Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Federal government Australia“
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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Federal government Australia":
1
Wescott, Geoffrey Charles. „Australia's Distinctive National Parks System“. Environmental Conservation 18, Nr. 4 (1991): 331–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s037689290002258x.
Annotation:
Australia possesses a distinctive national parks and conservation reserves system, in which it is the State Governments rather than the Federal Government which owns, plans, and manages, national parks and other conservation reserves.Most Australian States declared their first national parks in the latter quarter of last century, Australia's first national park being declared in New South Wales in March 1879. These critical declarations were followed by a slow accumulation of parks and reserves through to 1968. The pace of acquisition then quickened dramatically with an eight-fold expansion in the total area of national parks between 1968 and 1990, at an average rate of over 750,000 ha per annum. The present Australian system contains 530 national parks covering 20.18 million hectares or 2.6% of the land-mass. A further 28.3 million hectares is protected in other parks and conservation reserves. In terms of the percentage of their land-mass now in national parks, the leading States are Tasmania (12.8%) and Victoria (10.0%), with Western Australia (1.9%) and Queensland (2.1%) trailing far behind, and New South Wales (3.92%) and South Australia (3.1%) lying between.The Australian system is also compared with the Canadian and USA systems. All three are countries of widely comparable cultures that have national parks covering similar percentage areas, but Canada and the USA have far fewer national parks than Australia and they are in general of much greater size. In addition, Canada and the USA ‘resource’ these parks far better than the Australians do theirs. The paper concludes that Australia needs to rationalize its current system by introducing direct funding, by the Federal Government, of national park management, and duly examining the whole system of reserves from a national rather than States' viewpoint.
2
Schofield-Georgeson, Eugene, und Michael Rawling. „Industrial legislation in Australia in 2019“. Journal of Industrial Relations 62, Nr. 3 (02.04.2020): 425–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185620911682.
Annotation:
In this 2019 electoral year, a federal Morrison Liberal Government was returned to power with little in the way of an industrial agenda. It failed to implement its key legislation, which mainly included reform to union governance and changes to religious freedom in the workplace. Meanwhile, the state governments, particularly the Victorian Andrews Labor Government, reviewed a swathe of labour law, including wage theft, industrial manslaughter, owner–driver legislation and workers' compensation laws and implemented a host of progressive changes. This year has also seen the continuation of a key policy trend, observable at both state and federal levels of government, towards regulation of aspects of industrial relations by the state that were once exclusively the province of employers and trade unions through a twentieth-century system of conciliation and arbitration.
3
Gray, Anthony. „Discriminatory Taxation in Light of Fortescue: Its Implications for the Development of Northern Australia“. Federal Law Review 42, Nr. 1 (März 2014): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.22145/flr.42.1.3.
Annotation:
In the recent Fortescue decision, the High Court made some interesting observations regarding interpretation of the word ‘discrimination’ in the context of the Federal Government's power with respect to taxation in s 51(2) of the Australian Constitution. Coincidentally, the Federal Government has commenced consideration of options for the development of northern regions of Australia. Of course, one option would be to introduce a variable taxation system to encourage businesses and individuals to be based, and/or invest, in northern Australia. This article considers possible constitutional issues associated with variable taxation schemes overtly favouring businesses and individuals based in the ‘north’, given the recent High Court decision.
4
Trinder, J. „The Current Status of Mapping in the World – Spotlight on Australia“. ISPRS - International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences XL-4 (23.04.2014): 263–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprsarchives-xl-4-263-2014.
Annotation:
Prior to 1950, there was very limited mapping in Australia covering only strategic areas. After World War II, the Federal Government funded the small scale mapping of the whole country. This involved the development of the Australian National Spheroid in 1966, the Australian Geodetic Datum in 1966 and 1984 (AGD66 and AGD84) which were replaced by the Australian Geocentric Datum in 1994 (GDA94). The mapping of the country was completed in 1987 with 100 % of the country mapped at 1:100,000 and 1:250,000 although about half of the 1:100,000 are unpublished products. The Federal Government through Geoscience Australia continues to provide digital data, such as the GEODATA 250K (now series 3). Mapping at larger scales is undertaken by the states and territories, including cadastral mapping. This paper will demonstrate the extent of mapping in Australia as part of the current UN global survey of mapping.
5
Rawling, Michael, und Eugene Schofield-Georgeson. „Industrial legislation in Australia in 2018“. Journal of Industrial Relations 61, Nr. 3 (01.05.2019): 402–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185619834058.
Annotation:
It has been a quiet year like last year for the passing of federal industrial legislation (due to a number of factors, including the political turmoil of the federal coalition government and their lack of an overall labour law reform agenda). This article examines key federal industrial legislative developments including the Modern Slavery Act 2018 (Cth). The article identifies that the federal Act contains much weaker compliance measures than the counterpart New South Wales legislation also passed in 2018 – the Modern Slavery Act 2018 (NSW). Also, although the Coalition government has attempted to continue to prosecute its case for further union governance measures, this agenda has been less successful than in previous years, with key government Bills not yet passed by the Parliament. The stagnation in the federal Parliament continues to motivate certain State Parliaments to address worker exploitation, and the article goes on to examine key State industrial legislation passed in 2018 including the Victorian labour hire licensing statute. In light of the continuing dominant position of the federal Labor opposition in opinion polls and an impending federal election in 2019, the article concludes by briefly considering the federal Labor opposition's agenda for industrial legislation.
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Butler, Julia. „Law Libraries in Australia - Government Libraries“. International Journal of Legal Information 28, Nr. 2 (2000): 429–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500009203.
Annotation:
Since the mid 1980's to the present time there has been an unprecedented attitudinal change by governments, both at the federal and state levels, regardless of political persuasion, towards the role of the public sector. There has been a sustained policy to wind back the size of the Public Service across the board.
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Leitch, Shona, und Matthew Warren. „Applying classification controls to Internet content in Australia“. Journal of Information, Communication and Ethics in Society 13, Nr. 2 (11.05.2015): 82–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jices-08-2014-0037.
Annotation:
Purpose – The purpose of this study is to explore Australian public and stakeholders views towards the regulation of the Internet and its content. The federal government called for submissions addressing their proposal, and this paper analyses these submissions for themes and provides clarity as to the Australian public and stakeholders key concerns in regards to the proposed policy. Design/methodology/approach – The paper uses a qualitative approach to analyse the public consultations to the Australian Federal Government. These documents are coded and analysed to determine negative and positive viewpoints. Findings – The research has shown, based upon the analysis of the consultation, that there was no public support for any of the measures put forward, that the Australian Federal Government in its response has not recognised this public feedback and instead has only utilised some of the qualitative feedback obtained through the public consultation process to try to justify its case to proceed with its proposals. Research limitations/implications – The study is focussed on Australia. Practical implications – The paper analyses a proposed national approach to filtering the content of the Internet and discussed the public reaction to such an approach. Social implications – The paper looks at how different parts of Australian society view Internet filtering in a positive or negative manner. Originality/value – The only study that directly looks at the viewpoint of the Australian public.
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Lehmann, Caitlyn. „Editorial“. Children Australia 42, Nr. 4 (29.11.2017): 225–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cha.2017.44.
Annotation:
Among the plethora of minor parties fielding candidates in Australia's 2016 federal election was a relative newcomer called Sustainable Australia. Formed in 2010 and campaigning with the slogan ‘Better, not bigger’, the party's policy centrepiece calls for Australia to slow its population growth through a combination of lower immigration, changes to family payments, and the withdrawal of government agencies from proactive population growth strategies (Sustainable Australia, n.d.). At a global level, the party also calls for Australia to increase foreign aid with a focus on supporting women's health, reproductive rights and education. Like most minor parties, its candidates polled poorly, attracting too few votes to secure seats in the Senate. But in the ensuing months, the South Australian branch of The Greens broke from the national party platform by proposing the aim of stabilising South Australia's population within a generation (The Greens SA, 2017). Just this August, Australian business entrepreneur Dick Smith launched a ‘Fair Go’ manifesto, similarly calling for reductions in Australia's population growth to address rising economic inequality and a “decline in living standards” (Dick Smith Fair Go Group, 2017).
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Plumb, James. „‘Back to the Future' A review of Australian reservation and other natural gas export control policies“. APPEA Journal 59, Nr. 2 (2019): 505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj18282.
Annotation:
Despite record levels of domestic production, forecasters are predicting that the east coast Australian gas market will remain tight in 2019. The introduction of the Australian Domestic Gas Security Mechanism (ADGSM) by the Federal Government in 2017, and the proposal announced by the Australian Labour Party (ALP) to bolster the mechanism, have again thrust the issue of political intervention in the export gas market into sharp focus. This paper provides an overview of the current regulatory intervention at the state and federal level, and looks back at the history of controls imposed upon the Australian gas export market. The paper is divided into two parts: Part 1, which looks at current regulatory controls engaged by various State and Federal governments: (a) the development and implementation of the ADGSM; (b) the development and implementation of the Queensland Government’s Prospective Gas Production Land Reserve policy (PGPLR); and (c) the Government of Western Australia’s (WA Government) domestic gas policy. The paper also reviews policy announcements made by the ALP in the lead up to the 2019 Federal election. Part 2 provides a broad overview of the history of controls on gas exports in Australia, from the embargo on exports from the North West Shelf between 1973 and 1977, through the increasing liberalisation of Australian energy policy during the 1980s and 1990s (and the associated conflict with state concerns of ensuring sufficiency of the domestic supply of gas), up to the removal of federal controls on resources exports (including liquefied natural gas) in 1997.
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Eggington, William. „Language Policy and Planning in Australia“. Annual Review of Applied Linguistics 14 (März 1994): 137–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0267190500002865.
Annotation:
Australian federal and state government language policy and planning efforts have had a remarkable effect on Australian educational and non-educational life during the past twenty years. This effort has resulted in strong international recognition of the Australian language policy experience. For example, Romaine, in the introduction to her anthology focusing on the languages of Australia states that “the movement to set up a national language policy is so far unprecedented in the major Anglophone countries” (Romaine 1991:8).
Dissertationen zum Thema "Federal government Australia":
1
Bessell, Maxwell Donald. „Australian Federal Government service revenues : a taxation perspective /“. Title page, contents and abstract only, 1997. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phb557.pdf.
2
Seddon, Nicholas. „Government contracts : federal, state and local“. Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/145337.
3
Johnson, Kevin. „Subnational economic development in federal systems : the case of Western Australia“. University of Western Australia. School of Earth and Geographical Sciences, 2006. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2007.0014.
Annotation:
[Truncated abstract] The objectives of this study are threefold: Firstly, to consider the relevance (to subnational state development) and adaptability (to globalisation) of federalism from a Western Australian perspective. Secondly, to consider the way in which various State Governments in Western Australia have implemented economic development policies to benefit from the global political economy. Finally, it proposes alternative mechanisms for guiding long-term economic development policy decision-making in Western Australia. This final objective is addressed in light of the findings of the first two. It is recognised that incremental changes are possible in full knowledge of the embedded nature of the policy-making process in Western Australia . . . In the case of Western Australia, subnational autonomy does not herald the end of the nationstate so much as a new stage in globalisation. In terms of how the Western Australian State Government attracts capital and labour investment, its history as an independent colony and its physical isolation from the other colonies have created the initial conditions that frame the policy-making process, which includes a set of drivers influencing the decisions that are made by State agents. Overall, the State Government continues to reinforce the State’s role as a peripheral resource supplier to the national and global political economy. Within this context, however, alternative strategies can be proposed that may contribute to the long-term sustainable development of the State’s economy.
4
Terrill, Gregston Charles. „Secrecy and openness, publicity and propaganda : the politics of Australian federal government communication“. Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1996.
5
Lavelle, Ashley, und n/a. „In the Wilderness: Federal Labor in Opposition“. Griffith University. School of Politics and Public Policy, 2004. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20040226.151930.
Annotation:
This thesis is a study of the federal Australian Labor Party (ALP) in Opposition. It seeks to identify the various factors that shape the political direction of the party when it is out of office by examining three important periods of Labor Opposition. It is argued in the first period (1967-72) that the main factor in the partys move to the left was the radicalisation that occurred in Australian (and global) politics. Labor in Opposition is potentially more subject to influence by extra-parliamentary forces such as trade unions and social movements. This was true for this period in the case of the reinvigorated trade union movement and the Anti-Vietnam War Movement, whose policy impacts on the ALP under Gough Whitlam are examined in detail. While every one of the party's policies cannot be attributed to the tumult of the period, it is argued that Labor's Program embodied the mood for social change. The second period (1975-83) records a much different experience. After Labor's Dismissal from office in November 1975, the enduring conclusion drawn by the party was that it had failed in government as economic managers, and that in future it would need to embrace responsible economic management and to jettison programmatic-style reform. This conclusion was accepted and argued by both federal leaders during this time, Gough Whitlam (1975-77) and Bill Hayden (1977-83). The thesis argues that the key reason for Labor's abandonment of reformist politics was the dramatic shift in the economic context wrought by the collapse of the post-war boom in 1974, which undermined the economic basis of the Program. The degree to which 'economic responsibility' governed Labor's approach to policy-making is highlighted through case studies of uranium mining and the Prices-Incomes Accord. The final period of Opposition (1996-2001) commences with the partys landslide defeat at the 1996 Federal Election. Under the leadership of Kim Beazley, the party continued in the pro-free market policy tradition of Labor Prime Ministers Bob Hawke and Paul Keating. In conjunction with this, it employed a 'small-target' strategy that pitched its electoral success on community anger towards the government, rather than any alternative policies of the Opposition. The free-market policy continuity is set in the context of the ideological effects of the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the collapse of the Soviet Bloc, in the aftermath of which all political players accepted that there was no real alternative to the market. Furthermore, the overall state of the Australian and world economies was not conducive to a return to 'tax and spend' policies. The partys bipartisanship on globalisation and economic rationalism effectively robbed it of an alternative political approach to that of the Coalition. Thus, in a sense it was hemmed into the 'small-target' strategy. The thesis concludes by comparing and contrasting the three periods, and assigning weight to the various factors that shape Labor in Opposition.
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Lavelle, Ashley. „In the Wilderness: Federal Labor in Opposition“. Thesis, Griffith University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366181.
Annotation:
This thesis is a study of the federal Australian Labor Party (ALP) in Opposition. It seeks to identify the various factors that shape the political direction of the party when it is out of office by examining three important periods of Labor Opposition. It is argued in the first period (1967-72) that the main factor in the party’s move to the left was the radicalisation that occurred in Australian (and global) politics. Labor in Opposition is potentially more subject to influence by extra-parliamentary forces such as trade unions and social movements. This was true for this period in the case of the reinvigorated trade union movement and the Anti-Vietnam War Movement, whose policy impacts on the ALP under Gough Whitlam are examined in detail. While every one of the party's policies cannot be attributed to the tumult of the period, it is argued that Labor's Program embodied the mood for social change. The second period (1975-83) records a much different experience. After Labor's Dismissal from office in November 1975, the enduring conclusion drawn by the party was that it had failed in government as economic managers, and that in future it would need to embrace responsible economic management and to jettison programmatic-style reform. This conclusion was accepted and argued by both federal leaders during this time, Gough Whitlam (1975-77) and Bill Hayden (1977-83). The thesis argues that the key reason for Labor's abandonment of reformist politics was the dramatic shift in the economic context wrought by the collapse of the post-war boom in 1974, which undermined the economic basis of the Program. The degree to which 'economic responsibility' governed Labor's approach to policy-making is highlighted through case studies of uranium mining and the Prices-Incomes Accord. The final period of Opposition (1996-2001) commences with the party’s landslide defeat at the 1996 Federal Election. Under the leadership of Kim Beazley, the party continued in the pro-free market policy tradition of Labor Prime Ministers Bob Hawke and Paul Keating. In conjunction with this, it employed a 'small-target' strategy that pitched its electoral success on community anger towards the government, rather than any alternative policies of the Opposition. The free-market policy continuity is set in the context of the ideological effects of the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the collapse of the Soviet Bloc, in the aftermath of which all political players accepted that there was no real alternative to the market. Furthermore, the overall state of the Australian and world economies was not conducive to a return to 'tax and spend' policies. The party’s bipartisanship on globalisation and economic rationalism effectively robbed it of an alternative political approach to that of the Coalition. Thus, in a sense it was hemmed into the 'small-target' strategy. The thesis concludes by comparing and contrasting the three periods, and assigning weight to the various factors that shape Labor in Opposition.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Politics and Public Policy
Full Text
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McLean, Kathleen Ann 1952. „Culture, commerce and ambivalence : a study of Australian federal government intervention in book publishing“. Monash University, National Centre for Australian Studies, 2002. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/7566.
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Allen, Blake. „Constituting the Australian environment : the transition of political responsibility for the environment in Australia from state to federal government, 1974 - 1983“. Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/60396.
Annotation:
Between 1974 and 1983 the Australian federal government, responding to the increasing demands of grassroots activists, passed a series of legislation that successfully altered the federal relationship in Australia by transferring political responsibility for the environment from the state governments to the federal government in Canberra. To better illustrate this process, this thesis will utilize Tasmania as an emblematic case study. The first part of this thesis is a social history that analyzes the development of environmental consciousness in Tasmania. This analysis spans from the cultural impact of the extinction of the thylacine (Thylacinus cynocephalus) on the island populace and culminates in the well-documented protests against the damming of the Serpentine and Franklin Rivers. This analysis will illustrate the failures of the state government to address public concerns and how this facilitated the transition of the focus of lobbying from the state to the federal level. The second part of this thesis is a legal history, looking at the legislation that was passed during this period that facilitated the transfer and explains the constitutional basis and effectiveness of the legislation. Through these two separate studies, this thesis will expand the existing Australian historiography, which has largely kept political and social analyses of the environmental movement separated, by integrating the two historical narratives. This thesis offers three contributions to Australian historiography. First, this research shows that the constitutional reformation that occurred under the governments of Gough Whitlam, Malcolm Fraser, and Bob Hawke was driven not by government initiative but, rather, by grassroots demands, and illustrate a need to further integrate the studies of social and political history so as to better pursue the histoire totale of Australia. Second, this thesis also helps contribute to the still nascent study of extinction’s socio-cultural impact on human societies with its particular emphasis on the extinction of the thylacine as the genesis of Tasmanian environmentalism. Third, it offers a detailed legal dissection of the federal government’s early environmental legislation and the constitutional foundations for Canberra’s acquisition of this responsibility.Graduate Studies, College of (Okanagan)
Graduate
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Brown, A. J. (Alexander Jonathan), und n/a. „The Frozen Continent: The Fall and Rise of Territory in Australian Constitutional Thought 1815-2003“. Griffith University. Key Centre for Ethics, Law, Justice and Governance, 2003. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20041105.092443.
Annotation:
Through the late 20th century, global society experienced waves of unprecedented political and institutional change, but Australia came to be identified as "constitutionally speaking... the frozen continent", unable or unprepared to comprehensively modernise its own fundamental laws (Sawer 1967). This thesis opens up a subject basic to, but largely unexplored in debate about constitutional change: the territorial foundations of Australian constitutional thought. Our conventional conclusions about territory are first, that Australia's federal system has settled around a 'natural' and presumably final territorial structure; and second, that this is because any federal system such as possessed by Australia since 1901 is more decentralised and therefore more suitable than any 'unitary' one. With federalism coming back into vogue internationally, we have no reason to believe our present structure is not already the best. Reviewing the concepts of territory underpinning colonial and federal political thought from 1815 to the present day, this thesis presents a new territorial story revealing both these conclusions to be flawed. For most of its history, Australian political experience has been based around a richer, more complex and still evolving range of territorial ideas. Federalism is fundamental to our political values, but Australians have known more types of federalism, emerging differently in time and place, than we customarily admit. Unitary values have supplied important symbols of centralisation, but for most of our history have also sought to supply far less centralised models of political institutions than those of our current federal experience. Since the 1930s, in addition to underutilising both federal and unitary lines of imported constitutional theory, Australian politics has underestimated the extent to which our institutional treatment of territory has itself become unique. Despite its recent fall from constitutional discourse, territory is also again on the rise. While political debate has been poorly placed to see it, Australia has experienced a recent resurgence in ideas about territorial reform, offering the promise of a better understanding of the full complexity of our constitutional theory and a new 'unfreezing' of the assumption that territorially, Australia will never change. This thesis seeks to inform these vital new debates.
10
Brown, A. J. (Alexander J. ). „The Frozen Continent: The Fall and Rise of Territory in Australian Constitutional Thought 1815-2003“. Thesis, Griffith University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/365665.
Annotation:
Through the late 20th century, global society experienced waves of unprecedented political and institutional change, but Australia came to be identified as "constitutionally speaking... the frozen continent", unable or unprepared to comprehensively modernise its own fundamental laws (Sawer 1967). This thesis opens up a subject basic to, but largely unexplored in debate about constitutional change: the territorial foundations of Australian constitutional thought.
Our conventional conclusions about territory are first, that Australia's federal system has settled around a 'natural' and presumably final territorial structure; and second, that this is because any federal system such as possessed by Australia since 1901 is more decentralised and therefore more suitable than any 'unitary' one. With federalism coming back into vogue internationally, we have no reason to believe our present structure is not already the best.
Reviewing the concepts of territory underpinning colonial and federal political thought from 1815 to the present day, this thesis presents a new territorial story revealing both these conclusions to be flawed. For most of its history, Australian political experience has been based around a richer, more complex and still evolving range of territorial ideas. Federalism is fundamental to our political values, but Australians have known more types of federalism, emerging differently in time and place, than we customarily admit. Unitary values have supplied important symbols of centralisation, but for most of our history have also sought to supply far less centralised models of political institutions than those of our current federal experience. Since the 1930s, in addition to underutilising both federal and unitary lines of imported constitutional theory, Australian politics has underestimated the extent to which our institutional treatment of territory has itself become unique.
Despite its recent fall from constitutional discourse, territory is also again on the rise. While political debate has been poorly placed to see it, Australia has experienced a recent resurgence in ideas about territorial reform, offering the promise of a better understanding of the full complexity of our constitutional theory and a new 'unfreezing' of the assumption that territorially, Australia will never change. This thesis seeks to inform these vital new debates.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Key Centre for Ethics, Law, Justice and Governance
Faculty of Arts
Full Text
Bücher zum Thema "Federal government Australia":
1
Saunders, Cheryl. Federalism: The Australian experience. Pretoria: HSRC Publishers, 1997.
2
Galligan, Brian. A federal republic: Australia's constitutional system of government. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995.
3
Zines, Leslie. Cowen and Zines's federal jurisdiction in Australia. 3. Aufl. Annandale, N.S.W: Federation Press, 2002.
4
Raymond, Evans, Hrsg. 1901, our future's past: Documenting Australia's federation. Sydney: Pan Macmillan Australia, 1997.
5
McMinn, Winston Gregory. Nationalism and federalism in Australia. Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1994.
6
Mackerras, Malcolm. The Mackerras 1990 federal election guide. Canberra: Australian Govt. Pub. Service, 1989.
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Mackerras, Malcolm. The Mackerras 1993 federal election guide. Canberra: Australian Govt. Pub. Service, 1993.
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Helen, Irving, Hrsg. The centenary companion to Australian federation. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999.
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1952-, Parkin Andrew, und Australian National University. Federalism Research Centre., Hrsg. South Australia, federalism, and public policy: Essays exploring the impact of the Australian federal system on government and public policy in South Australia. Canberra: Federalism Research Centre, Australian National University, 1996.
10
McMinn, W. G. Nationalism and federalism in Australia. Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1994.
Buchteile zum Thema "Federal government Australia":
1
Thomson, Sue. „Australia: PISA Australia—Excellence and Equity?“ In Improving a Country’s Education, 25–47. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-59031-4_2.
Annotation:
AbstractAustralia’s education system reflects its history of federalism. State and territory governments are responsible for administering education within their jurisdiction and across the sector comprising government (public), Catholic systemic and other independent schooling systems. They collaborate on education policy with the federal government. Over the past two decades the federal government has taken a greater role in funding across the education sector, and as a result of this involvement and the priorities of federal governments of the day, Australia now has one of the highest rates of non-government schooling in the OECD. Funding equity across the sectors has become a prominent issue. Concerns have been compounded by evidence of declining student performance since Australia’s initial participation in PISA in 2000, and the increasing gap between our high achievers and low achievers. This chapter explores Australia’s PISA 2018 results and what they reveal about the impact of socioeconomic level on student achievement. It also considers the role of school funding and the need to direct support to those schools that are attempting to educate the greater proportion of an increasingly diverse student population including students facing multiple layers of disadvantage.
2
Luckman, Susan, und Jane Andrew. „Educating for Enterprise“. In Creative Working Lives, 65–100. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44979-7_3.
Annotation:
AbstractThis chapter will provide a necessarily brief historical overview of the models of training available to support skills development for the applied arts in Australia, from colonial cottage industries to the educational experiences of the contemporary craftspeople and designer makers who participated in this study. In doing so, it will highlight significant contemporary Australian federal and state government political and economic policy agendas that have directly and indirectly influenced changes to the nature, form and institutional investment in education supporting the development of contemporary Australian makers. The second half of this chapter reports on the research participants’ educational experiences and sense of how well prepared they were upon graduating to establish and sustain a viable creative enterprise.
3
Michael, Jeffrey P., Leah Shahum und Jeffrey F. Paniati. „Adoption of Safe Systems in the United States“. In The Vision Zero Handbook, 553–70. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-76505-7_19.
Annotation:
AbstractSafe Systems are in early phases of implementation in the US. Adoption of these concepts in the USA has been slower than in a number of other nations, including Sweden, The Netherlands, UK and Australia. Whereas adoption in other nations began as early as the late 1990s, interest in Safe Systems in the USA followed by about a decade. One factor associated with this delay is the success that the USA experienced with public safety and compliance methods, such as high-visibility traffic law enforcement, during the period in which the Safe System movement took hold in other countries.National road safety professional organizations were among the first in the USA to shift toward zero-focused strategies. City and state governments followed and the federal government took steps in this direction after local and state efforts were well underway. By 2020, discussion of Safe Systems was taking place in national professional associations and early steps had been taken toward federal institutional support.Although implementation in the USA is not yet widespread, lessons have been learned in building public and political support for Safe Systems. Managing public expectations regarding short-term safety benefits is likely to be a key to longer-term Safe Systems support. Increased efforts are needed to inform political leaders at the local, state and national levels of the benefits of Safe Systems and Vision Zero as well as additional education for safety practitioners.
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Michael, Jeffrey P., Leah Shahum und Jeffrey F. Paniati. „Adoption of Safe Systems in the United States“. In The Vision Zero Handbook, 1–18. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-23176-7_19-1.
Annotation:
AbstractSafe Systems are in early phases of implementation in the US. Adoption of these concepts in the USA has been slower than in a number of other nations, including Sweden, The Netherlands, UK and Australia. Whereas adoption in other nations began as early as the late 1990s, interest in Safe Systems in the USA followed by about a decade. One factor associated with this delay is the success that the USA experienced with public safety and compliance methods, such as high-visibility traffic law enforcement, during the period in which the Safe System movement took hold in other countries.National road safety professional organizations were among the first in the USA to shift toward zero-focused strategies. City and state governments followed and the federal government took steps in this direction after local and state efforts were well underway. By 2020, discussion of Safe Systems was taking place in national professional associations and early steps had been taken toward federal institutional support.Although implementation in the USA is not yet widespread, lessons have been learned in building public and political support for Safe Systems. Managing public expectations regarding short-term safety benefits is likely to be a key to longer-term Safe Systems support. Increased efforts are needed to inform political leaders at the local, state and national levels of the benefits of Safe Systems and Vision Zero as well as additional education for safety practitioners.
5
Cullinan, Cormac. „Great Barrier Reef v Australian Federal and State governments and others“. In Law as if Earth Really Mattered, 39–55. New York, NY : Routledge, 2017.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315618319-4.
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Shilbury, David, Pamm Phillips, Adam Karg und Katie Rowe. „Federal Government“. In Sport Management in Australia, 87–122. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003117391-6.
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Crowley, Kate, und Cath Hughes. „Minority Government in Australia“. In Minority Governments in Comparative Perspective, 283–305. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192871657.003.0014.
Annotation:
Abstract In Australia’s two-party dominant Westminster system, federal minority government is rare, however this chapter argues that, as the two-party vote declines, there will be more frequent incidences. It explains minority government in the Australian political context, where single-party federal majority government has been the norm. Crucially, the major parties expect to win elections and govern alone, and, at the federal level, have offered only policy tradeoffs rather than cabinet posts to their supporters. In Australia, the formation of a minority government is affirmed by testing the will of the house with a parliamentary vote, and by the endorsement of the Crown, represented by the Governor General. The minority government is sustained by independents, and at times by minor parties, backing all budget (supply) bills, and by not partaking in votes of no confidence sufficient to bring it down. This chapter reviews the experience of the 2010–13 Labor minority government, the most substantive federal minority government to date. It never lost a vote, ran full term, and was a reformist government, and Australia’s most legislatively successful federal government; but it failed to be re-elected and its supporters largely suffered in its aftermath. Nevertheless, the lessons offered in this chapter are that, while Australian federal minority government is rare, it can form, govern, and deliver, and may in future include power sharing despite its Westminster context.
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„Australia: ministerial characteristics in the Australian federal government“. In The Selection of Ministers around the World, 58–74. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315757865-10.
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Calabresi, Steven Gow. „The Commonwealth of Australia“. In The History and Growth of Judicial Review, Volume 1, 229–62. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190075774.003.0007.
Annotation:
This chapter traces the development of judicial review in Australia, which was modeled on the U.S. system of judicial review. Australian judicial review evolved out of a need for an umpiring body in federalism and separation of powers cases. Indeed, the original purpose of the Australian High Court under the Australian Constitution was to umpire federalism disputes between the Commonwealth and the six Australian states, which predated the federal government of Australia; and to ensure that the traditionally guaranteed rights and freedoms of British subjects under the common law and responsible parliamentary government were respected regarding Australia’s citizens. The Australian Constitution does not have a Bill of Rights or an enumerated Judicial Review clause, but it does limit and enumerate the broad powers of the Australian federal government. The Framers of the Australian Constitution, like the Framers of the U.S. Constitution, assumed that the courts would have the power of judicial review. As a result, there is, in Australia, judicial review in federalism and separation of powers umpiring cases but not in Bill of Rights cases since there is essentially no Australian Bill of Rights.
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„Australia: Federal Government and Nonprofit Relations in Australia“. In Rebalancing Public Partnership, 127–46. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315603896-14.
Konferenzberichte zum Thema "Federal government Australia":
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Wei, Fangjie. „What can China learn from Australia�s Federal Government Budget Management System“. In 2nd International Conference on Science and Social Research (ICSSR 2013). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icssr-13.2013.122.
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Brooker, Jennifer, und Daniel Vincent. „The Australian Veterans' Scholarship Program (AVSP) Through a Career Construction Paradigm“. In Tenth Pan-Commonwealth Forum on Open Learning. Commonwealth of Learning, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56059/pcf10.4380.
Annotation:
In Australia, 6000 military personnel leave the military each year, of whom at least 30% become unemployed and 19% experience underemployment, figures five times higher than the national average (Australian Government 2020). Believed to be one of life's most intense transitions, veterans find it difficult to align their military skills and knowledge to the civilian labour market upon leaving military service (Cable, Cathcart and Almond 2021; AVEC 2020). // Providing authentic opportunities that allow veterans to gain meaningful employment upon (re)entering civilian life raises their capability to incorporate accrued military skills, knowledge, and expertise. Despite acknowledging that higher education is a valuable transition pathway, Australia has no permanently federally funded post-service higher education benefit supporting veterans to improve their civilian employment prospects. Since World War II, American GIs have accessed a higher education scholarship program (tuition fees, an annual book allowance, monthly housing stipend) (Defense 2019). A similar offering is available in Canada, the UK, and Israel. // We are proposing that the AVSP would be the first comprehensive, in-depth study investigating the ongoing academic success of Australia's modern veterans as they study higher and vocational education. It consists of four distinct components: // Scholarships: transitioning/separated veterans apply for one of four higher education scholarship options (under/postgraduate): 100% tuition fees waived // $750/fortnight living stipend for the degree duration // 50/50 tuition/living stipend // Industry-focused scholarships. // Research: LAS Consulting, Open Door, Flinders University, over seven years, will follow the scholarship recipients to identify which scholarship option is the most relevant/beneficial for Australian veterans. The analysis of the resultant quantitative and qualitative data will demonstrate that providing federal financial support to student veterans studying higher education options: Improves the psychosocial and economic outcomes for veterans // Reduces the need for financial and medical support of participants // Reduces the national unemployed and underemployed statistics for veterans // Provides a positive return of investment (ROI) to the funder // May increase Australian Defence Force (ADF) recruitment and retention rates // Career Construction: LAS Consulting will sit, listen, guide, and help build an emotional connection around purpose, identity, education and employment opportunities back into society. So, the veteran can move forward, crystalise a life worth living, and find their authentic self, which is led by their values in the civilian world. // Mentoring: Each participant receives a mentor throughout their academic journey.
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Wilson, Paul. „Alternative Strategies for Higher Education Provision at TAFE Queensland“. In Sixth International Conference on Higher Education Advances. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica de València, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/head20.2020.11160.
Annotation:
Australia’s tertiary education and training sector consists of Higher Education, predominantly funded and controlled by the Federal Government, and Vocational Education and Training (VET) where both the Federal and State Governments have policy and funding responsibilities. While there has been increasing funding and stable policy in Higher Education over the past decade there has been significant change in the Australian VET sector in policy and reduced funding at the Federal and State levels. TAFE Queensland, the public VET provider in the state of Queensland, has undergone a huge transformation of its own over this period of extensive policy change. As a result of policy and organisational changes TAFE Queensland has had to seek alternatives to ensure that students who choose to study at this public provider are able to access higher education courses. This paper outlines various policy change impacts over the past decade and TAFE Queensland’s innovative approach to ensuring that quality applied degrees are available to interested students who prefer to study with this major public vocational education provider.
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Miller-Yeaman, Renee. „Producing the House: The Commonwealth Experimental Building Station and Housing Research“. In The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online: SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a3995ptgqb.
Annotation:
Established during the Second World War, the Commonwealth Experimental Building Station (CEBS) researched new building technologies with an emphasis on housing construction. The CEBS experimented with materials and design prototypes in collaboration with both industry and the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR), which later became the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation (CSIRO). Based in North Ryde, Sydney, the CEBS was associated with the Department of Post-War Reconstruction during the Second World War and then moved to the Department of Works and Housing. The paper introduces the CEBS’s initial aims through its housing research and design experimentation with built prototypes in Sydney during the 1940s. This research into house design, positioned at the edge of innovation, is situated in the wider housing context of the period. Federally funded building research was predicated by the Commonwealth of Australia’s housing shortage during and extending beyond the Second World War. Due to a lack of traditional materials such as bricks and timber from the war effort, the agency trialled developing low-cost, prefabricated concrete and steel houses. These housing experiments are considered in connection to cultural framings of home and its physicality in circulation at the time. After the Second World War, the detached suburban house gained momentum in the political and cultural vernacular as the ideal house for ownership. By examining the CEBS’s activities in connection to this background, the paper asks how the nation-state developed mass-production systems to enable government-sponsored agencies to produce more housing for more people but also how understandings of house and home surround and influence innovation in design.
Berichte der Organisationen zum Thema "Federal government Australia":
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Caritat, P. de, und U. Troitzsch. Towards a regolith mineralogy map of the Australian continent: a feasibility study in the Darling-Curnamona-Delamerian region. Geoscience Australia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.11636/record.2021.035.
Annotation:
Bulk quantitative mineralogy of regolith is a useful indicator of lithological precursor (protolith), degree of weathering, and soil properties affecting various potential landuse decisions. To date, no national-scale maps of regolith mineralogy are available in Australia. Catchment outlet sediments collected over 80% of the continent as part of the National Geochemical Survey of Australia (NGSA) afford a unique opportunity to rapidly and cost-effectively determine regolith mineralogy using the archived sample material. This report releases mineralogical data and metadata obtained as part of a feasibility study in a selected pilot area for such a national regolith mineralogy database and atlas. The area chosen for this study is within the Darling-Curnamona-Delamerian (DCD) region of southeastern Australia. The DCD region was selected as a ‘deep-dive’ data acquisition and analysis by the Exploration for the Future (2020-2024) federal government initiative managed at Geoscience Australia. One hundred NGSA sites from the DCD region were prepared for X-Ray Diffraction (XRD) analysis, which consisted of qualitative mineral identification of the bulk samples (i.e., ‘major’ minerals), qualitative clay mineral identification of the <2 µm grain-size fraction, and quantitative analysis of both ‘major’ and clay minerals of the bulk sample. The identified mineral phases were quartz, plagioclase, K-feldspar, calcite, dolomite, gypsum, halite, hematite, goethite, rutile, zeolite, amphibole, talc, kaolinite, illite (including muscovite and biotite), palygorskite (including interstratified illite-smectite and vermiculite), smectite (including interstratified illite-smectite), vermiculite, and chlorite. Poorly diffracting material (PDM) was also quantified and reported as ‘amorphous’. Mineral identification relied on the EVA® software, whilst quantification was performed using Siroquant®. Resulting mineral abundances are reported with a Chi-squared goodness-of-fit between the actual diffractogram and a modelled diffractogram for each sample, as well as an estimated standard error (esd) measurement of uncertainty for each mineral phase quantified. Sensitivity down to 0.1 wt% (weight percent) was achieved, with any mineral detection below that threshold reported as ‘trace’. Although detailed interpretation of the mineralogical data is outside the remit of the present data release, preliminary observations of mineral abundance patterns suggest a strong link to geology, including proximity to fresh bedrock, weathering during sediment transport, and robust relationships between mineralogy and geochemistry. The mineralogical data generated by this study are presented in Appendix A of this report and are downloadable as a .csv file. Mineral abundance or presence/absence maps are shown in Appendices B and C to document regional mineralogical patterns.
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Cunningham, Stuart, Marion McCutcheon, Greg Hearn, Mark Ryan und Christy Collis. Australian Cultural and Creative Activity: A Population and Hotspot Analysis: Sunshine Coast. Queensland University of Technology, Dezember 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/rep.eprints.136822.
Annotation:
The Sunshine Coast (unless otherwise specified, Sunshine Coast refers to the region which includes both Sunshine Coast and Noosa council areas) is a classic regional hotspot. In many respects, the Sunshine Coast has assets that make it the “Goldilocks” of Queensland hotspots: “the agility of the region and our collaborative nature is facilitated by the fact that we're not too big, not too small - 330,000 people” (Paddenburg, 2019); “We are in that perfect little bubble of just right of about everything” (Erbacher 2019). The Sunshine Coast has one of the fastest-growing economies in Australia. Its population is booming and its local governments are working together to establish world-class communications, transport and health infrastructure, while maintaining the integrity of the region’s much-lauded environment and lifestyle. As a result, the Sunshine Coast Council is regarded as a pioneer on smart city initiatives, while Noosa Shire Council has built a reputation for prioritising sustainable development. The region’s creative economy is growing at a faster rate that of the rest of the economy—in terms of job growth, earnings, incomes and business registrations. These gains, however, are not spread uniformly. Creative Services (that is, the advertising and marketing, architecture and design, and software and digital content sectors) are flourishing, while Cultural Production (music and performing arts, publishing and visual arts) is variable, with visual and performing arts growing while film, television and radio and publishing have low or no growth. The spirit of entrepreneurialism amongst many creatives in the Sunshine Coast was similar to what we witnessed in other hotspots: a spirit of not necessarily relying on institutions, seeking out alternative income sources, and leveraging networks. How public agencies can better harness that energy and entrepreneurialism could be a focus for ongoing strategy. There does seem to be a lower level of arts and culture funding going into the Sunshine Coast from governments than its population base and cultural and creative energy might suggest. Federal and state arts funding programs are under-delivering to the Sunshine Coast.