Dissertationen zum Thema „Espagne républicaine“
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Le, Bigot Claude. „La poésie politique dans l'Espagne républicaine (1931-1939) : essai sur les formes d'une rupture idéologique“. Rennes 2, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990REN20004.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleIs there a language pertaining to political poetry? If one relies on a sociocritical analysis, one notices that the beginning of the Spanish republic occurred along with an ideological break in Spanish literature which is essentially prevailing in poetry. The commitment of writers as militant intellectuals led them to alter their artistic practice. If, at the beginning, political poetry tends to become propaganda, as the war goes on, its persuasive role hides behind the archetype that constitute the backbone of epic romancero. The linguistic analysis which tries to entrance a rhetoric of persuasion in accordance with the obvious of the message, equally helps to demonstrate that the notion of political poetry isn't a homogeneous whole ; nor is it a literary genre, since it fuses into already existing literary genres. Political poetry is grounded on using speech strategies and can be traced thanks to its didactic and polemical functions. When its persuasive function faces away, its poetical function takes its place again. Without giving up any of their ideological choices, the most advanced authors among them have created a "wartime lyricism" which enables them to combine their political speech with literary speech
Lemesle, Hervé. „Des Yougoslaves engagés au XXe siècle : itinéraires de volontaires yougoslaves en Espagne républicaine“. Paris 1, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA010631.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleLópez, Cabello Iván. „José Bergamín, une voix républicaine et dissidente dans l'Espagne de la Transition“. Thesis, Paris 10, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA100183/document.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleBased on a multidisciplinary approach and favoring the relation between historic and literary studies, this work is presented in three sections, each addressing the main topic: the dissident discourse of the writer José Bergamín in the Spanish Transition, from different angles. The first section approaches the subject based on issues related to the Historical Memory Movement in Spain along with a new understanding of the Spanish Transition to democracy. Against this background, Bergamín’s dissident voice takes on a whole new meaning that calls into question the marginalization of this outstanding 20th century Spanish intellectual. The second part presents a thematic analysis of Bergamín’s journalistic articles for Sábado Gráfico, the main source of reference for this research. Through this magazine Bergamín was able to freely express his opinions until censorship brought about his dismissal. The third part offers a political and chronological account of Bergamín’s discourse throughout the previously mentioned articles and portrays a testimony of dissent with the Spanish Transition, based on his opposition to monarchy and his struggle for the republic as an alternative. This research confirms the validity of the key hypothesis raised, namely that Bergamín was the spokesman of the «España peregrina», firmly rooted in a republican faith nurtured by historical memory and experience, opposed to the spirit of reconciliation and accord that guided the Transition and endorsed the present parliamentary monarchy, the original legitimacy of which he never stopped questioning
Partiendo de una apertura multidisciplinar y privilegiando la relación de los estudios históricos y literarios, se presenta el conjunto de este trabajo en tres partes que corresponden a acercamientos diferentes del tema, centrado en el discurso disidente del escritor José Bergamín en la Transición. La primera parte plantea un acercamiento al tema a partir de cuestiones relacionadas con el movimiento por la memoria en la España actual y con las relecturas de la Transición que se vienen haciendo, contexto en el que la voz disidente de Bergamín adquiere un nuevo significado que cuestiona la marginación que sigue caracterizando a esta destacada figura de la intelectualidad española del siglo XX. La segunda parte ofrece una presentación y una caracterización temática de la fuente principal consultada, que corresponde a la colaboración periodística que mantuvo con la revista Sábado Gráfico, gracias a la cual pudo expresar libremente su opinión, hasta que los problemas con la censura causaron su cese. La tercera y última parte ofrece una lectura política y cronológica del discurso ofrecido por Bergamín en dichos artículos, como una manifestación de la disidencia en la España de la Transición, basada en el rechazo de la monarquía y en la reivindicación de la república como alternativa. Esta investigación confirma la validez de la hipótesis principal planteada, según la cual Bergamín desempeñó el rol de portavoz de una «España peregrina», en base a una fe republicana alimentada por la memoria y la experiencia histórica, confrontada al espíritu de reconciliación y concordia que guió la Transición y que da sentido a la Monarquía parlamentaria vigente, cuya legitimidad de origen no dejó de cuestionar
Pinyol, Vidal Josep. „Iconographie et iconologie du dessin d'actualité dans la presse barcelonaise catalaniste et républicaine en langue catalane : 1870-1935“. Rennes 2, 2007. http://www.bu.univ-rennes2.fr/system/files/theses/thesepinyol.pdf.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleLn the latter third of the 19th century, the expansion of both cultural and political Catalanism coincided with the-clevelopment. Ofthe Catalane;languagepressin- whichihe-articleswere reinforced -by-theuse-of--. Political cartoons. Often appearing in the form of satirical tracts or caricatures, they iIIustrated and interpreted both important events and daily life in Barcelona. We can understand these images according to their iconology and iconography. These two concepts, as defined by Erwin Panofsky, reflect the socio-cultural environment in which the image was generated, as weil as the form and attributes related to diverse themes used by the illustrators. Three generations of Barcelonian political cartoonists illustrated current events in real time during the 65 years which separated the First Republic from the tragic end of the Second Republic. Both the diversity and the stylistic evolution of their work leads us towards an aesthetic interpretation of these illustrations, which also respects the natural evolution dictated by the major orientations in fine arts during this period in Catalonia
Joly, Maud. „Le corps de l’ennemie : histoire et représentations des violences contre les républicaines, Espagne (1936-1963)“. Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011IEPP0060.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThis research is devoted to the analysis of sexual acts of violence committed by the nationalist camp against republican women during the period of the Spanish Civil War and of the post-war years. This study aims at studying the meaning of acts which end up creating a grammar of violence. It also aims at showing that the way the body of the enemy is treated sheds lights on the very nature of the Francoist political project. The very decision to shave, purge, rape and sexually mutilate women - all very particular forms of violence - allows us to understand how the country plunged into violence, along with the totalizing dynamic of this violence and the way it is part of a long genealogy of the history of political, social and cultural confrontation in Spain. He study revolves around the analysis of the corporeity of war, rooted in the links between violence, sex and war between 1936 and 1939 but also around the identification of those who committed these violent acts, designated in archives by descriptions of violent acts mixed with fantasies as well as stereotypes, and finally around the analysis of the long period during which the country left the war in fits and starts, an analysis that pinpoints continuities, echoes, and abrupt changes in the evolution of political violence in Spain. The thesis here is that of an archaeology of sexual violent acts. This archaeology aims at casting new light, thanks to the study of facts that used to be relegated to the margins of history, on the Spanish Civil War and its aftermath. Beyond this particular goal, the idea is to write, through the analysis of these violent acts and of the fantasies that underpin and reinvent them, new pages
Martínez, Martínez Alba. „Las refugiadas del exilio republicano español en francia : género, identidades y experiencias (1939-1978)“. Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021PA080114.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThis PhD studies the Spanish Republican exile in France (1939-1978) from the perspective of women's and gender history, and from the theoretical assumptions of social and cultural history. In particular, we analyse the experiences and the process of construction of the refugee identity of "ordinary" women who arrived in France at the end of the civil war and during the years of the first Franco regime. Our main objective is to highlight female agency and, at the same time, to understand the gender logics that underpinned difference during exile. The research is structured in four chapters and around two main parts. The first part analyses women's experiences and identities at two central moments in the process of constructing refugee identity: the experience of internment and the attainment of refugee status. The second part studies women's experiences in the political sphere on the one hand, and in the intimate sphere on the other. Thus, we propose to understand the Republican exile in France as a context favourable to the reinforcement of women's subordination and at the same time conducive to the development and reinforcement of female tools to negotiate and/or transgress dependency. Refugee women proved to be subjects with a capacity for action, but this agency could not only be observed in the more liberating or progressive actions but also in those aimed at guaranteeing their own and the family group's stability, in such a way that it could be exercised at the same time from more transgressive gender roles and from more traditional ones which paradoxically strengthened domination
Léger, Eva. „L’exil républicain espagnol en Limousin : cartographie des mémoires, des imaginaires et des appartenances“. Thesis, Paris 10, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA100134.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThis work searches for the traces of the presence of exiles and refugees from the Spanish Civil War in the Limousin Region so as to question the relationship between memories and places, the remains and representations of the past in the present. First, the historical context, from the Spanish Civil War to the Second World War in Limousin, is considered, highlighting the unknown role of the Spanish exiles. This historical perspective is complemented by a theoretical framework in line with a multidisciplinary and methodological presentation of the study based on a corpus that includes 27 testimonies as well as on the participant observation within the “Association of the Ateneo Republicano of Limousin”. Secondly, the memories of the Spanish exile are analysed through three historical space-times: their reception in 1939, the Resistance and the 1944 massacres of the SS Das Reich division in Tulle and Oradour-sur-Glane. So as to understand the impact of the Spanish political refugees on the territory and the families, the last part of this work is focused on the identities of the exile. The geographical imaginary, the political culture and the affect are the three dimensions through which the individual and collective stories of the exiles’ offspring are analysed.The various observations made throughout the thesis are used to fuel an imaginary, dynamic and infinite map of the memories, imaginaries and affiliations regarding the past in the present of the investigation
Cosson, Franck. „L'intériorisation de l'universel la conscience républicaine comme être-commun : Idéalité politique et désingularisation. Recherches sur les fondements de la civilisation républicaine“. Metz, 2003. http://docnum.univ-lorraine.fr/public/UPV-M/Theses/2003/Cosson.Franck.LMZ0323.pdf.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThis philosophical thesis is deal with problematic of common political existence. The aim of this work is to propose a analysis of republican rationality to show it determines the conscience of citizens. The reflection is centre on republican universality to examine the effects it have on humanisation, particularely on human faculties. In a first time the autor show that universal politic act and the common conscience which accompagn it proceed by " desingularisation ". The problem of relations beetween subjectivity and objectivity is analysed. Effectively, universal political act put everybody in touch with everybody and objectivize every citizen including the relation to himself wich is now mediatized by the all political body. Phenomenological method is used to point out the caracteristics of republican rationality and the type of relation to other citizens it implics. From a phenomenological point of wiew, the autor wants to show political experience proceed by desingularisation and how individualities – consciences and bodis-, When aiming political objectities (republican), escape from empirical determinations and reach immaterality of political ideality (intimely connected with political body) which is universal and unifying
Nativité, Jean-François. „Culture d'ordre et identités régionales : la gendarmerie dans les départements pyrénéens (1939-1944)“. Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010MON30055.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAppearing among the first studies of the new historical building site of the national Gendarmerie, this work endeavours to revisit under the ignored angle of the frontier Pyrenean departments of Spain, the delicate question of the role of the police force lasting the Second World War. The central interrogation of this PhD rests on the physical and psychic upheavals of a police force with military statute subjected to various destabilizing factors. While taking on the one hand as bases initial the specific structure, the legal framework, the missions and the state of mind which constitute the identity of the gendarmerie of pre-war period and on the other hand, compost political, economic and psychological Pyrenean, the objective is to cross the endogenous and exogenic data related to the reorganization of the weapon of the Forties, to obtain a behavioural typology able to answer three types of interrogations. First of all, how the gendarmes stationed in the Pyrenees did live the countryside of 1939-1940 and which was their contribution to the effort of war ? Then, for the period of the Occupation born of the defeat of France, whereas the near total of Pyrenean space remains in free zone until November 1942, up to what point were the local gendarmes concerned with the ordinances taken by the winners ? Which was the resultant of the transformations wanted by the mode of Vichy and of the new tasks imposed to the gendarmes in post office at the Spanish border ? Lastly, in an area which was presented a long time in the form of a territory being even released to him of the yoke of the occupant, how did the gendarmes pass the course of the Release and the re-establishment of republican legality ? To the favour of the welding symbolic system of the year 1939, the first part of this reflexion attempts to point out and define the place of the gendarmerie as military body in charge of the maintenance of law and order, in the context Pyrenean socio-history. This assessment of competences wants to be before just like a feature of union connecting the chain of times and being used of point of inking for comprehension of the posterior metamorphoses. The second part of this work is it reserved for the "ways of the abyss", this event-driven trajectory, which fall of Barcelona to the total occupation of the Pyrenees in November 1942, subjected the local gendarmerie of the lawful, functional and psychological distortion with which it was not prepared. Finally to finish, the last part of this study is devoted to the period going of the winter 1942 at the end of November 1944, which marks the resurgence and the found independence of the national Gendarmerie
Marin, Manuel. „Les élections à Sabadell de 1869 à 1910“. Rouen, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990ROUEL115.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleIn Sabadell, an important textile catalonian center, the electors's social-professional situation is the principal explicative factor of electoral behaviours; the influences of electoral propaganda, of religion, of the political system and of illiteracy were secondary. The electoral participation of immigrants is a sign of their integration within the workers's community. The strong electoral mobilization of workers in favour of federalists decreased fraud and "caciquisme" and led to a real democratic life in Sabadell. In spite of their involvement to the anarchist trade-unionist thesis in the social field, nearly all the workers voted for federalists who had integrated in their reformist project the main working claims. After the slump in 1898, the local middle class broke with the dynastic parties gradually and joined the "Lliga Regionalista", the new political instrument of the catalonian middle class. In 1906, the making-up of "solidaritat catalana" gave rise to a serious slump within local federalism, which enabled the Lerrouxistes to settle in Sabadell
Medinilla, Sofia. „Les républicains espagnols entre la France et le Mexique : Histoire et mémoires (de 1939 à nos jours)“. Thesis, Perpignan, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PERP0005.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThis PhD work is mainly devoted to the historiographical and sociological study of the Spanish Republican exile from 1939 (also known as the “Retirada”), in France and Mexico. This allows us to reveal some unknown and the most critical points of this part of the history of the 20th century. We have proceeded to a panoramic review of the current heritage of this history which have been remained buried, for a long time, in the memories of people who have directly or indirectly experienced it. Thus, confronting us directly to the memories of three generations of heirs of this memory, especially in Spain, France and Mexico, we were able to clarify issues, not previously addressed, or poorly. In this way, it allows us to put under erasure some persistent blanks of this history. This work consist of three parts. The first part reminds the objective facts related to the Spanish Civil War (object of our investigation); in this way, we enter gradually into our global issue: Republican exile in France and Mexico. Little by little, we address all past events, the objectives and consequences of human activities, the attitude of some heirs face to their traumatic heritage, sometimes unknown and / or forgotten. In the second part we highlight the situation of Mexico, under the presidency of Cárdenas 1934-1940, in order to better understand the role of Mexico in the Spanish Civil War, the reception reserved by Mexico to the exiled Republicans, and the contribution of the Republican exile in the economic, social and cultural development of Mexico after its own revolution. In the last part, we make a review of the current heritage of this part of the history of the 20th century that still currently affects thousands of descendants. Some testimonies (transmitted or obtained as a result of interviews), that focus on very specific points, prove that all that relates to the Spanish Revolution (1931-1939) is immersed in a strange light, due to the absence or refusal of official recognition. Consequently, the after-effects remain and the scars are still very intense. We conclude this work, examining literary and poetic works of Jordi Soler and Gregorio Oliván, some masterpiece of different genres and periods. All have the characteristic to be related to the Spanish Republican exile. Beyond their artistic dimension, their reference content can be considered as worthy historical testimonies, reflecting the sad truth of the historical tragedy which occurs during the Republican exile in 1939
Bordier, Julien. „Le musée national entre principe républicain et question démocratique“. Thesis, Paris 10, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA100028/document.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAs a revolutionary invention, art museum opened to the public in France is an institution that offers a contradictory space, in different levels: in the conflicts of the origins of the museum, in the validation of its relation of an institutionalized power, in the conceptualization of its public dimension. Mixing the particular history of this institution with an evolution of political issue, is a way to name these contradictions. This highlights a tension between two antagonistic poles, but in a constant dialogue, republican principle and democratic question. This conflictual dialogue has to be understood as an identification process and its crisis. This tension appears relevant to analyze national museums and cultural Policy during the french Fifth Republic. Therefore, national museum seems to be a republican institution and how “cultural democratization” enunciate itself with democratic question. From these reflexions, evolution of national museums and cultural Policy since 2000, and, the large amendments they know, are analyzable. Amendment of national museums presents itself as a modernization of their management and administration, by alleviating their ministerial tutelage. We analyze these amendments effects from two examples, Louvre and Orsay museums, by studying legislative dispositions, public statements of their directorate and interviews with employees in the museums. After this amendment movement has been contextualized and defined, it is analyzed from the tension between republican principle and democratic question. It is reconfigured and shifted in a new kind of museum appearing: company-museum
Moiron, Pascale. „L'Histoire d'un oubli : les républicains espagnols réfugiés en France à travers l'exemple de la Loire (1936-1945)“. Paris, EHESS, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014EHES0040.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThe story of Spanish republicans refugees in France is mostly unknown. In the department of Loire, far from the Pyrenean border, various informations paradoxicaly have been collected on this subject. In the press, the Spanish War was ubiquitous. It created a sense of solidarity with, for example, a Spanish Children Hosting Committe in Saint-Étienne. The Loire received 120 refugees in 1936, 900 Basque refugees in 1937 and 1 260 Spanishs in 1939, after the defeat of the republicans. So, the lack of memory can only be explained by the contents of this history. In fact, the accomodation centers, the sanatorium, the Groupings of Foreigners Workers (GTE in French) were camps for foreigners. Their primary purpose was to control "undesirable" foreigners, to organize repatriations or to exploit their strength of work. Then, a continuity clearly appears between the Daladier government and Vichy. Lastly, in the Loire, as in the régions of South-West, the Spanish republicans took an active part in the freeing of France. But, ail these elements do not belong to the memory producted by the historisants of these localities. This is also the case at the national level : the taught history, in « Troisième » and « Seconde », highlights the oblivion. Furthemore, the lack of memory can also be explained with the low visibility of the memory of the exile. The work of spanish memory producing groups fails, in spite of the use of ritualisation, evenementialisation and historisation. The writing give the right to forget to the sons and girls of Spanish republicans. This lack of memory in eclipse enables an integration to the French nation
Foehn, Salome. „Les philosophes de l'exil republicain espagnol de 1939“. Thesis, Paris 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA030151/document.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleSpanish Republican philosophers in exile sided with the Second Republic, legally proclaimed on April 14, 1931. They embraced the anti-fascist cause rising in the 1920s and 1930s in Europe. During the Civil war they stood among the people. The war lasted three years. 1939 saw the victory of General Francisco Franco, supported by Nazi Germany and the Italy of Mussolini. Threatened with death, they had no choice but to escape Spain. Some intellectuals experienced French concentration camps but, for the most part, they found refuge in Latin America, especially in Mexico and Venezuela. In exile, they swore to remain loyal to the Second Republic and to the spirit of the Spanish people. These philosophers belonged to the vainquished, as those everywhere in Europe who, moved by liberal views and humane ideals rised against Fascist barbarity. As a result, their respective works are still widely unknown today – despite restless efforts made to promote their thought to a larger audience for over half a century. In addition to the historical context of crisis during the interwar period, the situation of Spanish philosophy itself is suggestive. Indeed, Spanish philosophy was institutionalised at the beginning of the twentieth century only ; the Schools of Madrid and Barcelona were created. In this sense, Spain caught up on other European countries, Germany especially. These politics of cultural and intellectual renovation are first bestowed upon the generation of philosophers I study, born in the 1900s. When the Spanish war erupts, they had become professionals of international recognition. This shows the actual limits of academic philosophy, incapable of taking or unwilling to accept unorthodox ways of philosophising. The experience of exile itself serves in my opinion as a catalyst : Spanish republican philosophers in exile seek emancipation from academic conventions to philosophise freely ; that is, in Spanish and according to the spirit of the people. No doubt "poetic reason" – the true invention of Spanish republican exile – stems from this ideal of autonomous thinking
Fintzel, Julie. „Le personnage apocryphe dans l'oeuvre de Max Aub“. Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015AIXM3072.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThis doctoral thesis has benn aproached in a perspective of history of literature, and aims to consider a global thought about the nature, the meaning and the impact of the use of the apocryphal for the Spanish writer Max Aub (Paris, 1903, Mexico City, 1972). The process underpins the ambitious project of "El Laberinto Mágico" ̶The Magic Labyrinth ̶, which groups together the works dedicated to the Spanish Civil War. Max Aub breaks with a first experimental practice of literature to focus from this point onward on the game of a character firmly immersed in History. The creation of the apocryphal character takes for the author a value of existential testimony, which goes beyond the playful dimension of the fiction and reality mix. In a century characterized by wars and violence, in an author deeply marked by the Spanish Civil War and the painful uprooting experience, the apocryphal character also goes back to the question of identity, as well as the otherness experience , and the exploration of the other possible existential paths. This exploration of the limits of the narrative genre contributes to the resolution of the "crisis of the novel" in the twenties, it is also part of a double perspective, national and European, and is anchored in History, to the point where it gives of it a new vision
Repetto, Federico. „La formation médiatisée du citoyen en Italie pendant la transition vers la deuxième République“. Phd thesis, Université de Grenoble, 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00690917.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleGilles, Amaury. „Vivre et produire dans les campagnes de la colonie de Valence (IIe s. av. J.-C. - VIe s. apr. J.-C.)“. Thesis, Lyon, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LYSE2014.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleDuring the Antiquity, Valence is known as a roman colony like Lyon, Arles or Vienna, settled in the middle Rhône valley at the confluent of the Rhône and the Isère, and also at the crossroads of alpine route and the Via Agrippa. This strategic position confers to the colony an important role in the economy of the roman Gaul. Since the early Iron Age, this area is a link between the mediterranean and the celtic worlds.Even if the region is conquered by Rome since the end of the II c. B.-C., the colony is founded later, perhaps between 46 and 36 B.-C. and maybe already own his prestigious status of colonia of roman rights according to P. Faure and N. Tran hypothesis (2013). As a consequence of the foundation, the public soil is divided, centuriated, and distributed to thousands of new citizens.In this specific historical context, the citizens are chosen among the veterans of the roman army, who were Italians at this time. This decision should have huge demographic and cultural consequences on local communities. The legal status of the citizens gives them considerable economics advantages that stimulate the local economy. The studies devoted to the gallic provinces have shown that the following centuries see numerous changes affecting settlements and economic structures.Considering this historical context, I have chosen to evaluate the cultural and economic impact of this foundation by studying settlement patterns and material culture (architectural remains, objects of the daily life) between the II c. B.-C. to the VIth c. B.-C.The study of few hundreds of settlements allows us to introduce a complex and diachronic view of the settlements, their economic roles and relations with the colony.The chronological and functional study of the buildings and daily life objects allow us to assess finely the evolution through time about craftsmen’s techniques, lifestyle and highlight regional differences during a same period
Bourdon, Nicholas. „Pour la paix ou le chaos? : la justification des violences dans le camp républicain pendant la guerre civile espagnole : 1936-1937“. Thèse, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/22509.
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