Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Ethnicité – Colombie“

The aim of this study was to assess the language attitudes on the islands of San Andres and Providence (Colombia) from a comparative perspective. The sociolinguistic variables studied included age, gender, ethnicity, occupation, place of residence and language knowledge. Respondents on both islands expressed similar attitudes, with a general tendency favorable to the three languages (Standard Caribbean English, Islander Creole and Colombian Spanish) and to multilingualism.
 Received: 01-03-06 / Accepté: 17-08-06
 How to reference this article:
 Flórez, S. (2006). A Study of Language Attitudes in Two Creole-Speaking Islands: San Andres and Providence (Colombia). Íkala. 11(1), pp. 119 – 147

This article has 3 main objectives: (1) to assess the prevalence of child labor in Colombia, (2) to identify factors associated with child labor, and (3) to determine whether social protection programs have an association with the prevalence of child labor in the country. Using a cross-sectional study with data from the Colombian Demographic and Health Survey 2010, a working child was defined as a child who worked during the week prior to the survey in an activity other than household chores. Through descriptive statistics, bivariate analysis, and multivariate regressions, it was found that child labor was associated with gender (boys were more likely to work), older age, ethnicity (children from indigenous communities were more likely to be workers), school dropout, disability (children with disabilities were less likely to be working), subsidized health social security system membership, and lower number of years of mother’s schooling. Furthermore, the results of this study suggest that children beneficiaries of the subsidy Familias en Acción were less likely to be working and that social protection programs were more effective to reduce child labor when targeting the lowest wealth quintiles of the Colombian population.

AbstractObjective:To examine the association of all forms of malnutrition and socioeconomic status (SES), educational level and ethnicity in children <5 years, non-pregnant adolescent women (11–19 years) and non-pregnant adult women (20–49 years) in Colombia.Design:Cross-sectional analysis of data from the 2010 Colombian National Nutrition Survey. The prevalence of malnutrition was compared across categories of SES, educational level and ethnicity.Setting:Colombia.Participants:The sample for the current analysis comprised children <5 years, non-pregnant adolescent women (11–19 years) and non-pregnant adult women (20–49 years).Results:In children <5 years, a low SES and maternal educational level were significantly associated with a lower prevalence of overweight/obesity compared with high levels of SES and maternal education, that is, the prevalence of overweight/obesity was 1·4 and 1·6 times lower in categories of low SES and educational levels, respectively. In contrast, the prevalence of wasting, stunting and anaemia was higher in the lowest SES and maternal educational categories (the prevalence was between 1·1 and 1·8 times higher for these indicators). In women, the lowest SES (11 and 19 years) and educational levels (20 and 49 years) exhibited a higher prevalence in all forms of malnutrition compared with their counterparts in the highest categories (i.e. overweight/obesity, stunting and anaemia). Additionally, indigenous or Afro-Colombian children and women had the highest prevalence of malnutrition in comparison with other ethnicities.Conclusions:These results suggest that public policies should address all forms of malnutrition that occur in the most vulnerable populations in Colombia using multiple strategies.

En Colombia, la población negra, afrocolombiana, raizal y palenquera equivale a 4 671 160 personas. Los datos de encuestas nacionales evidencian, en una muestra de 92 799 personas, que el 0,4% de las mujeres y el 1,2% de los hombres se identifican como homosexuales. Ante esto, aparece el concepto de interseccionalidad que muestra relaciones existentes entre varias formas de discriminación, especialmente en la diversidad étnico-racial y sexo-genérica. Esta investigación cualitativa buscó comprender el proceso de revelación y aceptación de la orientación homosexual de los hijos en dos familias afrocolombianas, por medio de entrevistas realizadas a la diada madrehijo. Se identifican las características del proceso de revelación y aceptación, así como los recursos y barreras percibidas por las familias durante dicho proceso. Se evidencia la importancia de abordar la perspectiva de doble discriminación por etnia/raza y orientación sexual, así como el diseño de intervenciones que reconozcan el enfoque diferencial en la población.
 Intersectionality in the Process of Revelation and Acceptance of Coming Out in Two Afrocolombian Families
 Abstract: In Colombia, the Black, Afro-Colombian, Raizal and Palenquera populations are equivalent to 4,671,160 people. The data from national surveys show in a sample of 92 799 people, 0.4% of women and 1.2% of men identified as homosexual. Given this, the concept of intersectionality appears showing existing relationships between various forms of discrimination. This research sought to understand the process of coming out of two children from Afro-Colombian families with a qualitative study, with interviews with the children and their mothers. The characteristics of the disclosure and acceptance process and resources and barriers perceived by the families are identified. The importance of addressing the perspective of double discrimination based on ethnicity/race and sexual orientation and the design of interventions that recognize the differential approach in the population is evident.
 Keywords: disclosure and acceptance process; gay children; mothers; afro-colombian community; intersectionality.

En el archipiélago de San Andrés, Providencia y Santa Catalina, ubicado en el corazón del Caribe occidental, se encuentran, en un pequeño territorio insular de cincuenta kilómetros cuadrados, el mundo anglófono con el hispanófono, y el católico con el protestante. El multiculturalismo etnizado propuesto por la Constitución Política de 1991 en Colombia permitió que la población nativa del archipiélago de San Andrés, Providencia y Santa Catalina, la isleña-raizal, recibiera el reconocimiento jurídico como grupo étnico. Esto generó que dicho lugar se rigiera por normas especiales respecto al control de la migración y la economía, además de significar un avance alrededor del otorgamiento de derechos para esta población, hecho que profundizó el conflicto existente entre los pobladores raizales nativos y aquellos emigrados provenientes del Caribe continental colombiano. El presente artículo pretende dar a conocer cómo la implementación de políticas multiculturalistas ha fracturado el proceso de convivencia histórico entre ambas poblaciones.Palabras Clave: Multiculturalismo, Etnicidad, Conflicto social, Relaciones interétnicas, Caribe insular colombiano, Isleños-raizales, Pañas-continentales, Archipiélago de San Andrés, Providencia y Santa Catalina. ABSTRACTINTER-ETHNIC CONFLICTS IN THE COLOMBIAN INSULAR CARIBBEAN In the San Andres, Providencia and Santa Catalina Archipelago, located at the heart of the western Caribbean, in a small, 50 square kilometer insular territory, the Anglophone world meets the Spanish speaking, and the Catholic world meets the Protestant. The ethnicized multiculturalism proposed by the Political Constitution of 1991in Colombia allowed the native population of San Andres, Providencia and Santa Catalina, the Raizal-islander, to be legally recognized as an ethnic group. As a result, this place started to be governed by special norms regarding the migration and economy control, something which deepened the existing conflict between local Raizals and those from the Colombian Continental Caribbean. This article sets out to disclose how implementing multiculturalist polices have disrupted the historical process of coexistence between both communities.Key Words: Multiculturalism, Ethnicity, Social conflict, Interethnic relations, Colombian insular Caribbean, Raizal-islanders, Continental settlers (pañas), San Andres, Providencia and Santa Catalina Archipelago.

Abstract Objective: The purpose of this study involves describing the facial morphology of a Colombian population with three-dimensional (3D) imaging, and comparing their facial morphology with the Caucasian to create a database for this ethnicity. Materials and Methods: The study, which included 135 subjects selected from the Valle University in Cali, Colombia, and 535 Caucasian subjects selected from the FaceBase–Data (1U01DE024449–01), was funded by the National Institute of Dental and Craniofacial Research. All images were taken in the natural head position (NHP) and captured using a stereo-photogrammetric camera system (3dMDface) to obtain a 3D image of each patient. The subjects were between 19 to 31 years of age, with a normal body mass index (BMI), and no craniofacial deformities. All images were plotted and analyzed using the 3dMDVultus software to calculate linear and angular measurements. Standard deviation (SD) and means were calculated for each measurement and analyzed using t-test for different samples. Results: The Hispanic population had wider eyes, more protruded upper and lower lips, wider face, and greater mandibular width. Caucasian females had a more acute full profile, larger middle third, and less protrusive lips. Understanding the facial morphology of different populations would help to establish a better diagnosis and treatment planning for each ethnicity. Conclusions: From this study, the following conclusions may be drawn:1. The mean values of Colombian males showed greater measurements than females in the majority of measurements.2. Caucasian females had a more acute full profile, larger middle and lower third, and less protrusive lips.3. This study showed significant ethnic differences in the linear and angular measurements, showing us the importance of considering these findings in the diagnosis and treatment planning when a Hispanic population is involved. Soft tissue values should reflect the norms according to each ethnic population in order to achieve treatment goals.

Using microdata from the censuses of eight countries in Latin America (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Guatemala, Mexico, Peru, and Uruguay), this paper describes matching patterns by age, ethnicity, and education among same-sex and different-sex couples. It shows that same-sex couples are more diverse than different-sex couples in terms of age, ethnicity, and education, although the differences are not large or statistically significant for ethnicity and education in all countries. It also reports notable differences between male and female same-sex couples, particularly in age and education matching.

Objective. To identify the main factors associated with disability in older adults in Colombia, adjusted according to structural and intermediary determinants of healthy aging. Methods. This study used cross-sectional data from 23 694 adults over 60 years of age in the SABE Colombia nationwide survey. Structural determinants such as demographic and socioeconomic position variables were analyzed. Intermediary variables were classified into three blocks: intrinsic capacity, physical and built environment, and health care systems. Data analysis employed multivariate logistic regression. Results. The prevalence of overall disability was 21% for activities of daily living, 38% for instrumental activities of daily living, and 33% for mobility disability. Disability was associated with sociodemographic structural determinants such as older age, female sex, rural residence, never married/divorced, living alone, low educational level, and Indigenous/Black ethnicity. With regard to determinants of socioeconomic position, net low income, poor socioeconomic stratum, insufficient income perception, and a subsidized health insurance scheme exerted a major influence on disability. Intermediary determinants of intrinsic capacity, such as poor self-rated health, multimorbidity, low grip strength, sedentary lifestyle, early childhood economic adversity, no social support, and no participation in activities, were significantly associated with disability. Conclusions. Actions that affect the main factors associated with disability, such as reducing health inequities through policies, strategies, and activities, can contribute significantly to the well-being and quality of life of Colombian older adults.

Cultural Hybridization (CH) aims to analyze the processes of intercrossing and cultural exchange highlighted in the constitution of modernism and in the modernization processes in Latin America. This research is relevant because the units of analysis for identifying the objectives of CH are three Colombian Indigenous Productive Organizations (IPOs), which were formed with traditional indigenous ideals and in the middle of the market dynamics of the organizational economy, then transformed their ideals and cultural aspects with modern Western administrative and cultural practices. The research is based in a qualitative methodology that includes the following techniques: participatory observation; semi-structured interviews; and analysis of native documents. This methodology is applied to investigate the three IPOs of the Nasa ethnicity in Colombia. The results are different for each case. Resistance and then acceptance occurred in the smaller IPO, while segregation and acceptance occurred in the larger and senior IPO. In conclusion, the three IPOs present a diversity of cultural characteristics that provide empirical evidence of the CH in different levels.

Depuis la signature des Accords de paix entre la guérilla des FARC-EP et le gouvernement de Juan Manuel Santos en 2016, l’État colombien s’est engagé dans une nouvelle tentative de résolution du conflit armé qui prend en compte les spécificités des groupes ethniques historiquement mis en minorité, acteurs ou victimes de violences commises dans le cadre du conflit. Le « chapitre ethnique » intégré aux récents Accords de paix reflète plusieurs décennies de mobilisation sociale qui ont vu se croiser mouvements des victimes, mouvements autochtones et mouvements afrocolombiens dans la revendication de droits humains et pour leur décentrement depuis les territoires marginalisés. Il s’inscrit également dans la continuité des politiques de construction de la paix en plein conflit armé et de gestion de la diversité ethnique en contexte postcolonial, adoptées depuis la fin du XXème siècle en Colombie. En amont de ces Accords de paix, les décrets-lois 4633 et 4635 de 2011 encadraient déjà le droit des victimes à la justice, à la vérité, aux réparations et à la non-répétition des violences selon une « approche différentielle ethnique » destinée aux peuples et territoires autochtones, noirs, afrocolombiens, raizales et palenqueros. Au carrefour entre deux modèles de gouvernance conceptualisés comme justice transitionnelle et multiculturalisme, les politiques de réparation collective aux victimes ethniquement différenciées du conflit armé interrogent les catégories citoyennes d’appartenance sur plusieurs plans. Comment la reconnaissance de communautés ethniques comme sujets collectifs de droit se traduit-elle dans la formulation et l’application de réparations collectives aux communautés et territoires périphériques historiquement construits comme ethniques ? En quoi le contexte de transition vers la paix via la réparation aux victimes du conflit nous amène à repenser la relation des peuples autochtones et afrocolombiens à l’État ? Dans quelle mesure la restauration de leurs droits violés dans le cadre du conflit armé participe-t-elle d’une redéfinition des citoyennetés différentielles ethniques et victimaires ? Pour répondre à ces questions, cette thèse adopte une approche socio-anthropologique de terrain afin de comparer deux processus de réparation menés au sein de deux communautés ethniques reconnues comme victimes collectives du conflit armé par la loi des victimes et restitution des terres de 2011 : un groupe de déplacés constitué en resguardo nasa dans les Andes du Cauca et un conseil communautaire rassemblant onze communautés noires du Pacifique caucano. En croisant un travail d’archives permettant de retracer la mobilisation des organisations ethniques dans la construction des politiques de sortie de conflit les prenant en compte avec une enquête de terrain menée de 2017 à 2020 au sein de trois institutions transitionnelles créées par la loi des victimes et auprès des deux sujets collectifs de droit à la réparation, cette étude aspire à mieux comprendre les rapports interethniques de pouvoir en jeu dans la formulation et l’application de politiques de réparation aux victimes membres de communautés ethniques. L’analyse comparée de politiques publiques transitionnelles adressées aux territoires et communautés historiquement ethnicisées permet de saisir les logiques d’intégration et d’autonomisation des autorités ethniques par de nouvelles institutions transitionnelles garantes du déploiement de l’État dans ses périphéries et de l’approche différentielle ethnique propice à questionner l’exercice du pouvoir<br>Since the signing of Peace Accords between the FARC-EP guerrilla and the government of Juan Manuel Santos in 2016, Colombia has embarked on a new attempt to resolve the armed conflict, taking into account the specificities of historically minorized ethnic groups, who have been both actors or victims of violence within the conflict. The "ethnic chapter" integrated into the recent Peace Accords reflects several decades of social mobilization, where victim movements intersected with Indigenous and Afro-Colombian movements in the fight for human rights and for the decentering of peace rights from marginalized territories. It is also part of ongoing peace-building policies amidst the armed conflict and efforts to manage ethnic diversity in a postcolonial context that Colombia has adopted since the end of the twentieth century. Prior to these Peace Accords, Decree-Laws 4633 and 4635 of 2011 had already outlined the rights of victims to justice, truth, reparations, and the non-repetition of violence, through an "ethnic differential approach" aimed at Indigenous, Black, Afro-Colombian, Raizales and Palenqueras peoples and territories. Situated at the crossroads between two governance models – conceptualized as Transitional Justice and Multiculturalism – policies for collective reparation to ethnically differentiated victims of the Colombian armed conflict challenge traditional citizenship categories of belonging on multiple levels. How is the recognition of ethnic communities as collective subjects of rights may be translated into the formulation and application of collective reparations for peripheral communities and territories historically constructed as ethnic? How does the transition towards peace through reparations for conflict victims prompt a rethinking of the relationship between Indigenous and Afro-Colombian peoples and the State? To what extent does the restoration of their rights violated during the armed conflict contribute to a redefinition of differentiated ethnic and victim-based citizenship? To answer these questions, this thesis adopts a socio-anthropological fieldwork approach comparing two reparative processes conducted within two ethnic communities recognized as collective victims of the armed conflict by the 2011 Victims and Land Restitution Law: a group of displaced people organized as a Nasa resguardo in the Andes of Cauca and a Black Community Council encompassing eleven Black communities in the Pacific coast of Cauca. Combining archivist research to trace the mobilization of ethnic organizations in shaping post-conflict policies that take them into account with a field work conducted from 2017 to 2020 within three transitional institutions established by the Victims' Law and with the two collective political subjects entitled to reparation, this study aims to better understand the interethnic power dynamics at play in the formulation and implementation of reparation policies for ethnic communities recognized as victims. The comparative analysis of transitional public policies directed at historically ethnicized territories and communities provides insight into the mecanisms of integration and empowerment for ethnic authorities under new transitional institutions, which ensure an increasing presence of the State in its peripheries and the ethnic differential approach that brings into question the exercise of power<br>Desde la firma de los Acuerdos de Paz entre la guerrilla de las FARC-EP y el gobierno de Juan Manuel Santos en 2016, el Estado colombiano ha emprendido un nuevo intento de resolución del conflicto armado que toma en cuenta las especificidades de grupos étnicos históricamente puestos en minoría, bien sean actores o víctimas de la violencia cometida en el marco del conflicto. El "capítulo étnico" incorporado en los recientes Acuerdos de Paz responde a varias décadas de movilización social en las que se han unido movimientos de víctimas, movimientos indígenas y movimientos afrocolombianos para reivindicar el respeto de los derechos humanos y su descolonización epistémica desde los territorios marginados. También se inscribe en la continuación de las políticas de construcción de paz en medio del conflicto armado y de manejo de la diversidad étnica en un contexto poscolonial, adoptadas desde finales del siglo XX en Colombia. Anteriormente a los Acuerdos de Paz, los Decretos-Leyes 4633 y 4635 de 2011 establecieron un marco para los derechos de las víctimas a la justicia, la verdad, la reparación y la no repetición de la violencia, basado en un "enfoque diferencial étnico" dirigido a los pueblos y comunidades indígenas, negras, afrocolombianas, raizales y palenqueras. En la encrucijada entre dos modelos de gobernanza conceptualizados como justicia transicional y multiculturalismo, las políticas de reparación a víctimas del conflicto armado colombiano dirigidas a pueblos étnicamente diferenciados cuestionan las categorías sociales y jurídicas de pertenencia en varios niveles. ¿Cómo se traduce el reconocimiento de las comunidades étnicas como sujetos colectivos de derecho en la formulación y aplicación de reparaciones colectivas a comunidades y territorios periféricos históricamente construidos como étnicos? ¿De qué manera el contexto de transición a la paz a través de la reparación a las víctimas del conflicto nos lleva a repensar la relación de los pueblos indígenas y afrocolombianos con el Estado? ¿En qué medida el restablecimiento de sus derechos, vulnerados durante el conflicto armado, contribuye a una redefinición de la ciudadanía diferencial étnica y de víctimas? Para responder a estas preguntas, esta tesis adopta un enfoque socio-antropológico de trabajo de campo para comparar dos procesos de reparación llevados a cabo en el seno de dos comunidades étnicas reconocidas como víctimas colectivas del conflicto armado por la Ley de Víctimas y Restitución de Tierras de 2011: un grupo de desplazados constituido como resguardo nasa en los Andes caucanos y un consejo comunitario conformado por once comunidades negras en el Pacífico caucano. Combinando un trabajo de archivo que rastrea la movilización de las organizaciones étnicas en la construcción de políticas para el posconflicto que las tengan en cuenta, con una investigación de campo realizada entre 2017 y 2020 en el seno de tres instituciones transicionales creadas por la Ley de Víctimas y con los dos sujetos colectivos de derecho a la reparación, este estudio pretende comprender mejor las relaciones de poder interétnicas en juego en la formulación y aplicación de las políticas de reparación para las víctimas miembros de comunidades étnicas. El análisis comparado de las políticas públicas transicionales dirigidas a territorios y comunidades históricamente etnicizadas permite captar las lógicas de integración y autonomía de las autoridades étnicas por parte de las nuevas instituciones transicionales, garantes del despliegue del Estado en sus periferias y del enfoque diferencial étnico idóneo para cuestionar el ejercicio del poder

Plus qu'un simple terrain d'enquête sur des manifestations de l'ethnicité, la ville est un lieu privilégié de retour réflexif sur cette notion. En permettant de mettre en relation des projets collectifs et des événements contingents qui convoquent de manière plus ou moins éphémère ou stabilisée, consensuelle ou marginale, formelle ou informelle, une définition ethnique des situations, l'analyse des terrains urbains menée dans les différents travaux de recherche présentés dans ce mémoire propose d'observer comment l'ethnicité en acte se joue dans le va et vient entre les stratégies institutionnelles ou militantes visant à en stabiliser et à en imposer une définition, et les tactiques des dominés mises en œuvre pour résister à leur étiquetage ou en tirer parti dans des jeux interactionnels.

La population noire colombienne représente le 18% des habitants de ce pays. Cette population est majoritaire dans la région du Pacifique. Cette thèse montre les mécanismes d'intégration du Pacifique à la société nationale et la construction historique de formes de participation et de leaderships politiques noirs que se sont développés dans la région jusqu'à la période contemporaine. Au début des années 1990 s'est produit un "point de rupture" que s'inscrit dans un contexte global qui accorde de l'attention à la question de la diversité ethnique et culturelle et de l'environnement. La Colombie signe en 1991 une Constitution présentée comme celle de la consolidation de la décentralisation, et la reconnaissance de la multiculturalité. Dans ce contexte, les "communautés noires" sont l'un des acteurs qui se construisent en tant que sujet politique différencié et le Pacifique devient territoire biodivers reconnu. Entre continuités et ruptures, le rôle du Pacifique au sein de la nation colombienne et les formes de participation politique des populations noires reflèteraient le caractère historiquement ambigu de leur inclusion dans la société. Ambigui͏̈té causée par une oscillation récurrente entre intégration et exclusion, entre reconnaissance et marginalisation. La violence est le seul aspect par rapport auquel l'intégration du Pacifique et de ses habitants semble peut-être ne plus revêtir le caractère ambigu de leur présence dans la société colombienne. Le Pacifique s'est converti en lieu stratégique du conflit armé que subit la Colombie et les populations noires sont parmi les secteurs de la société les plus affectés par ce fléau<br>The black population of Colombia represents about 18% of the national total. This population is a majority in the Pacific region of the country. This thesis presents an analysis of the mechanisms of integration of the Pacific region in the national society and of the historical construction of the forms of participation and black political leadership that have developed in the region to the present day. At the beginning of the 1990s, a "point of rupture" occurred within a global context in which questions of multiculturality and environment have achieved new levels of significance. In 1991, a new constitution was adopted in Colombia which was presented as the consolidation of a process of decentralisation and as the recognition of the country's ethnic and cultural diversity. In this context, "black communities" have become one of the social actors which are constituted as distinct political subjects and the Pacific region has become a territory recognised for its biodiversity. In a process of both continuity and rupture, the role played by the Pacific region in the nation and the forms of political participation of black populations both reflect the historically ambiguous character of their inclusion in society. This ambiguity is caused by the oscillation between integration and exclusion, between recognition and marginalisation. Violence appears to be the only way in which the integration of the Pacific and its inhabitants does not now display any such ambiguity. The Pacific region has become a strategic scene for the armed conflict which Colombia is suffering and the black populations of the region are one of the sectors most badly affected by this scourge

Ce travail analyse le processus de ré-ethnisation entrepris par les indiens Kankuamo de la Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta en Colombie. Les questions soulevées par le récent mouvement identitaire sont abordées à partir d'un champ d'observation déterminé par la célébration locale de la Fête-Dieu. Ces parcours rituels marqués par des lieux nommés "pagamentos" (espace traditionnel d'offrandes aux ancêtres) constituent non seulement une véritable cartographie sacrée mais surtout un puissant langage rituel qui fonctionne comme une grille d'intelligibilité d'un schéma mémoriel dont la récurrence tourne autour d'un conflit douloureux avec l'extérieur toujours d'actualité<br>The present work analyses the re-ethnitisation process undertaken by the Kankuamo indians at the Sierra Nevada of Santa Marta in Colombia. The questions generated by the identity movement are addressed by observing the local celebration named God-Party. The ritual of this party is defined by a journey to places called "pagamentos", traditional spaces for offerings to the ancestors. The "pagamentos" constitute not only truthful, sacred cartographies, but, most of all, a powerful language working as a grid of understandability of a memorial schema. In this schema, the recurring theme revolves around a painful conflict; which is always related to external current events

Le sujet de ma thèse concerne l'étude de la reconstruction des identités des africains et de leurs descendants qui ont vécu en Nouvelle Grenade (actuelle Colombie) au XVIIeme siècle. L'hypothèse principale qui l'a orienté considère que grâce à la permanence de la vision sacrée du réel articulée sur le culte des ancêtres, ces africains aussi bien que les Criollos et Mulâtres ont entamé des processus des repersonalisation, de resocialisation, de reterritorialisation et de repolitisation au sein du système esclavagiste. D'autre part on considère que la "corp-oralité" a joué un role essentiel dans la reconstruction symbolique et matériel des mémoires issues de la lutte contre la captivité. Par corp-oralité on entend l'ensemble des modes d'expression de la mémoire historico-culturelle africaine. Celle-ci est conceptualisé comme un faisceau d'expressions destinées à cultiver les performances de la parole sacrée et toutes celles qui sont en rapport avec les expressions dont le corps humain est le support essentiel. La maîtrise de la corp-oralité garantissait la transmission des savoirs sur les lois qui régissaient l'univers aussi bien que sur l'éthique qui orientait la vie des individus et de la société. Elle permettait l'apprentissage des techniques pour l'élaboration des objets utilisés dans les espaces rituels. Pourtant, les fils qui tissaient la trame de la corp-oralité sont partiellement rompus par la traite atlantique et l'évangélisation ; davantage que la corp-oralité elle-même, ce qui souffre des impacts destructurants, ce sont les supports matériels : objets accomplissant la fonction de véhicule des communications nécessaires pour réactiver la mémoire et former les nouvelles générations. Ces supports seront reconstitués en Nouvelle Grenade par les africains et leurs descendants à travers des mécanismes d'appropriation et de resignification des symboles du catholicisme<br>The subject of my thesis concerns the reconstruction of the identities of africans and their descendents living in New Granada (modern day Colombia) in the 17th century. The main hypothesis guiding this thesis contends that africans as well as Creoles and Mulattos were able to undergo the processes of re-personalization, re-socialization, re-politicization and repatriation in the heart of the slavery system thanks to the durability of the sacred view of reality held by their ancestors. "Corp-orality" is also considered to have played a key role in the symbolic and material reconstruction of memories born of the fight against captivity. One understands by "corp-orality" all possible means of expressing the historical-cultural african memory. This is conceptualized in the form of a group of expressions aimed at cultivating the performance of the sacred word and all others where the human body is the essential means of expression. Mastery of this "corp-orality" guaranteed the transmission of knowledge regarding the laws of the universe as well as the ethics guiding the lives of individuals and society in general. It made possible the continued learning of techniques used in the manufacture of ritual objects. Nonetheless, the threads woven together to form this "corp-orality" were partly destroyed by atlantic slave traffic and evangelization. More than "corp-orality" itself, it is the material supports that suffered destructive blows : objects that functioned as vehicles for the communication needed to reactivate memory and form new generations. These supports were reconstituted in New Granada by africans and their descendants through mechanisms of appropriation and the re-signification of catholic symbolism

L'objectif central du mouvement social des peuples indigènes en Colombie a été l'affirmation du droit à " l'autodétermination ", partant de la défense de leurs territoires et de la réaffirmation de leurs identités culturelles. La présente thèse vise à identifier les logiques qui ont été et sont présentes dans ce processus de reconstruction de l'identité ethnique, contenant trois notions constitutives de la réflexion: l'Autodétermination, l'Identité et la Spiritualité, à partir desquelles est analysé le processus de construction et d'application de la notion d'autonomie durant les vingt premières années d'existence de l'organisation indigène régionale OREWA, en tant que stratégie de reconstruction de ces peuples face aux effets des diverses phases du colonialisme auquel ils ont été soumis, de la conquête européenne au colonialisme interne de l'Etat nation. Affirmer l'autodétermination part de l'autodéfinition du sujet de ce droit, c'est-à-dire de la notion de Peuple. Je procède donc à une révision historique de l'existence de ces peuples et de leur autodéfinition, en me fondant sur leur corps mythique et sur leur pratique politique<br>The social movement of the colombian indian community has had a control porpuse to afirming the right to “autodetermination”, leading from the defense of their territories and the reafirmation of their cultural identities. Therefore the present abstract pretens to identify the logics that have been and that are present in the reconstruction of the ethnic identity process; where there are three consecutive concepts to reflect: autodetermination, identity and spirituality through them the process of the construction and application concept is analited through out. The first twenty one years of the regional indian organization existance OREWA, as an extrategy in the reconstruction of these indian communities (towns), facing the effects of the diverse states of colonialisim that they have been subjugated since the european conquest to the internal colonialism from the state – nation. To afirm the autodetermination it begins from de subject´s autodetermination of such rigth it´s to say the notion of town due to this motive a historic revision on the existance of these towns and their autodefinition has been conducted starting from the premise of it´s mythical body and its political practice

Cette recherche porte sur l'analyse du multiculturalisme à travers de la caractérisation de son « mode opératoire ». En ce sens, il s’agit de faire l'évaluation des politiques multiculturelles, au-delà de l'analyse traditionnelle (qui met l'accent sur le discours). L’objectif est de faire l’examen empirique de la mise en place des droits différentiels énoncés en politiques publiques. Tout d'abord, pour atteindre cet objectif, seront explorés les différents régimes de la relation symbolique entre l'État-nation et les populations autochtones. Ensuite, nous analysons comment les politiques de reconnaissance de la différence culturelle, s'articulent avec un projet de modernisation de l'État néolibéral et s'expriment dans les phénomènes de décentralisation territoriale. Le noyau de cette recherche est constitué par une analyse des effets spécifiques du multiculturalisme dans les domaines de la santé, de l'éducation, de la production économique et la gouvernance politique dans la population Misak situé dans le Resguardo Mayor de Guambia (Département du Cauca – sud-est de la Colombie). Dans cette étude de cas, se mettent en évidence les effets paradoxaux qui ont lieu à l'intersection entre une vision néolibérale de la gouvernance, la dynamique de reconnaissance ethnique promue par l'Etat, et les processus d'autonomie dans le cadre des orientations communautaires préconisées par les organisations autochtones. Ces paradoxes ne sont pas l'exception mais la forme quotidienne du multiculturalisme colombien<br>This research focuses on the analysis of the Colombian multiculturalism through an operative characterization. In this sense, the assessment of multicultural policies goes beyond the traditional discourse analysis, and instead it empirically reviews the implementation of differential rights translated into concrete public policies. To meet this goal, this study first explores the different symbolic schemes of the relationship between the State-Nation and the indigenous populations. In a second stage, it analyses how the policies that recognize cultural difference since 1991, are articulated with a project of state modernization of neoliberal characteristics, that is exemplified by the territorial decentralization phenomena. Finally, this research presents an analysis of the actual effects of multiculturalism in the fields of health, education, economic production and political governance for the Misak people, specifically for the Resguardo Mayor de Guambia, an indigenous reserve located in the department of Cauca. From this case study, readers will be able to discover how in the Colombian context, there are un-meet aspects (des-encuentros) and paradoxical effects between the Government’s neoliberal vision on public policies, the dynamics of ethnic recognition promoted by the state and the communitarian autonomous processes advocated by indigenous organizations<br>Esta investigación se focaliza en el análisis del multiculturalismo colombiano por medio de su caracterización operativa. En este sentido, la evaluación operativa de las políticas multiculturales, más allá de los tradicionales análisis discursivos, consiste en revisar empiricamente la implementación de los derechos diferenciales traducidos en políticas públicas concretas. Para cumplir con este objetivo, en un primer momento, se exploran los diferentes esquemas simbólicos de relacionamiento entre el estado-nación y las poblaciones indígenas. En un segundo momento, se analiza como las políticas de reconocimiento a la diferencia cultural acontecidas en 1991, se articulan con un proyecto de modernización estatal de corte neoliberal, expresado en los fenomenos de descentralización territorial. En un tercer momento, se elabora un análisis de los efectos concretos del multiculturalismo en los campos de salud, educación, producción económica y gobernabilidad política en el Pueblo Misak, específicamente para el Resguardo Mayor de Guambia, situado en el departamento del Cauca. A partir del seguimiento de este estudio de caso, el lector podrá descubrir cómo para el contexto colombiano, son persistentes los (des)-encuentros y los efectos paradójicos entre una visión neoliberal de la gestión pública, las dinámicas de reconocimiento étnico promovidas por el Estado y los procesos de autonomía en clave comunitarista defendidos por las organizaciones indígenas

Cette thèse analyse les transformations des rapports sociaux liées au développement minier contemporain du nord Andin péruvien, qui ont donné lieu à une politisation des relations ethniques et de genre dans les mobilisations d'opposition aux activités extractives. Elle aborde cet objet à partir d’une ethnographie de la région Cajamarca, une des principales zones d’investissement minier à l’échelle nationale depuis 1992, et du réseau militant qui depuis 2011 s’oppose à la mise en place du projet Minas Conga. Le travail de recherche se situe à la croisée d’une ethnographie de l’activité militante et d’une sociohistoire des catégorisations ethniques ; il adopte à cette fin une approche féministe intersectionnelle et décoloniale.Réalisé entre 2011 et 2013, le travail de terrain a permis de saisir la façon dont le développement minier régional reconfigure les rapports productifs qui engendrent des nouvelles formes de différentiation sociale et de nouvelles alliances trans-sectorielles et multi-scalaires. L’enquête réalisée auprès des militants locaux a mis en évidence la politisation des identifications ethniques et de genre dans les mobilisations d’opposition aux activités minières, ainsi que la reproduction des hiérarchies sociales qu’elles sous-tendent. Les trajectoires militantes et les enjeux nationaux du conflit ont éclairé un processus de réorganisation politique et de réappropriation de l’état par le bas. Finalement, l’analyse des représentations du conflit circulant dans l’espace public national et médiatique international pendant la période 2013-2016 permet de saisir les éléments de continuité et de rupture dans les imaginaires de l’altérité. En émerge notamment, en lien avec l’expansion des activités extractives et des mobilisations sociales, une reconfiguration de la catégorie d’« indigène » et du régime d’altérité nationale dont il relève<br>This thesis analyses the transformation of social relations connected to the recent development of mining activities in the northern Peruvian Andes, which has given rise to a politicisation of ethnic and gender relations in social movements opposing extractive activities. It approaches this topic through an ethnography of the Cajamarca region, one of the main areas of national mining investment since 1992, and the militant network that has opposed the implementation of the Minas Conga mining project since 2011. The research method employed combines an ethnography of activism with a socio-history of ethnic categorisation, and adopts to this end an intersectional, decolonial feminist approach. Fieldwork research carried out between 2011 and 2013 provided insights into the ways in which regional mining development can reconfigure productive relations, creating new forms of social differentiation as well as new trans-sectorial and multi-scalar alliances. A focus on local militants has revealed the politicisation of ethnic and gender identifications in mobilisations against mining activities, as well as the reproduction of underlying social hierarchies. Activist trajectories and the national stakes of the conflict shed light on a process of political reorganisation and appropriation of the state from below. Finally, the analysis of activist representations circulating in the national public space and international media between 2013 and 2016 reveals the elements of continuity and rupture in the representation of Otherness. What emerges in particular, within the context of expanding extractive activities and social mobilisations, is a reconfiguration of the category of “indigenous” and the national regime of otherness from which it derives

À partir de la fin du 18ème siècle, une petite société plantationnaire de coton est établie sur l’archipel de San Andres et Old Providence, situé à l’intersection des côtes nicaraguayennes, du Sud de la Jamaïque et du Nord de la Colombie. Entre 1834 et 1851, celle-ci se démantèle au cours du processus d’émancipation sous l’autorité du pasteur baptiste Philippe Beekman Livingston, descendant du principal négrier écossais de ces îles et issu d’une famille d’esclavagistes installée sur l’île d’Old Providence et à la Jamaïque. De son projet missionnaire s’apparentant au concept baptiste jamaïcain de Free Village, naît une société insulaire afro-anglo-créole « post-émancipation » fondée sur une idéologie égalitariste et dont le déploiement s’accélère à la fin du 19ème siècle. Si l’impitoyable rivalité entre les empires coloniaux a conduit la majorité des territoires caribéens à être successivement et/ou simultanément colonisés par les Britanniques et les Espagnols (entre autres), cet archipel se confronte, à partir du début du 20ème siècle, au prolongement du paradigme colonial cette fois incarné par la Colombie. Le gouvernement central colombien initie alors une politique d’acculturation par assimilation auprès de cette communauté insulaire jugée trop « afro », trop « antillaise » et trop « protestante » pour l’identité nationale que les élites politiques cherchent à affirmer. Localement connue comme la « colombianisation », cette politique assimilationniste reste aujourd’hui synonyme du traumatisme communautaire le plus explicite. Sur l’île de San Andres, à partir des années 1950, de profonds bouleversements démographiques, économiques, territoriaux, et socio-culturels sont annonciateurs d’un point de non-retour. Ne représentant plus que 30% de la population insulaire de l’île de San Andres, la minorisation de la communauté afro-anglo-créole, devient ainsi, à partir de la seconde moitié du 20ème siècle, l’expression la plus contemporaine du phénomène de double colonisation inhérent à la condition historique et politique de l’archipel.Ce phénomène de « dépossession » représente l’un des facteurs majeurs du processus identitaire contemporain des héritiers de la société livingstonienne, institutionnellement inauguré dans les années 1990 par la revendication communautaire d’une catégorie ethnique et autochtone : la catégorie raizal. Au-delà des approches inter-ethniques et généalogiques de l’émergence de la catégorie raizal, la thèse vise à comprendre les enjeux ontologiques de ce processus identitaire post-esclavagiste et postcolonial. Elle interroge son caractère « racinaire », bâti sur la mémoire du processus d’émancipation intrinsèquement reliée à la mémoire communautaire des terres, et dont le récit de la genèse puise dans la figure profondément paradoxale du pasteur Beekman Livingston, érigé en mythe fondateur de la communauté.En dépit de l’apparente insignifiance qui lui est souvent attribuée, en quoi la raïzalité est-elle l’éminente manifestation du récit moderne d’une inquiétude résistante d’exister ? Dans quelle mesure la raïzalité constitue-t-elle une réponse singulière à l’expérience violente de la dépossession ? Pourquoi dépasse-t-elle amplement les frontières de cet archipel injustement effacé de la carte régionale et mondiale des luttes d’existence contre-hégémoniques ?<br>From the end of the 18th century, a small cotton plantation society was established on the archipelago of San Andres and Old Providence, located at the intersection of the Nicaraguan Coast, southern Jamaica and northern Colombia. Between 1834 and 1851, this settlement was dismantled during the process of emancipation under the authority of the Baptist minister Philip Beekman Livingston, descendant of the main Scottish slave trader of both islands and from a family of slavers settled on Old Providence Island and Jamaica. From his missionary project, similar to the Jamaican Baptist concept of Free Village, was born a « post-emancipation » Afro-Anglo-Creole society based on an egalitarian ideology, whose deployment accelerated at the end of the 19th century. If the ruthless rivalry between colonial empires led the majority of Caribbean territories to be successively and/or simultaneously colonized by the British and the Spanish (among others), this archipelago was confronted, from the beginning of the 20th century, with the extension of the colonial paradigm, this time incarnated by Colombia. The Colombian central government then initiated a policy of acculturation by assimilation with this island community considered too « Afro », too « West Indian » and too « Protestant » for the national identity that the political elites were then trying to assert. Locally known as « Colombianization », this assimilationist policy remains today synonymous with the most explicit community trauma. On the island of San Andres, starting in the 1950s, profound demographic, economic, territorial, and socio-cultural upheavals were the harbingers of a point of no return. Representing only 30% of the island population of San Andres, the minorization of the Afro-Anglo-Creole community became, from the second half of the 20th century, the most contemporary expression of the phenomenon of double colonization inherent to the historical and political condition of the archipelago. This phenomenon of « dispossession » represents one of the major factors of the contemporary identity process of the heirs of the Livingstonian society, institutionnaly inaugurated in the 1990s by the community claim of an ethnic and indigenous category : the Raizal category. Beyond the inter-ethnic and genealogical approaches to the emergence of the Raizal category, the thesis aims to understand the ontological stakes of this post-slavery and postcolonial identity process. It questions its « root » character, built on the memory of the emancipation process intrinsically linked to the community memory of the land, and whose genesis is narrated by the paradoxical figure of Pastor Beekman Livingston, erected as the founding myth of the community. Despite the apparent insignificance often attributed to it, in what ways is Raizality a prominent manifestation of the modern narrative of a resistance to exist ? To what extent does Raizality constitute a singular response to the violent experience of dispossession ? Why does it go far beyond the borders of this unjustly erased archipelago on the regional and global map of counter-hegemonic struggles for existence ?<br>Desde finales del siglo XVIII, se estableció una pequeña sociedad de plantación de algodón en el archipiélago de San Andrés y Old Providence, situado en la intersección de la costa nicaragüense, el sur de Jamaica y el norte de Colombia. Entre 1834 y 1851, esta última fue desmantelada durante el proceso de emancipación bajo la autoridad del pastor bautista Philip Beekman Livingston, descendiente del principal comerciante de esclavos escocés de estas islas y de una familia de esclavistas asentada en la isla de Old Providence y en Jamaica. Su proyecto misionero, similar al concepto bautista jamaicano del Free Village, dio lugar a una sociedad insular afro-inglesa-kriol "post-emancipación" basada en una ideología igualitaria, que se aceleró a finales del siglo XIX. Mientras que la despiadada rivalidad entre los imperios coloniales hizo que la mayoría de los territorios del Caribe fueran colonizados sucesiva y/o simultáneamente por británicos y españoles (entre otros), este archipiélago se enfrentó, desde principios del siglo XX, a la extensión del paradigma colonial, esta vez encarnado por Colombia. El gobierno central colombiano inició entonces una política de aculturación a través de la asimilación de esta comunidad insular, considerada demasiado "afro", demasiado "antillana" y demasiado "protestante" para la identidad nacional que las élites políticas pretendían afirmar. Conocida localmente como "colombianización", esta política de asimilación sigue siendo hoy en día sinónimo del trauma comunitario más explícito. En la isla de San Andrés, a partir de los años 50, los profundos cambios demográficos, económicos, territoriales y socioculturales anunciaron un punto de no retorno. Con sólo el 30% de la población de la isla, la minorización de la comunidad afro-anglo-kriol se convirtió, a partir de la segunda mitad del siglo XX, en la expresión más contemporánea del fenómeno de la doble colonización inherente a la condición histórica y política del archipiélago. Este fenómeno de "desposesión" representa uno de los principales factores del proceso identitario contemporáneo de los herederos de la sociedad livingstoniana, inaugurado institucionalmente en los años 90 por la reivindicación comunitaria de una categoría étnica e indígena: la categoría raizal. Más allá de las aproximaciones interétnicas y genealógicas a la emergencia de la categoría raizal, la tesis pretende comprender las apuestas ontológicas de este proceso identitario post-esclavista y post-colonial. Cuestiona su carácter de "raíz", construido sobre la memoria del proceso de emancipación intrínsecamente ligado a la memoria comunitaria de la tierra, y cuya génesis es narrada por la figura profundamente paradójica del pastor Beekman Livingston, erigido en mito fundacional de la comunidad.A pesar de la aparente insignificancia que a menudo se le atribuye, ¿de qué manera la raizalidad es la manifestación prominente de la narrativa moderna de una necesidad vital y resistente de existir ? ¿En qué medida la raizalidad constituye una respuesta singular a la experiencia violenta del despojo? ¿Por qué va más allá de las fronteras de este archipiélago injustamente borrado en el mapa regional y mundial de las luchas contrahegemónicas por la existencia?

The contributors to Embodying Black Religions in Africa and Its Diasporas investigate the complex intersections between the body, religious expression, and the construction and transformation of social relationships and political and economic power. Among other topics, the essays examine the dynamics of religious and racial identity among Brazilian Neo-Pentecostals; the significance of cloth coverings in Islamic practice in northern Nigeria; the ethics of socially engaged hip-hop lyrics by Black Muslim artists in Britain; ritual dance performances among Mama Tchamba devotees in Togo; and how Ifá practitioners from Mexico, Colombia, Venezuela, Trinidad, and the United States join together in a shared spiritual ethnicity. From possession and spirit-induced trembling to dance, the contributors outline how embodied religious practices are central to expressing and shaping interiority and spiritual lives, national and ethnic belonging, ways of knowing and techniques of healing, and sexual and gender politics. In this way, the body is a crucial site of religiously motivated social action for people of African descent. Contributors. Rachel Cantave, Youssef Carter, N. Fadeke Castor, Yolanda Covington-Ward, Casey Golomski, Elyan Jeanine Hill, Nathanael J. Homewood, Jeanette S. Jouili, Bertin M. Louis Jr., Camee Maddox-Wingfield, Aaron Montoya, Jacob K. Olupona, Elisha P. Renne

AbstractIn this article, we analyze the relationship between mobility and the extractive economy of large copper mining in the Antofagasta region, located in the north of Chile. We will argue that extractivism generates various types of mobilities, which result in unequal processes of incorporation into the city, produced by the intersection of class, the origin of migration (internal and international), gender, ethnicity and race. On the basis of previous and ongoing research, we examined three types of mobilities to illustrate these inequalities: (i) internal migration, which played a decisive role in the settlement of the city and the region: (ii) circular internal mobility, under the figure of commuters: professionals, technicians and operators, mainly men, with different working conditions; and (iii) international migration from Bolivia, Colombia, Peru and other countries, attracted by job opportunities in the formal and informal sector, with good, medium or bad conditions depending on the ethno-national, “racial”, class and gender “marks”.

This chapter explores the complexity of creating national superheroes in multi-ethnic countries. Tracing the history of the comic book medium in Colombia and the development of Colombian superheroes, the chapter examines how the identifying processes of race and ethnicity function alongside a difficulty in transducing the tropes of US superheroes to make a truly representative Colombian superhero challenging to articulate. Using three case studies spanning from the late 1960s to the 2010s, the chapter gives a historical overview of how Colombian superheroes have variously adopted and moved away from the tropes of their US counterparts. Examining the articulation of Colombian identity in Maku, Tukano, and Zambo Dende, the chapter makes a case for how the development of transmedia strategies has been instrumental in moving the representation of the Colombian superhero forward, making it a profound example of how complex national identities can be embodied in the empowering cultural product of the superhero.

This chapter moves toward a broader discussion of the contributions this book offers to the study social movements and to scholars of race and ethnicity. The book developed a political fields approach in order to make three substantive arguments about the causes and consequences of the shift to ethno-racial legislation in Colombia and Brazil over the last three decades. The first argument is that the interplay between global factors and national political developments—paired with the strategic action of small black movements—best explains why Colombia and Brazil adopted these historic reforms. The second argument is that black rights and policies in Colombia and Brazil unfolded in two distinct moments of alignment, each of which corresponded with a different notion of blackness. The third and final empirical argument is that while there is no doubt that black movements in Colombia and Brazil have both been successful in pressuring the state to make both symbolic and substantive reforms, their struggles have led to only partial victories.

Abstract This chapter looks into the child protection system in Colombia. The protection of childhood is divided among the purposes of philanthropy, morality, social control devices, and equitable societies. Additionally, child protection systems justify their existence in an alleged inability of poor families to care for their children. Cases of abuse and violence against children are understood as situations of threat or violation of their rights due to omissions or non-compliance with the obligations of the state and society. Significant improvements have been recorded in the last few years concerning the quality of life of the child population. However, ethnicity, area of residence, and home characteristics remain as factors of the social service’s accessibility.

Using microdata from the censuses of eight countries in Latin America (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Guatemala, Mexico, Peru, and Uruguay), this paper describes matching patterns by age, ethnicity, and education among same-sex and different-sex couples. It shows that same-sex couples are more diverse than different-sex couples in terms of age, ethnicity, and education, although for ethnicity and education the differences are not large or statistically significant in all countries. It also reports notable differences between male and female same-sex couples, particularly in age and education matching.