Thematische Bibliographien / Felony disenfranchisement

Inhaltsverzeichnis

  1. Zeitschriftenartikel
  2. Dissertationen
  3. Bücher
  4. Buchteile
  5. Berichte der Organisationen

Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Felony disenfranchisement“

Autor: Grafiati
Veröffentlicht am 25. Juni 2021
Zuletzt aktualisiert am 18. Februar 2022

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Felony disenfranchisement"

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Lewis, Sarah A. „Felony Disenfranchisement: An Annotated Bibliography“. Legal Reference Services Quarterly 37, Nr. 2 (03.04.2018): 122–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0270319x.2018.1522916.

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Binnall, James M. „A "Meaningful" Seat at the Table: Contemplating Our Ongoing Struggle to Access Democracy“. SMU Law Review Forum 73, Nr. 1 (April 2020): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.25172/slrf.73.1.6.

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In recent years, felon-voter disenfranchisement has received considerable attention from academics, policymakers, and the media. In turn, a number of jurisdictions have eased record-based voter restriction statutes. And while those efforts represent a significant step toward full civic reintegration for those with a felony criminal history, they are far from comprehensive, as they regularly omit citizens with certain types of felony convictions and typically address only one form of civic marginalization. Focusing on recent reform in the area of civic restrictions, this Article suggests that incomplete civic restoration comes with significant consequences that ought to be considered during legislative negotiations. This Article further suggests that by capitulating to emotive, non-empirical opposition to full civic reinstatement, lawmakers run the risk of validating arguments that have no scientific or logical foundation.
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Katzenstein, Mary Fainsod, Leila Mohsen Ibrahim und Katherine D. Rubin. „The Dark Side of American Liberalism and Felony Disenfranchisement“. Perspectives on Politics 8, Nr. 4 (23.11.2010): 1035–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710003178.

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What can the disenfranchisement of people convicted of felonies tell us about the character of American liberalism? Felony disenfranchisement reveals a dark face of American liberal democracy that is distinct from two more familiar narratives: the Tocquevillean story of a triumphal and inclusionary liberalism and the “multiple traditions” account proposed by Rogers Smith that sees liberalism battling with racial and other exclusionary ideologies. The history of felony exclusion points to a third perspective: a hyphenate American liberalism (liberal-ascription; liberal-republicanism) in which an exclusionary politics is embedded within liberalism itself. We develop this argument with specific reference to the ways in which liberalism as an abstraction is reflected in concrete advocacy debates over reform, in court decisions, and in the legislative domain. We identify three strands of liberal argumentation—the conceptualization of discrimination that relies on intentionality; the paradigmatic liberal belief in the social contract; and the liberal-republican adherence to norms of individual responsibility. The three strands show how the purportedly universal and impartial liberal embrace of individuality, contract, and responsibility, that ostensibly transcends the ascriptive barriers of birth has nevertheless fostered laws and policies that buttress the boundaries of an exclusionary American citizenship.
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Anoll, Allison, und Mackenzie Israel-Trummel. „Do Felony Disenfranchisement Laws (De)Mobilize? A Case of Surrogate Participation“. Journal of Politics 81, Nr. 4 (Oktober 2019): 1523–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/704783.

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Shineman, Victoria. „Restoring voting rights: evidence that reversing felony disenfranchisement increases political efficacy“. Policy Studies 41, Nr. 2-3 (17.12.2019): 131–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01442872.2019.1694655.

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Rothchild, Jonathan. „DISPENSER OF THE MERCY OF THE GOVERNMENT: Pardons, Justice, and Felony Disenfranchisement“. Journal of Religious Ethics 39, Nr. 1 (17.02.2011): 48–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9795.2010.00465.x.

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MORRIS, KEVIN. „Turnout and Amendment Four: Mobilizing Eligible Voters Close to Formerly Incarcerated Floridians“. American Political Science Review 115, Nr. 3 (20.04.2021): 805–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055421000253.

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Recent scholarship shows that eligible voters in neighborhoods home to many arrested and incarcerated individuals vote at lower rates than those in less-affected neighborhoods. Little work, however, has investigated how this turnout gap might be counteracted. This paper uses Amendment Four, a 2018 Florida ballot initiative that promised to re-enfranchise most individuals whose voting rights had been revoked due to a felony conviction to investigate whether this turnout disparity can be narrowed by a ballot initiative of particular significance to communities most affected by incarceration. Using prison release records, I identify the neighborhoods and households where formerly incarcerated individuals live and assess the voting history of their neighbors and housemates. I find no evidence that Amendment Four increased these voters’ turnout in 2018 relative to other voters. While ending felony disenfranchisement is necessary, closing the turnout gap resulting from histories of policing and incarceration will require greater investment and engagement.
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Shabazz, Sultana, Brian Sohn, Melissa Harness und Brittany Aronson. „A Prison Education Counternarrative: “Mock Citizenship” in a Women’s Prison“. Journal of Education and Culture Studies 3, Nr. 4 (27.11.2019): p439. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jecs.v3n4p439.

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In this article, we develop a perspective on the purposes and possibilities of education in prison through the stories of the first author, a prison educator and critical pedagogue. In the context of today’s prisons, we complicate universalist notions of citizenship by weaving theories of citizenship into the story of education. We share the daily concerns of a prison educator and explore the transformative possibilities that women convict students try on. We question how to shape educational practices in prison and contemplate the construction of a new “mock citizenship” informed by the realities of felony disenfranchisement. Our hope is to bring to the conversation something that has been lacking when discussions of incarceration occur: insight into the ways incarcerated students perform the role of citizen and how the purpose of prison education must extend beyond job readiness toward the creation of full citizens able to participate in the democratic process.
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King, Ryan Scott. „Jim Crow Is Alive and Well in the 21st Century: Felony Disenfranchisement and the Continuing Struggle to Silence the African-American Voice“. Souls 8, Nr. 2 (Juli 2006): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10999940600680507.

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Haley, Danielle F., Andrew Edmonds, Victor J. Schoenbach, Catalina Ramirez, DeMarc A. Hickson, Gina M. Wingood, Hector Bolivar, Elizabeth Golub und Adaora A. Adimora. „Associations between county-level voter turnout, county-level felony voter disenfranchisement, and sexually transmitted infections among women in the Southern United States“. Annals of Epidemiology 29 (Januar 2019): 67–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.annepidem.2018.10.006.

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Dissertationen zum Thema "Felony disenfranchisement"

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COWELL, MITZI JO. „QUALIFIED TO VOTE? THE QUESTION OF QUALIFICATION IN FELONY DISENFRANCHISEMENT“. Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/190416.

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Sennott, Christie. „Southern reactions and the tyranny of small numbers : a historical-comparative study of lifetime felony disenfranchisement legislation /“. free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p1421158.

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Josefsson, Josefin. „Att förvägra dömda rösträtten. : En argumentationsanalys av debatten om förvägrandet av rösträtten i USA“. Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-177292.

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The purpose of this study has been to present different arguments regarding felony disenfranchisement. What was also investigated was if the practice could be compatible with Robert A. Dahl and his model of democracy. Finally, the findings were presented and what they meant. The material of the study consisted of texts produced in the purpose of arguing either for or against the practice. The content of these texts was presented through an argument analysis. They were presented fractionated by themes depending on what the argument was stating.  The results of the analysis were that there were some recurring arguments, both for and against the practice. Furthermore, it became obvious through analyzing the arguments that the model of democracy and its five criterias could not be compatible with the practice. Lastly, it could be stated that what it meant was that nothing regarding the practice of felony disenfranchisement could be compatible with Robert A. Dahl’s idea of democracy.
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Connaughton, Katharine G. „The Political Implications of Felon Disenfranchisement Laws in the United States“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1285.

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This empirical study analyzes the political implications for presidential election outcomes that stem from varying felon disenfranchisement laws within the United States. In the past decade incarceration rates have drastically increased, consequently augmenting the disenfranchised population. This paper focuses on presidential election outcomes and state political party majorities in the election years 2000, 2004, 2008, and 2012. I use demographic characteristics to calibrate assumptions for voter turnout and political party choice among the disenfranchised populations within each state. I then apply these voting populations to historical election outcomes and find that three state political party outcomes change, as well as the potential for a reversal in the 2000 presidential election. I also apply the estimated voting populations by state to an entirely Republican turnout and then to an entirely Democratic turnout to analyze the scope of the disenfranchised population and find that under these assumptions several states’ political party majorities and several election outcomes are reversed.
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Brown-Dean, Khalilah L. „One lens, multiple views felon disenfranchisement laws and American political inequality /“. Connect to this title online, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1054744924.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2004.
Document formatted into pages; contains 264 p. Includes bibliographical references. Abstract available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center; full text release delayed at author's request until 2005 June 4.
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Jackson, Elijah. „(Venue) Shopping for Felon Voting Rights“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2184.

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The research in this paper seeks to articulate how interest groups can effectively enfranchise the barred felon votes within their state through legislation. After following the history of felony voting laws in the United States, I first address and utilize Florida as a successful case study of felony enfranchisement. The state’s recent legislative victory in 2018 has returned tens of thousands of Floridians to the ballot, and is therefore, a superlative example to emulate in other state battles for felon rights. The paper also looks at the progress of felon voting rights made in Iowa. While Iowa still employs permanent felon disenfranchisement, the state is an integral example to study given that the electorate actually enjoyed felon enfranchisement from 2005-2011, before reverting back to disenfranchisement under executive orders. Iowa’s inability to secure felon voting rights would prove to be very informative on how implementing lasting legislation for felon rights is to be accomplished. The paper also considers the strategic implementation of legislation for felon voting rights through the lens of the venue shopping theory, which “refers to the activities of advocacy groups and policymakers who seek out a decision setting where they can air grievances with current policy and present alternative policy proposals.
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Dawson, Edwards Brenda Cherie. „Determinants of College Students' Opinions Towards Felon Voting Rights: An Exploratory Study“. VCU Scholars Compass, 2007. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/1349.

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The disenfranchisement of felons follows a long American tradition of selectively granting the most coveted democratic tradition - voting. As a collateral "civil" consequence to criminal conviction that is legally deemed as non-penal, felon voting prohibitions have been used as an exclusionary tool for certain otherwise eligible voting populations. Current research finds that African-Americans individually and collectively may experience diminished voting power due to felon voting laws (Uggen & Manza, 2002; Manza & Uggen, 2004; King & Mauer, 2004). The purpose of this research is to examine opinions toward felon voting prohibitions in a state that has one of the most restrictive laws in this area. Kentucky is the only state that absolutely restricts all convicted felons from voting and maintains the same voting rights restoration process regardless of offense type, whereas other similarly restrictive states have legally, though not practically, streamlined this process for some offenders. The sample consists of predominantly African-American college students that live and learn as students in Kentucky. It utilizes a modified version of the national survey instrument created by Manza, Brooks & Uggen (2004) - which measured attitudes toward felon enfranchisement based on variations of the correctional status of a convicted criminal and the crime committed by an individual. The data collection instrument was modified to include questions to examine respondent demographic characteristics and moderator variables that may impact opinions toward felon voting prohibitions. The analyses examine the interactions between socio-demographic characteristics, level of knowledge, attitudes towards rehabilitation, and opinions towards the restoration and retention of voting rights. The findings suggest that the majority of respondents favor restoration and retention, though subgroup differences among respondents and subcategory differences among the dependent variables, such as offense type and offender correctional status, determine the level and strength of support for felon voting rights. The implications of the findings are contextualized by examining the importance of voting in a democracy; the significance of examining the attitudes of young African-Americans; the impact of socialization on political opinions; and the effect of legal status and offense type on opinions towards felon voting rights.
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Bülow, William. „Unfit to live among others : Essays on the ethics of imprisonment“. Doctoral thesis, KTH, Filosofi, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kth:diva-199567.

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This thesis provides an ethical analysis of imprisonment as a mode of punishment. Consisting in an introduction and four papers the thesis addresses several important questions concerning imprisonment from a number of different perspectives and theoretical starting points. One overall conclusion of this thesis is that imprisonment, as a mode of punishment, deserves more attention from moral and legal philosophers. It is also concluded that a more complete ethical assessment of prison conditions and prison management requires a broader focus. It must include an explicit discussion of both how imprisonment directly affects prison inmates and its negative side-effects on third parties. Another conclusion is that ethical discussions on prison conditions should not be too easily reduced to a question about how harsh or lenient is should be. Paper 1 argues that prisoners have a right to privacy. It is argued that respect for inmates’ privacy is related to respect for them as moral agents. Consequently, respect for inmates’ privacy is called for by different established philosophical theories about the justification of legal punishment. Practical implications of this argument are discussed and it is argued that invasion of privacy should be minimized to the greatest extent possible, without compromising other important values or the rights to safety and security. It is also proposed that respect for privacy should be part of the objective of creating and upholding a secure environment. Paper 2 discusses whether the collateral harm of imprisonment to the children and other close family members of prison inmates may give rise to special moral obligations towards them. Several collateral harms, including decreased psychological wellbeing, financial costs, loss of economic opportunities, and intrusion and control over their private lives, are identified. Two perspectives in moral philosophy, consequentialism and deontology, are then applied in order to assess whether these harms are permissible. It is argued that from either perspective it is hard to defend the claim that allowing for these harms are morally permissible. Consequently, imprisonment should be used only as a last resort. Where it is deemed necessary, it gives rise to special moral obligations. Using the notion of residual obligation, these obligations are then categorized and clarified.                 Paper 3 focuses on an argument that has figured in the philosophical debate on felon disenfranchisement. This argument states that as a matter of democratic self-determination, a legitimate democratic collective has the collective right to decide whether to disenfranchise felons as a way of defining their political identity. Yet, such a collective’s right to self-determination is limited, since the choice to disenfranchise anyone must be connected to normative considerations of political significance. This paper defends this argument against three charges that has been raised to it. In doing so it also explores under what circumstances felon disenfranchisement can be permissible. Paper 4 explores the question of whether prison inmates suffering from ADHD should be administered psychopharmacological intervention (methylphenidate) for their condition. The theoretical starting point for the discussion is the communicative theory of punishment, which understands criminal punishment   as a form of secular penance. Viewed through the lens of the communicative theory it is argued that the provision of pharmacological treatment to offenders with ADHD need not necessarily be conceived of as an alternative to punishment, but as an aid to achieving the penological ends of secular penance. Thus, in this view offenders diagnosed with ADHD should have the option to undergo pharmacological treatment.

QC 20170110

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Saint-Laurent, Geneviève. „Le droit de vote limité par la condamnation pénale ou la quête d'un équilibre entre droit fonctionnel et droit individuelcomme limite au droit de vote ou la quête d'un équilibre entre droit fonctionnel et droit individuel“. Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015AIXM1048.

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Bien que le caractère fondamental du droit de vote ne soit plus contesté dans les pays démocratiques, il semble néanmoins subsister un fort a priori quant aux qualités morales requises pour pouvoir disposer de la capacité électorale. En effet, dans de nombreux États, on considère que les détenus doivent systématiquement être privés de leur droit de vote, car indignes de participer à la vie démocratique. Néanmoins, tant la Cour constitutionnelle d’Afrique du Sud que la Cour suprême du Canada et la Cour européenne des droits de l’Homme ont invalidé des dispositions législatives qui allaient en ce sens. L’analyse comparative de ces décisions, doublée d’une étude de l’évolution historique du droit de vote, révèle que ce droit, autrefois conçu comme un droit fonctionnel – soit un droit de vote ayant d’abord pour objectif la protection de la démocratie en tant qu’institution – est aujourd’hui perçu essentiellement comme un droit individuel - soit un droit de vote avant tout défini comme un droit fondamental attaché à l’individu et à sa dignité. Or, outre le fait que cette sacralisation de l’aspect individuel du droit de vote laisse désormais peu de place aux limitations étatiques, elle a aussi pour effet d’occulter les valeurs collectives qui sont, autant que la participation individuelle au suffrage, au cœur de la démocratie. Cette thèse propose ainsi certaines pistes de solutions qui visent à rétablir un équilibre entre les deux pôles du droit de vote, en cherchant à la fois à préserver la dignité individuelle attachée à l’acte électoral et à valoriser la dignité de la fonction électorale comme élément essentiel de l’intégrité du processus démocratique
While the fundamental and universal nature of a citizen’s right to participate in the electoral process through voting is no longer disputed in democracies, the degree of morality required for electoral capacity is still up for debate. Indeed, in many countries, felons are thought unworthy of participation in the democratic process and are thus systematically disenfranchised. However, the Constitutional Court of South Africa, the Supreme Court of Canada and the European Court of Human Rights have all, in recent years, invalidated legislation that provided for general and automatic disqualification of convicted felons. A comparative analysis of these rulings, paired with a study of historical evolution of the right to vote, reveals that what was once designed as a functional right, one primarily aimed at protecting democracy as an institution, is now perceived strictly as an individual right attached to one’s personal dignity. The shift from a right focused on its “subject” rather than its “object” has had unexpected consequences. The sanctification of the individual’s right has not only encroached on the government’s ability to limit the franchise, it has also undermined the collective values that are, as much as is the individual right to participate in the election, at the heart of democracy. This thesis proposes a number of solutions to the current imbalance between the two aspects of the right to vote, all aimed at preserving the individual dignity tied to the right to cast a ballot but also at promoting the electoral function, crucial to the integrity of the democratic process
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Geoghagan, Angel Dawn. „Felony Disenfranchisement Legislation: A Test of the Group Threat Hypothesis“. 2007. http://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss/175.

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The group threat hypothesis is part of the conflict theoretical perspective, which has been one of the most dominant and useful theories in the fields of criminology and criminal justice for decades. The usefulness of this perspective relates to the understanding it provides of how the law can be used by those in power as a measure of control. The use of law as a method of control has a long history in the US society, and there are many examples from which to pull. This project examines the use of one set of laws, felony disenfranchisement legislation, to determine if these laws can be seen as a method for controlling a subgroup of the population. Historically, felony disenfranchisement legislation has been a part of the American legal system from the founding of this country. While the laws have changed many times, the constant has been an effort to disenfranchise a segment of the population deemed as dangerous and prevent such groups from participating in the political process through their votes. Using data on African American population, arrests, and incarceration, this study tests if the strictness of disenfranchisement legislation is associated with the size of African American population, as well as African American arrest and incarceration rates. Both qualitative and quantitative methods were used to understand the nature of felony disenfranchisement legislation and to determine if disenfranchisement legislation could be used as a tool to control African Americans. The qualitative analysis indicates that African Americans are more impacted by disenfranchisement laws in two regards: the criteria that leads to disenfranchisement and the requirements for vote restoration. However, the research hypotheses are partially supported by quantitative analysis. That is, while results indicate that the proportion of African Americans in a state is correlated to the strictness of a state’s disenfranchisement law, there is no relationship between the arrest and incarceration rates and either the strictness of disenfranchisement legislation or the difficulty of the vote restoration procedures. These results point to limitations of using the group threat hypothesis to understand the relationship between disenfranchisement law and criminal justice operation.
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Bücher zum Thema "Felony disenfranchisement"

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Felony disenfranchisement in America: Historical origins, institutional racism, and modern consequences. 2. Aufl. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2013.

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Fellner, Jamie. Losing the vote: The impact of felony disenfranchisement laws in the United States. New York, N.Y: Human Rights Watch, 1998.

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The disenfranchisement of ex-felons. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 2006.

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Hull, Elizabeth. The disenfranchisement of ex-felons. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 2005.

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Christopher, Uggen, Hrsg. Locked out: Felon disenfranchisement and American democracy. New York: Oxford University Press, 2006.

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Allard, Patricia E. Regaining the vote: An assessment of activity relating to felon disenfranchisement laws. Washington, DC: The Sentencing Project, 1999.

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Felony Disenfranchisement in America: Historical Origins, Institutional Racism, and Modern Consequences. LFB Scholarly Publishing, 2004.

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Regaining the Vote: An Assessment of Activity Relating to Felon Disenfranchisement Laws. Diane Pub Co, 1999.

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African American felon disenfranchisement: Case studies in modern racism and political exclusion. 2013.

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Locked Out: Felon Disenfranchisement and American Democracy (Studies in Crime & Public Policy). Oxford University Press, USA, 2008.

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Buchteile zum Thema "Felony disenfranchisement"

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Lowe, C. Cory, und Bryan Lee Miller. „Felon Disenfranchisement“. In Routledge Handbook of Corrections in the United States, 468–80. New York, NY : Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315645179-43.

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King, Ryan Scott. „Jim Crow is Alive and Well in the Twenty-First Century: Felony Disenfranchisement and the Continuing Struggle to Silence the African American Voice“. In Racializing Justice, Disenfranchising Lives, 247–63. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230607347_18.

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Beckman, Ludvig. „Jailhouse Vote? Felon Disenfranchisement and Democratic Inclusion“. In The Frontiers of Democracy, 120–45. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230244962_5.

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Uggen, Christopher, Jeff Manza und Angela Behrans. „Felon Voting Rights and the Disenfranchisement of African Americans“. In Racializing Justice, Disenfranchising Lives, 237–45. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230607347_17.

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Middlemass, Keesha M. „Unfit to Vote: A Racial Analysis of Felon Disenfranchisement Laws“. In Racializing Justice, Disenfranchising Lives, 217–35. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230607347_16.

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López-Guerra, Claudio. „Disenfranchisement on the Basis of Felony Convictions“. In Democracy and Disenfranchisement, 109–32. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198705789.003.0005.

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Holloway, Pippa. „“They Are All She Had”“. In Caging Borders and Carceral States, 186–210. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469651231.003.0007.

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The chapter offers a unique exploration of the struggle for women’s suffrage by analyzing how formerly incarcerated women responded to the concept of infamy, the legal category of the loss of citizenship rights. The chapter highlights the tension between the South’s disenfranchisement practices and the concurrent demands of the suffrage movement by analyzing petitions to regain citizenship rights for female felons. These petitions come from a variety of states, including one from Hawaii’s Queen Liliuokolani alongside many other unrecognized women. Whereas most discussions of felony disenfranchisement have focused on African American men, this chapter uncovers a previously unwritten history that connects the struggle for suffrage with the struggle for voting rights among formerly incarcerated women. Rather than relegate these women as politically voiceless and nonhistorical actors, however, the essay instead recognizes convicted women as political actors willing to fight for their full citizenship rights as individuals inspired by the suffrage movement but without the organizational movement behind their individual efforts.
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Shineman, Victoria. „Restoring voting rights: evidence that reversing felony disenfranchisement increases political efficacy“. In Building Inclusive Elections, 19–38. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003051954-2.

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9

„Felon Disenfranchisement“. In The Encyclopedia of Civil Liberties in America, 367–69. Routledge, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315699868-256.

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10

Manza, Jeff, Christopher Uggen und Clem Brooks. „Public Opinion and Felon Disenfranchisement“. In Locked OutFelon Disenfranchisement and American Democracy, 205–19. Oxford University Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195149326.003.0050.

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Berichte der Organisationen zum Thema "Felony disenfranchisement"

1

Jung, Shanae. How Felon Disenfranchisement Legislation Alters Citizenship and How it Can Be Challenged. Portland State University Library, Januar 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/honors.296.

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