrens Animations“. Global Social Sciences Review IV, Nr. IV (31.12.2019): 217–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2019(iv-iv).28.
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In todays modern globalized world, the power and impact of media in different aspects of human life are universally acknowledged. The elements of feminism in media have been widely researched in the past, but, how feminist ideas are portrayed in childrens media largely remains unexplored. The aim of this research is to explore the presentation of feminist concepts, notions, and ideas in a specific genre of childrens media – animations – through verbal and non-verbal language including verbal discourse, expressions, and overall communicative symbolism. The sample of the study consists of fourteen famous animations which are selected through purposive sampling. The results reveal that the feminist ideas and concepts presented deal with the empowerment and liberation of women, and hinted towards real-life womens issues such as education, adolescence, abuse, oppression, gender equality in work and employment, personal choice and other political, social and economic issues rather than presenting stereotypical image of women.
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Hopkins, Susan. „UN celebrity ‘It’ girls as public relations-ised humanitarianism“. International Communication Gazette 80, Nr. 3 (25.08.2017): 273–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048517727223.
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This article combines framing analysis and critical textual analysis in a qualitative investigation of the ways in which popular culture texts, in particular articles in Australian women's magazines, frame transnational celebrity activism. Using three recent case studies of commercial representations of popular female celebrities – Nicole Kidman in Marie Claire (Australia), Angelina Jolie in Vogue (Australia) and Emma Watson in Cleo (Australia) – this study dissects framing devices to reveal the discursive tensions which lie beneath textual constructions of celebrity humanitarianism. Through a focus on United Nations Women's Goodwill Ambassadors, and their exemplary performances of popular humanitarianism, I argue that feminist celebrity activists may inadvertently contradict the cause of global gender equality by operating within the limits of celebrity publicity images and discourses. Moreover, the deployment of celebrity women, who have built their vast wealth and global influence through the commodification of Western ideals of beauty and femininity, betrays an approach to humanitarianism, which is grounded in the intersection of neocolonial global capitalism, liberal feminism and the ethics of competitive individualism.
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D'Cruz, Glenn. „‘Class’ and Political Theatre: the Case of Melbourne Workers Theatre“. New Theatre Quarterly 21, Nr. 3 (18.07.2005): 207–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x05000114.
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Traditionally, class has been an important category of identity in discussions of political theatre. However, in recent years the concept has fallen out of favour, partly because of changes in the forces and relations of capitalist production. The conventional Marxist use of the term, which defined an individual's class position in relation to the position they occupied in the capitalist production process, seemed anachronistic in an era of globalization. Moreover, the rise of identity politics, queer theory, feminism, and post-colonialism have proffered alternative categories of identity that have displaced class as the primary marker of self. Glenn D'Cruz reconsiders the role of class in the cultural life of Australia by examining the recent work of Melbourne Workers Theatre, a theatre company devoted to promoting class-consciousness, in relation to John Frow's more recent re-conceptualization of class. He looks specifically at two of the company's plays, the award-winning Who's Afraid of the Working Class? and The Waiting Room, with reference to Frow's work on class, arguing that these productions articulate a more complex and sophisticated understanding of class and its relation to politics of race and gender today. Glenn D'Cruz teaches drama and cultural studies at Deakin University, Australia.
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Gani, Azmat. „Some Aspects of Trade between Australia and Pacific Island Countries“. World Economy 33, Nr. 1 (Januar 2010): 89–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9701.2009.01189.x.
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McGuire, John Thomas. „Social Justice Feminism and its Counter-Hegemonic Response to Laissez-Faire Industrial Capitalism and Patriarchy in the United States, 1899-1940“. Studies in Social Justice 11, Nr. 1 (08.02.2017): 48–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v11i1.1358.
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This article uses the hegemonic/counter-hegemonic framework of Italian scholar and activist Antonio Gramsci to explain how a movement known as social justice feminism emerged as a counter-hegemonic response to two hegemonic concepts established in and continued, respectively, the post-Civil War United States: laissez-faire industrial capitalism and patriarchal dominance. In four stages from 1899 through 1940, social justice feminists pursued the promotion of an “entering wedge” labor legislation strategy and the increasing participation of women in national politics, particularly in the Democratic Party. While substantially successful in its goals, social justice feminism failed in two important aspects: its inability to work independently of a patriarchal political system, and, most significant, its apparent refusal to include women of color.
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Sonneborn, Carrie. „Educating Engineers About Sustainable Energy: An Overview of the Issues“. Australian Journal of Environmental Education 14 (1998): 87–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0814062600001567.
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AbstractThe decisions and activities of engineers are often intimately connected with the choice of energy systems and their far reaching effects on society and the environment. Yet there is little or no explicit ‘sustainable energy education’ — that is, education about the rote that the production and use energy plays in modern society, including the related technical aspects—in most undergraduate engineering courses.The significance of energy to modern society, the culture of engineering, and the future outlook for sustainable energy education are explored from a historical perspective in the context of environmentalism, feminism and industrialism. The current status of sustainable energy education theory and practice in Australia is outlined. Drawing on interviews with key practitioners possible approaches to sustainable energy education in engineering are discussed. Current courses and resources for sustainable energy education for engineers are summarised.
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Power, Nina. „Revisiting Second Wave Feminism in the Light of Recent Controversies“. Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture 17, Nr. 2-3 (30.12.2020): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.51151/identities.v17i2-3.466.
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This paper revisits elements of second wave feminism—in its psychoanalytic, radical, materialist, Marxist and deconstructionist aspects—the better to understand how it is we might define sexual difference today. The vexed question of sexuation, of what it means to be a woman in particular has today generated great tensions at the theoretical, legal and philosophical level. This paper is an attempt to return to aspects of the second wave—an unfinished project where many enduring feminist concerns were for the first time thoroughly and metaphysically articulated—the better to defend the importance of sexual difference. To this end, the transcendental and parallax dimensions of sexed life will be discussed, alongside a defence of the centrality of the mother to our thinking about the relevance and necessity of preserving the importance of sexual difference, not only for thought but also for political and legal life.
Author(s): Nina Power
Title (English): Revisiting Second Wave Feminism in the Light of Recent Controversies
Journal Reference: Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 17, No. 2-3 (Winter 2020)
Publisher: Institute of Social Sciences and Humanities - Skopje
Page Range: 28-35
Page Count: 8
Citation (English): Nina Power, “Revisiting Second Wave Feminism in the Light of Recent Controversies,” Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 17, No. 2-3 (Winter 2020): 28-35.
Author Biography
Nina Power, Independent Researcher
Nina Power is a philosopher and writer, and the author of many articles on politics, feminism and culture. She is the author of One-Dimensional Woman (2009) and the forthcoming What Do Men Want? (2021). She is currently teaching at Mary Ward and has previously taught at the University of Roehampton and many other institutions
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Jonge, Alice de. „Some changing aspects of Child Rights in Australia—in and out of Court“. Journal of Social Welfare Law 11, Nr. 3 (Mai 1989): 163–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09649068908415376.
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Kaplan, Gisela. „Book Reviews : LIVING IN THE MARGINS: RACISM, SEXISM AND FEMINISM IN AUSTRALIA. Jan Pettman. Sydney, Allen & Unwin, 1992. 187pp. $19.95 (paperback)“. Australian and New Zealand Journal of Sociology 29, Nr. 3 (Dezember 1993): 417–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/144078339302900318.
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Bird, Kym. „Performing Politics: Propaganda, Parody and a Women's Parliament“. Theatre Research in Canada 13, Nr. 1 (Januar 1992): 168–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/tric.13.1.168.
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The initial phase of women's drama in Canada coincides with the first wave of 19th-century Canadian feminism and the Canadian women's reform movement. At the time, a variety of women wrote and staged plays that grew out of their commitment to the political, ideological and social context of the movement. The 'Mock Parliament,' a form of theatrical parody in which men's and women's roles are reversed, was collectively created by different groups of suffragists in Manitoba, Ontario, Alberta and British Columbia. This article attempts to recuperate these works for a history of Canadian feminist theatre. It will argue that the 'dual' conservative and liberal ideology of the suffrage movement informs all aspects of the Mock Parliament. On the one hand, these plays critique the division of gender roles that material feminism wants to uphold; they are testimony to the strength of a woman's movement that knew how to work as equal players within traditionally structured political organizations. On the other hand, they betray the safe, moderate tactics of an upper and middle-class, white womanhood who wanted political representation but no structural social change. These opposing tensions are inherent in theatrical parody which is both imitative and critical.
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Radcliffe, Sarah. „Non-rational aspects of the competition state – the case of policy consultancy in Australia“. Policy Studies 31, Nr. 1 (Januar 2010): 117–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01442870903387363.
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Humphrys, Elizabeth. „Simultaneously deepening corporatism and advancing neoliberalism: Australia under the Accord“. Journal of Sociology 54, Nr. 1 (März 2018): 49–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783318760680.
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Given recent calls for a new social contract between the unions and government, it is timely to consider the relationship of the Australian Labor Party (ALP) and Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) prices and incomes Accord (1983–97) to the construction of neoliberalism in Australia. Contrary to most scholarly accounts, which posit the ALP and ACTU prices and incomes Accord and neoliberalism as exogenously related or competing processes, this article argues they were internally related aspects of economic transformation. The implementation of the Accord agreement deepened Australia’s existing corporatist arrangements while simultaneously advancing neoliberalism within a highly structured political-economic framework.
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Harman, Elizabeth J. „GOVERNMENT AND BUSINESS IN WESTERN AUSTRALIA, 1983–85: LEGAL AND POLITICAL ASPECTS OFTHE NEW HYBRID ENTERPRISES“. Australian Journal of Public Administration 45, Nr. 3 (September 1986): 247–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8500.1986.tb01537.x.
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FIELKE, SIMON J., und DOUGLAS K. BARDSLEY. „A Brief Political History of South Australian Agriculture“. Rural History 26, Nr. 1 (09.03.2015): 101–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095679331400017x.
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Abstract:This paper aims to explain why South Australian agricultural land use is focused on continually increasing productivity, when the majority of produce is exported, at the long-term expense of agriculturally-based communities and the environment. A historical analysis of literature relevant to the agricultural development of South Australia is used chronologically to report aspects of the industry that continue to cause concerns in the present day. The historically dominant capitalist socio-economic system and ‘anthropocentric’ world views of farmers, politicians, and key stakeholders have resulted in detrimental social, environmental and political outcomes. Although recognition of the environmental impacts of agricultural land use has increased dramatically since the 1980s, conventional productivist, export oriented farming still dominates the South Australian landscape. A combination of market oriented initiatives and concerned producers are, however, contributing to increasing the recognition of the environmental and social outcomes of agricultural practice and it is argued here that South Australia has the opportunity to value multifunctional land use more explicitly via innovative policy.
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Curtin, Jennifer. „Book Review: Jan Pettman, Living in the Margins — Racism, Sexism and Feminism in Australia (Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1992), pp. vii, 187, $19.95 (paper)“. Political Science 45, Nr. 2 (Dezember 1993): 232–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231879304500218.
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Jost, John T., Brian A. Nosek und Samuel D. Gosling. „Ideology: Its Resurgence in Social, Personality, and Political Psychology“. Perspectives on Psychological Science 3, Nr. 2 (März 2008): 126–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-6916.2008.00070.x.
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We trace the rise, fall, and resurgence of political ideology as a topic of research in social, personality, and political psychology. For over 200 years, political belief systems have been classified usefully according to a single left—right (or liberal-conservative) dimension that, we believe, possesses two core aspects: (a) advocating versus resisting social change and (b) rejecting versus accepting inequality. There have been many skeptics of the notion that most people are ideologically inclined, but recent psychological evidence suggests that left-right differences are pronounced in many life domains. Implicit as well as explicit preferences for tradition, conformity, order, stability, traditional values, and hierarchy—versus those for progress, rebelliousness, chaos, flexibility, feminism, and equality—are associated with conservatism and liberalism, respectively. Conservatives score consistently higher than liberals on measures of system justification. Furthermore, there are personality and lifestyle differences between liberals and conservatives as well as situational variables that induce either liberal or conservative shifts in political opinions. Our thesis is that ideological belief systems may be structured according to a left-right dimension for largely psychological reasons linked to variability in the needs to reduce uncertainty and threat.
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Henningham, Stephen. „Aspects of the History of South Asian History in Australia: Rise, Decline and Diversification“. South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 39, Nr. 1 (02.01.2016): 234–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856401.2016.1124233.
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Nwanna, Clifford. „Dialectics of African Feminism A Study of the Women's Group in Awka (the Land of Blacksmiths)“. Matatu 40, Nr. 1 (01.12.2012): 275–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-040001019.
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There appears to be a lack of interest from researchers on African art, on feminist related issues. Their researches are devoted to other aspects of African art. This situation has created a gap in both African art and African gender studies. The present essay interrogates the socio-economic and political position of women in Africa from a feminist theoretical viewpoint. Here, the formation and the activities of the women group in Awka was used as a case study, to foreground the fact that feminism is not alien to Africa; rather it has existed in Africa since the ancient times. The women group stands out as true African patriots and protagonists of the African feminist struggle.
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Hickey-Moody und Willcox. „Entanglements of Difference as Community Togetherness: Faith, Art and Feminism“. Social Sciences 8, Nr. 9 (18.09.2019): 264. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci8090264.
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Using a feminist, new materialist frame to activate ethico-political research exploring religion and gender at a community level both on Instagram and in arts workshops, we show how sharing ethnic backgrounds, religious beliefs, gender identities and sexualities through art practice entangles a diffraction of differences as ‘togetherness’. Such entanglement creates cross-cultural interfaith understandings and gender diverse acceptance and inclusion online. We use diffraction, intra-action and entanglement as a way of framing our understanding of this ‘togetherness’ and show that human feelings rely on more-than-human assemblages; they rely on homelands, countries, wars, places of worship, orientations, attractions, aesthetics, art and objects of attachment. The feelings of ‘community’ and ‘belonging’ that we discuss are therefore direct products of human and non-human interactions, which we explore through arts-based research. In this article, we apply Karen Barad’s feminist new materialist theories of ‘diffraction’, ‘intra-action’ and ‘entanglement’ to ways of thinking about human experience as intra-acting with aspects of the world that we classify as non-human. We use these new materialist frames to reconceptualize the human feelings of ‘community’, ‘belonging’ and ‘what really matters’ in feminist and intra-religious collaborative art practices and Instagram-based art communities. To better understand and encourage communities of difference, we argue that the feelings of ‘community’ and ‘belonging’, which are central to human subjectivity and experience, are produced by more-than-human assemblages and are central to identity. The methodologies we present are community focused, intra-active, arts-based research strategies for interrogating and understanding expressions of ‘community’ and ‘belonging’. We identify how creative methods are a significant and useful way of knowing about communities and argue that they are important because they are grounded in being with communities, showing that the specificity of their materiality needs to be considered.
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KUROSAWA, Aki. „Beyond “Sex Work”: Japanese Night Work and “Shakai-Keiken”“. Asian Journal of Law and Society 7, Nr. 2 (Juni 2020): 209–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/als.2020.9.
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AbstractThis article rethinks the hegemonic “sex-work” discourses—popular sex-work discourse and radical-feminist discourse—that associate Japanese night work with prostitution and consider young women workers in this industry as victims. These discourses reinforce sex-work oppression–empowerment paradigms, which limit workers’ experiences to either oppressive/empowering, good/bad, and positive/negative. This research draws on transnational feminism and a polymorphous approach to the complex nature of sex work. In doing so, this article addresses three aspects of Japanese night work, including young Japanese women’s motivation to go into night work, their conceptualization of work they engage in, and shakai-keiken (social experience) that they gain out of doing night work. This article encourages readers to step away from dominant Western discourses and look closely at the nuanced nature of Japanese night work in its own context.
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Bennett, Laura. „Women, Exploitation and the Australian Child-Care Industry: Breaking the Vicious Circle“. Journal of Industrial Relations 33, Nr. 1 (März 1991): 20–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569103300102.
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In Australia in the 1990s, a complex combination of industrial and political factors interact with gender to produce the exploitation of child-care workers. Examination of the industry reveals the crucial role that government funding and policy play in determining working conditions. Analysis of the child-care industry also highlights the extent to which conditions in the industry are determined by a complex regulatory apparatus comprising legislation, regulations and departmental guidelines specific to the industry in addition to awards. Concentration on the characteristics of a distinctly female dominated industry reveals some of the limitations of mainstream industrial relations theory. It is clear that neither industrial relations nor feminism has yet provided the theoretical tools necessary not simply to explain the exploitation of women workers in such industries but also to overcome it.
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Smolicz, Jerzy J., und Margaret J. Secombe. „Sociology as a Science of Culture: Linguistic Pluralism in Australia and Belarus“. Comparative Sociology 2, Nr. 3 (07.02.2003): 475–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-00203005.
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In the first part of this paper the pioneering achievements of Thomas Kuhn in natural sciences and of Florian Znaniecki in social sciences are examined and compared. Attention is focused on the fundamental impact that the ideological positions adopted by each has exerted upon our understanding of the way their respective disciplines develop and affect the study of natural and cultural phenomena as distinct aspects of reality. The paper traces elements of the commonality of their visions, as well as the way both authors have emphasized the distinct and unique characteristics of their particular fields of knowledge. In the second part, Znaniecki’s humanistic sociology is applied as a theoretical framework to the study of linguistic pluralism in two multi-ethnic societies – Australia and Belarus. Rather than making a direct comparison of the two linguistic contexts, the aim of the paper is to use that framework to gain insights into these diverse multilingual configurations from the perspective of those actively involved in them.
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Wheatland, Fiona Tito. „Medical Indemnity Reform in Australia: “First Do No Harm”“. Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 33, Nr. 3 (2005): 429–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.2005.tb00510.x.
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Medical indemnity is not usually the stuff of high political and social drama in Australia. When the biggest medical defense organization went into voluntary liquidation in 2002, this all changed. Newspapers carried stories on an almost daily basis about the actual or possible negative impact of the “crisis” on doctors, hospitals, and communities. Doctors became increasingly vocal in their criticisms and expansive in their claims. Their political organization, the Australian Medical Association, lobbied powerfully and successfully for government intervention to address the problem of dramatically escalating premiums for some doctors. This, combined with a broader public relations campaign about public liability insurance, resulted in significant changes in the law at both the federal and state level - not just in the area of medical negligence but in relation to most personal injury litigation.The genesis of and reasons for current medical indemnity problems in Australia have been the subject of much speculation and little rigorous analysis.
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Arnold, Brian J., und Tim Edgar. „Selected Aspects of Capital Gains Taxation in Australia, New Zealand, the United Kingdom and the United States“. Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 21 (Oktober 1995): S58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3551862.
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Stratton, Jon. „Coronavirus, the great toilet paper panic and civilisation“. Thesis Eleven 165, Nr. 1 (20.07.2021): 145–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/07255136211033167.
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Panic buying of toilet rolls in Australia began in early March 2020. This was related to the realisation that the novel coronavirus was spreading across the country. To the general population the impact of the virus was unknown. Gradually the federal government started closing the country’s borders. The panic buying of toilet rolls was not unique to Australia. It happened across all societies that used toilet paper rather than water to clean after defecation and urination. However, research suggests that the panic buying was most extreme in Australia. This article argues that the panic buying was closely linked to everyday notions of Western civilisation. Pedestal toilets and toilet paper are key aspects of civilisation and the fear of the loss of toilet paper is connected to anxiety about social breakdown, the loss of civilisation. This is the fear manifested in the perceived threat posed by the virus.
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Hundt, David. „Residency without citizenship: Korean immigration and settlement in Australia“. Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 28, Nr. 1 (März 2019): 28–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0117196819832772.
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This article focuses on the changing quality of citizenship in Australia, which is the idealized end-point of the process of immigration, by drawing on the experience of Korean immigrants. In the formal ( political) dimension of citizenship, the article shows that Koreans fare comparatively poorly. They are less likely to be citizens than most other groups of immigrants, due to factors such as the lateness of Korean immigration. The article also analyzes the social dimension of citizenship among Koreans in Australia, and their disappointing socio-economic outcomes. Korean immigrants, I argue, enjoy residency without citizenship, and their experience illustrates how the promise of Australian citizenship has eroded. This is a significant finding, given the prominent role that immigration has played in shaping all aspects of contemporary Australia.
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Atkinson, Joel. „Development Assistance and Geopolitics in Australia-China-Taiwan Relations“. International Studies Review 16, Nr. 2 (19.10.2015): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01602001.
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The development assistance programs of Australia, China and Taiwan impact each other’s geopolitical interests in the South Pacific region. This “aid triangle” has recently undergone a significant transformation. Previously, the interests of Australia and China aligned in competing against Taiwan for political influence in the region. However, since 2008, China-Taiwan relations have warmed and their aid contest in the South Pacific has been largely put on hold. This has ameliorated Taiwan’s conflict with Australia, and the two countries have increased their development assistance cooperation. However, China’s role in undermining Australia’s policy towards Fiji, and the global deterioration in China’s relations with a US coalition (including Australia), have potentially increased the competitive aspects of the Sino-Australian side of the triangle.
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Watson, Juliet, und Hernán Cuervo. „Youth homelessness: A social justice approach“. Journal of Sociology 53, Nr. 2 (21.04.2017): 461–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783317705204.
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Social justice approaches that work towards eliminating youth homelessness with a sole focus on material needs overlook the significance of non-material aspects, such as the impact of social exclusion and stigma on individuals’ subjectivities. The lack of social legitimacy associated with homelessness is exacerbated under neoliberal conditions, with the shift from social to individual responsibility positioning those unable to achieve the normative transition to adulthood as social failures. We draw on interviews with young homeless women in Australia to extend the emerging sociological focus on the relational aspects of homelessness through a social justice lens. We analyse the association between subjectivity, stigma and neoliberalism, and draw on Iris Marion Young’s theory of justice to highlight how these shape experiences of homelessness. We conclude that overcoming homelessness requires policies and practices that give a greater focus to non-material aspects of homelessness through an emphasis on empowerment, self-respect and autonomy.
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McAllister, Ian, und Toni Makkai. „The decline and rise of class voting? From occupation to culture in Australia“. Journal of Sociology 55, Nr. 3 (29.10.2018): 426–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783318805155.
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Conventional wisdom has long held that class is declining as an influence on voting. More recently, new conceptions of class, focusing on the ownership of economic assets and the possession of social and cultural capital, have challenged this view. This article evaluates these arguments in two ways. First, we examine trends in the impact of traditional measures of class on the vote in Australia from the 1960s to the present day. Second, using a 2015 national survey that measures different aspects of class voting, we assess for the first time the relative effects on the vote of occupation, assets, and social and cultural capital. The results show that while occupation has declined and is now unimportant, the ownership of both assets and cultural capital are major influences on the vote. We argue that the impact of class on the vote has not declined, but rather transformed itself in new and different ways, which has important long-term implications for party support.
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Lee, I.-Fang. „Crisis of care and education in the early years: Paradoxical moments in the global pandemic“. Global Studies of Childhood 10, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2020): 385–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2043610620978491.
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Care in the early years entails more than childcare. This paper has three major sections. In the first section, I begin with an introduction and a quick overview of the ECEC system in Australia. This snapshot of the Australian ECEC system presents a messy map of the care and education system for young children under a neoliberal political economy to elucidate what this may mean in the face of the COVID-19 pandemic. With this contextual background of the ECEC system in Australia, in the second section I discuss my theoretical, ethical, political, ontological, and epistemological positioning when re-imagining and reconceptualizing what a socially just ECEC landscape might look like through the lens of a feminism approach. This onto-epistemological discussion explains the shift toward a feminist approach and how this enables me to (re)think about care and education in the early years differently. Taking up this different set of analytical tools with a post-structural sensibility of the politics of caring, in the third section, I continue on to critical analyses and discussions, highlighting the paradoxes of care and education in the early years. A key aim of this paper is to un-settle the taken-for-granted ways of thinking and talking about ECEC in Australia. I build my discussions by unsettling the dominant ways of thinking about care and education in the early years to deconstruct the narrowed political rhetoric of care in the early years as childcare only. I assert such a critical analytical position requires a new language from a new onto-epistemological positioning to mobilize a different system of reasoning as a strategy for re-imagining a new landscape toward an ethical world with social justice and greater social inclusion for all children.
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Wahlen, Samantha. „Shrugging off the tiger: Examining the state of contemporary feminism in the Trumpian era through Maria Berrio’s El Cielo Tiene Jardines“. Visual Inquiry 9, Nr. 3 (01.12.2020): 171–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/vi_00020_1.
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Through the examination of the artwork of Maria Berrio, parallels are drawn between her work, entitled El Cielo Tiene Jardines, and the 2019 political climate under Donald Trump. With the intention of linking the rise of feminism to Trump’s presence in office as president of the United States, specifically through examples of his sexism, narcissism and preference for patriarchy, this is approached through the metaphors of Berrio’s painting. In retaliation to the upswing of sexism, narcissism and patriarchy coming from the White House, each element examined in the artwork is meant to describe the relationship to Donald Trump’s personality cult as well as the corresponding reaction of anti-Trumpian groups, particularly feminists, as well as prescribers to psychoanalytic theory. Examples are cited from Trump’s presence in the media, including tweets, personal statements and historical evidence supporting the arguments made. Topics of neo-colonialism, the American Dream and the generalization of the female desire to remove herself from the submissive role of patriarchal assignment are also discussed. With what was being hailed as Third Wave Feminism, beginning with the Woman’s March of 2017, these aspects of Trumpian character and behaviour are described through the model of Berrio’s stunning mix-media painting and are meant to appeal to readers through both feminist and psychoanalytical analyses.