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1
Darmawan, Harry. „LONGING FOR KEVIN RUDD AND HIS LEGACY IN IMPROVING AUSTRALIA-INDONESIA RELATIONS“. Journal of Social Political Sciences 2, Nr. 2 (29.05.2021): 189–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.52166/jsps.v2i2.58.
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Indonesia misses Kevin Rudd's figure. The emergence and victory of Kevin Rudd in the 2007 Australian elections seemed to be a speck of light in the improvement of bilateral relations between Australia and Indonesia at that time. He succeeded in turning Australia's foreign policy into a more humanist and Asia-centric direction. A thing that was previously very rare in the era of Prime Minister John Howard. Various policies were able to reconcile the romanticism of Garuda and the Kangaroo, which is the largest ruler in Southeast Asia and the Oceania Zone. This paper examines the dynamics of Kevin Rudd's victory in the 2007 Australian Election, as well as his golden legacy in fighting for harmonization of relations between Australia and Indonesia.
2
Blom, Michelle, Andrew Conway, Peter J. Stuckey und Vanessa J. Teague. „Did That Lost Ballot Box Cost Me a Seat? Computing Manipulations of STV Elections“. Proceedings of the AAAI Conference on Artificial Intelligence 34, Nr. 08 (03.04.2020): 13235–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1609/aaai.v34i08.7029.
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Mistakes made by humans, or machines, commonly arise when managing ballots cast in an election. In the 2013 Australian Federal Election, for example, 1,370 West Australian Senate ballots were lost, eventually leading to a costly re-run of the election. Other mistakes include ballots that are misrecorded by electronic voting systems, voters that cast invalid ballots, or vote multiple times at different polling locations. We present a method for assessing whether such problems could have made a difference to the outcome of a Single Transferable Vote (STV) election – a complex system of preferential voting for multi-seat elections. It is used widely in Australia, in Ireland, and in a range of local government elections in the United Kingdom and United States.
3
Williams, Paul D. „How Did They Do It? Explaining Queensland Labor's Second Electoral Hegemony“. Queensland Review 18, Nr. 2 (2011): 112–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/qr.18.2.112.
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Australia's entrenched liberal democratic traditions of a free media, fair and frequent elections and robust public debate might encourage outside observers to assume Australia is subject to frequent changes in government. The reality is very different: Australian politics have instead been ‘largely unchanged’ since the beginning of our bipolar party system in 1910 (Aitkin 1977, p. 1), with Australians re-electing incumbents on numerous occasions for decades on end. The obvious federal example is the 23-year dominance of the Liberal-Country Party Coalition, first elected in 1949 and re-endorsed at the following eight House of Representatives elections. Even more protracted electoral hegemonies have been found at state level, including Labor's control of Tasmania (1934–82, except for 1969–72) and New South Wales (1941–65), and the Liberals' hold on Victoria (1952–82) and South Australia (1938–65, most unusually under one Premier, Thomas Playford). It is therefore not a question of whether parties can enjoy excessively long hegemonies in Australia; it is instead one of how they achieve it.
4
Paull, John. „Pandemic Elections and the Covid-Safe Effect: Incumbents Re-elected in Six Covid-19 Safe Havens“. Journal of Social and Development Sciences 12, Nr. 1(S) (22.06.2021): 17–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jsds.v12i1(s).3159.
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The Antipodes have been amongst the safest places on the planet during the Covid-19 pandemic. The governments of Australia and New Zealand (national, state, and territory governments) have acted promptly, decisively, and cohesively in closing borders, quarantining incoming returnees, instigating rigorous contact tracing and extensive testing, social distancing, hand washing, masks, and occasional lockdowns. Antipodean governments and populations have long experience of awareness and compliance with biosecurity issues. Isolation and distance have long served to keep Australia and New Zealand free of many pests and diseases. Each Antipodean election held during the Covid-19 pandemic has returned the incumbent. During the first 14 months of the pandemic, six out of six incumbent governments facing elections during the Covid pandemic have been returned. Five returned incumbents were center-left while the sixth was center-right. Four of the elections have rewarded the incumbent government with an increased majority, the Northern Territory election returned a reduced majority, and the Tasmanian election returned the status quo with the narrowest of majorities maintained. The New Zealand election returned the Labor government to power in their own right and released them from the coalition. The Western Australian election saw Labor returned with a landslide result with an unprecedented, win of 53 out of 59 seats (90% of seats). The object of the present paper is to report the outcomes of the six antipodean elections conducted during the Covid-19 pandemic (to date) and to reflect on the Covid-safe effect on them if any.
5
Warhurst, John. „Australia after the elections“. Round Table 74, Nr. 294 (April 1985): 104–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358538508453689.
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F. Recher, Harry. „Australian Elections, Wilderness and the Lost Billions“. Pacific Conservation Biology 4, Nr. 3 (1998): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/pc980177.
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As I write this editorial, Australia is in the final week of national elections. Apart from the appearance of a strongly nationalistic, and minority, party which the media has promoted as racist, it is unlikely that Australia's election has received much notice outside Australia. Yet there are aspects to this election which should disturb anyone interested in achieving global ecological sustainability and the conservation of global biodiversity. First, there has been a conspicuous silence from the major political parties concerning environmental issues. To be sure, the sitting conservative government has rolled out the pork barrel and grandly announced funding for local conservation initiatives ? especially in marginal seats ? but there has been no debate on issues nor have environmental policies been afforded even a small fraction of the attention given to the economy, unemployment, health or education. Moreover, the projects funded do nothing to resolve the underlying causes of Australia's declining environmental quality (e.g., land clearing, unsustainable logging practices, over grazing, and excessive demands on fresh water). This is despite the fact that respondents to polls continue to list the environment among the most important issues concerning Australians.
7
Goot, Murray. „Elections Matter: Ten Federal Elections That Shaped Australia“. Australian Journal of Politics & History 65, Nr. 3 (September 2019): 492–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12601.
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8
Economou, Nick. „Elections Matter: Ten Federal Elections That Shaped Australia“. Australian Historical Studies 50, Nr. 4 (02.10.2019): 541–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1031461x.2019.1662542.
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9
Goodin, Robert E., und James Mahmud Rice. „Waking Up in the Poll Booth“. Perspectives on Politics 7, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2009): 901–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709991873.
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Judging from Gallup Polls in the United States, the United Kingdom, and Australia, opinion often changes during an election campaign. Come election day itself, however, opinion often reverts back nearer to where it was before the campaign began. That that happens even in Australia, where voting is compulsory and turnout is near-universal, suggests that differential turnout among those who have and have not been influenced by the campaign is not the whole story. Inspection of individual-level panel data from 1987 and 2005 British General Elections confirms that between 3 and 5 percent of voters switch voting intentions during the campaign, only to switch back toward their original intentions on election day. One explanation, we suggest, is that people become more responsible when stepping into the poll booth: when voting they reflect back on the government's whole time in office, rather than just responding (as when talking to pollsters) to the noise of the past few days' campaigning. Inspection of Gallup Polls for UK snap elections suggests that this effect is even stronger in elections that were in that sense unanticipated.
10
Jackman, Simon. „Measuring Electoral Bias: Australia, 1949–93“. British Journal of Political Science 24, Nr. 3 (Juli 1994): 319–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006888.
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Electoral systems translate citizens' votes into seats in the legislature, and are thus critical components of democracies. But electoral systems can be unfair, insulating incumbents from adverse electoral trends, or biasing the mapping of votes to seats in favour of one party. I assess methods for measuring bias and responsiveness in electoral systems, highlighting the limitations of the popular ‘multi-year’ and ‘uniform swing’ methods. I advocate an approach that incorporates constituency-level and jurisdiction-wide variation in party's vote shares. I show how this method can be used to elaborate both the extent and consequences of malapportionment. I then present election-by-election estimates of partisan bias and responsiveness for ninety-three state and federal elections in Australia since 1949. The empirical results reported show that the coalition parties have generally ‘out-biased’ the Australian Labor party, despite some notable pro-ALP biases. The overall extent of partisan bias in Australian electoral systems, however, has generally diminished in magnitude over time.
11
Monnox, Chris. „“Men, money, and motors”: The motor car as an emerging technology in Australian Federal Election Campaigns, 1903–31“. Journal of Transport History 40, Nr. 2 (27.02.2019): 232–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022526619831396.
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The appearance of the car in early twentieth-century Australia significantly re-shaped election campaigns. Political parties used cars to bring voters to polling places, and some voters took advantage of elections by making their voting contingent on these free rides. Politicians and other campaigners took exception to the cost of supplying cars and to the attitudes evident in demands for rides. Some saw compulsory voting as a way of forcing voters to provide for their own transportation. Introduced mostly in the 1920s, compulsory voting’s impact was initially muted. But over time it did change how cars were used in Australian politics. One hundred years on compulsory voting remains in force in Australia, and cars are still seldom used on election day. This serves as an enduring example of how new technologies could have a disruptive impact on campaigning prior to the advent of radio and television.
12
Reilly, Benjamin. „Ranked Choice Voting in Australia and America: Do Voters Follow Party Cues?“ Politics and Governance 9, Nr. 2 (15.06.2021): 271–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i2.3889.
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Ranked choice voting (RCV) is experiencing a surge of interest in the United States, highlighted by its 2018 use for Congressional elections in Maine, the first application of a ranked ballot for national-level elections in American history. A century ago, the same system was introduced in another federal, two-party continental-sized democracy: Australia. RCV’s utility as a solution to inter-party coordination problems helps to explain its appeal in both countries, underscoring the potential benefits of a comparative analytical approach. This article examines this history of adoption and then turns to a comparison of recent RCV elections in Maine with state elections in New South Wales and Queensland, the two Australian states which share the same form of RCV as that used in the United States. This comparison shows how candidate and party endorsements influence voters’ rankings and can, over time, promote reciprocal exchanges between parties and broader systemic support for RCV. Such cross-partisan support helps explain the stability of RCV in Australia, with implications for the system’s prospects in the United States.
13
Fischer, A. J. „Electoral Distortion under STV Random Sampling Procedures: A Comment“. British Journal of Political Science 18, Nr. 1 (Januar 1988): 142–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005007.
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In a recent Note in this Journal by Gallagher and Unwin, it was stated that the element of randomness due to sampling surplus votes in single transferable vote (STV) elections ‘has long been recognized, but no previous attempt has been made to assess its impact’. This is incorrect. Work done in Australia (and reported in the leading Australian journals in their respective fields) has comprehensively dealt with this problem both in theory and practice. Since STV is practised in national elections in only three countries (Australia, Ireland and Malta, the most populous being Australia) it is surprising that contributors to, and referees of, this Journal should be unaware of such material. It was largely because of the evidence contained in these articles that the Joint Committee on Electoral Reform recommended to the Australian Parliament an amendment to the Electoral Act, to avoid the problems caused by sampling votes, by using the Gregory method of counting them. The Act was amended in this way in 1983.
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Jensen, Jakob Linaa, und Sander Andreas Schwartz. „Introduction: A Decade of Social Media Elections“. Social Media + Society 8, Nr. 1 (Januar 2022): 205630512110634. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20563051211063461.
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Social media has been a part of election campaigns for more than a decade. In this special issue, we combine longitudinal and cross-national studies of social media in election campaigns, expanding the time span as well as number of countries compared to former comparative studies. The four papers present examples of longitudinal studies, covering multiple election cycles from four different countries: Australia, the United States of America, Denmark, and Italy. By including the countries mentioned, we focus on countries considered to be “first movers” when it comes to the digitization and internetization of the political life. As such, they are “most similar cases.” However, they also have different political systems: the United States and Australia are characterized by a Westminster system dominated by a few large parties and a tradition of strong confrontation between government and opposition, whereas Denmark and Italy are multi-party systems with a tradition of collaboration and coalition governments. Technologically, the four countries might be similar, but politically and in terms of media systems, they differ; the United States is characterized by a commercialized American media system with little role for public service broadcasters, Denmark has very strong public service media, and Australia has elements of both these systems. Finally, Italy represents a Southern European media system with traces of clientelism as well as public service media. Thus, studies of the four countries form a diverse yet solid set of cases for exploring the growing (and changing) role of social media in national elections.
15
Bean, Clive, und Anthony Mughan. „Leadership Effects in Parliamentary Elections in Australia and Britain“. American Political Science Review 83, Nr. 4 (Dezember 1989): 1165–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1961663.
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Political party leaders are an increasingly influential electoral force in contemporary liberal democracies. We test the hypothesis that their appeal is idiosyncratic, that is, that their electoral effect is a function of the leadership qualities voters perceive individual candidates as possessing. Thus, the less similar their personality profiles, the more the characteristics influencing the vote should differ from one leader to another. A comparison of Australia and Britain finds the opposite to be the case. Despite the divergent profiles of party leaders, the precise characteristics influencing the vote are remarkably similar in the two countries. This does not mean, however, that variation in the distribution of these characteristics is unimportant. It can affect the balance of the party vote and may even have been the difference between victory and defeat for the Australian Labor party in the closely fought 1987 election.
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HAYES, BERNADETTE C., und IAN McALLISTER. „Gender, Party Leaders, and Election Outcomes in Australia, Britain, and the United States“. Comparative Political Studies 30, Nr. 1 (Februar 1997): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414097030001001.
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Election outcomes are now, more than at any time in the past, determined by voters' assessments of party leaders. However, despite its potential importance, little is known about the differences in how men and women view political leaders. This article uses recent Australian, British, and U.S. survey data to examine gender differences in the evaluations that voters make of party leaders. The results show that there are comparatively few gender differences in the personal qualities that voters rate as important, with the exception of British Labour's Neil Kinnock, who was rated more highly by men, and Bill Clinton, who was rated more highly by women. However, what gender differences in leader evaluations that do exist are mediated by partisanship and views on economic performance. In both Australia and the United States, gender significantly affects the vote, but in opposite directions. The results suggest that gender may have a more important future role in elections in these three countries.
17
Zvulun, Jacky Yaakov. „Postal Voting and Voter Turnout in Local Elections: Lessons from New Zealand and Australia“. Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 8, Nr. 2 (26.04.2010): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/8.2.115-131(2010).
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The relationship between postal voting and voter turnout in local elections needs to be investigated in the context of whether postal voting helps increase voter turnout in twenty-first century local elections. This assists to uplift the discourse about New Zealand and Australia local elections and its voter turnout. This article explores the method of postal voting history by looking at these two countries and analysing the method of political participation at the local level. It argues that postal voting no longer increases or decreases voter turnout in these countries.
KEYWORDS: • postal voting • voter turnout • local elections • participation • New Zealand
18
Howat, Peter, Bruce Maycock und Terry Slevin. „Community health advocacy to prevent social and health problems associated with gambling - a case study“. Australian Journal of Primary Health 11, Nr. 1 (2005): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/py05005.
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Federal and state elections provide opportunity for health advocacy. Prior to the elections political parties reformulate their policies, many of which are relevant to public health. The adverse effects of gambling have been minimised in Western Australia (WA) compared to other states and territories in Australia due to strict policies that limit the availability of electronic gaming machines (EGMs). In the lead-up to the 2001 state election, aggressive lobbying of politicians was undertaken in an attempt to allow the expansion of poker machines to hotels and licensed clubs throughout the state. The proponents of this were representatives of the hoteliers and licensed clubs who claimed their continued economic viability was dependent on such a move. Opponents consisted of a coalition of community groups and professional associations. This paper is a summary of the approach taken by health advocates that ultimately contributed to written endorsement of the two main political parties to maintain the moratorium on the expansion of poker machines in WA. Focus of the paper is given to one approach involving direct contact with political candidates. This approach holds promise for effective advocacy for other public health issues.
19
LEITHNER, CHRISTIAN. „A Gender Gap in Australia? Commonwealth Elections 1910-96“. Australian Journal of Political Science 32, Nr. 1 (März 1997): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361149750986.
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Bruns, Axel, Daniel Angus und Timothy Graham. „Twitter Campaigning Strategies in Australian Federal Elections 2013–2019“. Social Media + Society 7, Nr. 4 (Oktober 2021): 205630512110634. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20563051211063462.
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This special issue of Social Media + Society develops a cross-national, longitudinal perspective on the use of social media in election campaigns. Australia, where leading social media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter were adopted early and widely by the general population, and where federal election cycles are unusually short (often less than 3 years), provides a particularly suitable environment for observing the evolution of social media campaigning approaches. This article extends our analysis of previous federal election campaigns in Australia by examining Twitter campaigning in the 2019 election; to allow for a direct comparison with previous campaigns, it builds on a methodological and analytical framework that we have used since the 2013 election.
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Alekseev, Roman. „Blockchain technology in elections: past, present and future“. Journal of Political Research 4, Nr. 4 (18.12.2020): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2020-25-38.
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The purpose of the research is to use blockchain technology in the electoral process. The study was conducted on the example of blockchain technologies used in elections in the United States, Canada, Australia, Sierra Leone, Switzerland, Spain, Russia and other countries. The methodological basis of the research is based on the methods of comparative analysis and component analysis of definitions. Empirical methods of expert assessment and interviewing were used. The pros and cons of blockchain technologies and the possibility of using this innovative technology in elections of different levels are revealed. The advantages of inclusive blockchain technology include the mobility and accessibility of voting; minimizing the costs of organizing and conducting elections; de-bureaucratization by reducing the staff of election commissions; the possibility of excluding the impact on voters from participants in the electoral process; reducing the time for processing ballots and determining the results of voting; increasing the level of trust in electoral procedures on the part of citizens who usually do not participate in voting. Among the disadvantages of blockchain technologies, we can highlight: technical failures and hacker cyber-attacks; the possibility of hackers using data about voters, in case of hacking electronic databases; violation of the secrecy of voting.
22
Cruickshank, Joanna. „Race, History, and the Australian Faith Missions“. Itinerario 34, Nr. 3 (Dezember 2010): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115310000677.
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In 1901, the parliament of the new Commonwealth of Australia passed a series of laws designed, in the words of the Prime Minister Edmund Barton, “to make a legislative declaration of our racial identity”. An Act to expel the large Pacific Islander community in North Queensland was followed by a law restricting further immigration to applicants who could pass a literacy test in a European language. In 1902, under the Commonwealth Franchise Act, “all natives of Asia and Africa” as well as Aboriginal people were explicitly denied the right to vote in federal elections. The “White Australia policy”, enshrined in these laws, was almost universally supported by Australian politicians, with only two members of parliament speaking against the restriction of immigration on racial grounds.
23
Bowern, Michael. „An Ethical Method for Developing Electronic Voting Systems“. MANUSYA 7, Nr. 4 (2004): 46–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26659077-00704004.
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Recently there has been widespread concern about the use of electronic voting machines to record votes in elections. Although discussions on this technology have taken place in several countries, this paper will focus on the issues raised in the context of the USA presidential elections in 2000 and 2004. These concerns will be considered in the light of practices in Australia.
24
Cameron, Scott. „Policy Forum: Independent Platform Costing—Balancing the Interests of the Public and Parties“. Canadian Tax Journal/Revue fiscale canadienne 68, Nr. 2 (Juli 2020): 491–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.32721/ctj.2020.68.2.pf.cameron.
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This article provides an evaluation of the design of independent election platform costing in Canada, as established by the Parliament of Canada Act and the operating decisions of the parliamentary budget officer. The author compares the balance struck between serving the interests of the public and the interests of political parties in Canada with the balance struck in the Netherlands and Australia. Although Canada's legislation is tilted in favour of serving political parties, in practice the costing culture that evolved during the 2019 general election raised the level of debate and produced an amount of information comparable to what would be expected of a service designed to favour the public. The article concludes with a discussion of options for expanding the policy-costing service for future elections.
25
Kolios, Bill. „The Relationship between Credit, Elections, and Party Ideology in Australia“. Journal of Economic Issues 56, Nr. 3 (03.07.2022): 869–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00213624.2022.2093580.
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CAMERON, LISA, und MARK CROSBY. „It's the Economy Stupid: Macroeconomics and Federal Elections in Australia“. Economic Record 76, Nr. 235 (Dezember 2000): 354–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4932.2000.tb00032.x.
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Gibson, Rachel K., und Ian McAllister. „New media, elections and the political knowledge gap in Australia“. Journal of Sociology 51, Nr. 2 (06.05.2014): 337–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783314532173.
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Jain, Purnendra. „Elections in Indo-Pacific: 2019: Introduction to the Special Issue“. Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 5, Nr. 1 (17.02.2020): 3–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891120907750.
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This special issue presents analyses of the elections in India, Japan, Thailand, the Philippines and Australia, each written by a specialist with extensive experience of domestic politics and elections in their country of study. These articles offer detail and rich analysis of the elections in the five Indo- Pacific countries, all held in 2019. The analyses presented in this issue reveal some clear trends emerging from these elections. First, the ruling parties in each of these countries were returned to power or given endorsements, producing continuity in government. Second, in most cases the opposition forces seem frail and divided. Third, on the Asian political landscape, as in many other countries around the world, conservative nationalist and right-wing populist leaders dominate national politics.
29
Barber, Greg, und Andrew Klassen. „Climate change, the Australian Greens, and dynamics of party competition across five national elections in Australia“. Australian Journal of Political Science 56, Nr. 1 (02.01.2021): 56–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2021.1879008.
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Claudio, Fernanda. „The Ambiguous Migrant. A Profile of African Refugee Resettlement and Personal Experiences in Southeast Queensland, Australia“. Diversité urbaine 14, Nr. 1 (16.12.2014): 117–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1027817ar.
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Australian history is marked by immigration control and attempts to exclude foreigners. Exclusionary strategies toward foreigners are expressed in policies that limit numbers and types of migrants and foster exclusionist attitudes amongst the population. Successive Australian prime ministers have won elections based on policies of immigration and border control. Fear and rejection of foreigners characterize current policies toward asylum seekers and refugees; importantly, this stance also affects the allocation of resources to support refugee resettlement. I examine the implications of underfunding health and social support services for African refugees in Brisbane. A profile of this population is provided along with a discussion of resettlement services. Abdominal pain and inadequate responses by the health system serve to exemplify the complex experiences of newcomers who have not yet found their place in Australia.
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LEIGH, ANDREW, und MARK MCLEISH. „Are State Elections Affected by the National Economy? Evidence from Australia“. Economic Record 85, Nr. 269 (Juni 2009): 210–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4932.2009.00549.x.
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Gray, Anthony. „The Protection of Voting Equality in Australia“. Federal Law Review 44, Nr. 3 (September 2016): 557–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0067205x1604400309.
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This paper argues that the High Court should accept that the Commonwealth Constitution embraces the concept of voter equality, such that systems of malapportionment may be liable to constitutional challenge. Specifically, it argues that ss 7 and 24 of the Constitution create a system of representative government and representative democracy which require that elections be free and fair, and that a malapportionment could potentially interfere with the system of representative democracy which the Constitution requires. Recent case law reinforces notions of equality in ss 7 and 24, which can be applied in the context of voter equality.
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Rowbottom, Jacob. „The Law of Politics: Elections, Parties and Money in Australia, Second Edition“. King's Law Journal 31, Nr. 1 (02.01.2020): 164–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09615768.2020.1741140.
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Grimshaw, Patricia. „Comparative Perspectives on White and Indigenous Women's Political Citizenship in Queensland: The 1905 Act to Amend the Elections Acts, 1885 to 1899“. Queensland Review 12, Nr. 2 (November 2005): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600004062.
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The centenary of the passage in early 1905 of the Act to Amend the Elections Acts, 1885 to 1899, which extended the right to vote to white women in Queensland, marks a moment of great importance in the political and social history of Australia. The high ground of the history of women's suffrage in Australia is undoubtedly the passage of the 1902 Commonwealth Franchise Act that gave all white women in Australia political citizenship: the right to vote and to stand for parliamentary office at the federal level. Obviously this attracted the most attention internationally, given that it placed Australia on the short list of communities that had done so to date; most women in the world had to await the aftermath of the First or Second World Wars for similar rights.
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Lumentut, Dhea T., Yan G. Pelamonia und Johni R.V. Korwa. „ANALISIS KEBIJAKAN LUAR NEGERI JOHN HOWARD TERHADAP IMIGRAN ILEGAL DI AUSTRALIA“. Jurnal Asia Pacific Studies 4, Nr. 1 (30.06.2020): 46–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/japs.v4i1.1632.
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This paper aims to analyze Australian Prime Minister John Howard’s foreign policy in responding to illegal immigrants who attempt to enter Australian territory by sea. This study employed library research as well as a qualitative approach. In particular, this study used the theory of foreign policy offered by Walter Calsnaes called ‘a logically tripartite approach’ to analyze Howard’s policy in responding to illegal immigrants. This paper found that Howard’s foreign policy in responding to illegal immigrants was not only state-centric in nature focusing on protecting Australian sovereignty, but the policy also had a purpose to maintain power control. Firstly, Howard was willing to show the world that his leadership was different compared to his predecessors, asserting that Australia should not be regarded as a country of easy destination. Secondly, Howard showed that limiting the number of illegal immigrants was in the best interest of the country to protect Australians. Thirdly, Howard proved that his foreign policy towards illegal immigrants could influence the politics of Australia including federal elections. Lastly, Howard demonstrated his ability in the context of institutional settings by issuing new laws to strengthen his foreign policy.
Keywords: Australia, John Howard, Illegal Immigrants, Policy
Abstrak
Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis kebijakan luar negeri Perdana Menteri John Howard dalam merespon para imigran ilegal yang datang ke Australia secara khusus melalui jalur laut. Studi ini menggunakan metode studi pustaka dan pendekatan kualitatif. Secara khusus, penulis menggunakan teori kebijakan luar negeri yang ditawarkan oleh Walter Carlsnaes yang disebut „a logically tripartite approach‟ untuk menganalisis kebijakan Howard dalam merespon imigran ilegal. Studi ini menemukan bahwa kebijakan luar negeri Howard dalam merespon imigran ilegal tidak hanya bersifat state-centric yang berfokus pada perlindungan kedaulatan negara, tetapi kebijakan itu juga memiliki motivasi untuk mempertahankan kekuasaan. Pertama, Howard ingin menunjukkan pada dunia bahwa ia adalah pemimpin yang berbeda dari pendahulunya dengan menegaskan bahwa Australia seharusnya tidak dipertimbangkan sebagai negara yang dapat dicapai dengan mudah. Kedua, Howard ingin menunjukkan bahwa pembatasan jumlah imigran ilegal adalah capaian kepentingan nasional untuk melindungi komunitas Australia. Ketiga, Howard menunjukkan bahwa kebijakannya terkait imigran ilegal dapat memengaruhi nuansa perpolitikan di Australia khususnya pada pemilihan umum federal. Keempat, Howard menunjukkan kemampuannya dalam konteks pengelolaan kelembagaan dengan mengeluarkan Undang-Undang baru hasil amandemen untuk memperkuat kebijakan luar negerinya.
Kata kunci: Australia, John Howard, Imigran Ilegal, Kebijakan
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Hellwig, Timothy, und Ian McAllister. „Party Positions, Asset Ownership, and Economic Voting“. Political Studies 67, Nr. 4 (22.01.2019): 912–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321718815781.
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Conventional wisdom holds that asset owners favor parties on the center-right. This assumption, however, ignores the possibility that party positions may shift over time and across contexts. The electoral payoff from ownership thus depends on how the policies of the major parties treat those assets. In this article, we argue that the prediction that asset holders support right-of-center parties rests on the position-taking strategies of parties. We test this expectation with evidence from six elections in Australia and with a dataset of post-election surveys in 25 advanced democracies. Utilizing different measures for key concepts, both analyses support our claims. Study findings identify the supply side of electoral competition as an important condition for patrimonial economic voting and, more generally, confirm the role of parties in mobilizing voters around issues on which they have a competitive advantage.
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Stockemer, Daniel, und Rodrigo Praino. „Physical attractiveness, voter heuristics and electoral systems: The role of candidate attractiveness under different institutional designs“. British Journal of Politics and International Relations 19, Nr. 2 (08.02.2017): 336–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148116687533.
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While existing studies have shown that more attractive candidates running for office have an electoral advantage, very little has been written on how this advantage relates to different institutions. We theorise that formal institutions mediate the positive effect from which attractive candidates benefit. More in detail, we focus on the type of electoral system, hypothesising that physical attractiveness plays a more important role in majoritarian, first-past-the-post systems than in list proportional systems. We test this stipulation using the German federal elections’ two-tier electoral system, together with data collected in Australia on the physical attractiveness of German federal election candidates in 2013. A series of bivariate and multivariate statistics show that physical attractiveness is a significant factor explaining a candidate’s likelihood to win in the FPTP tier, but not in the list proportional representation (PR) tier.
38
Feijó, Rui Graça. „Timor-Leste in 2018“. Asian Survey 59, Nr. 1 (Januar 2019): 215–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2019.59.1.215.
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Timor-Leste entered 2018 with a political crisis that kept a minority government without the confidence of parliament. President Lú-Olo tried to resolve the situation by calling early elections, but the incumbency effect did not materialize, and the opposition won the polls. Timor-Leste celebrated an important treaty with Australia on their maritime borders in the Timor Sea.
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Harkness, Peter. „Labor Market 'Reform' in Australia: The New Industrial Relations Law and the Elections“. Monthly Review 59, Nr. 8 (04.01.2008): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-059-08-2008-01_4.
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Crouch, Andrew. „A coordinated satellite and terrestrial microwave backhaul for cellular mobile in remote and regional Australia“. Australian Journal of Telecommunications and the Digital Economy 1, Nr. 1 (15.12.2013): 23–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.18080/ajtde.v1n1.126.
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For several years prior to the Australian Federal elections in September 2013, Commonwealth Government telecommunications policy and legislation focussed exclusively on the fixed services National Broadband Network. This distracted broader public attention from the need for cellular mobile expansion in the more sparsely populated areas of the country. Commercial returns in these areas are clearly inadequate for unilateral private operator investment, making government participation crucial. Thus a commitment from the newly elected Coalition Government for a Mobile Black Spot co-investment programme marks a significant change of prospects for remote and regional Australia.
This paper proposes that the joint program should commence with a comprehensive financial and technical study of backhaul and base station technology options, to identify the most cost effective approaches. These options include the coordinated provisioning of modern satellite and terrestrial backhaul systems, utilising and upgrading existing HCRC microwave system infrastructure, and the implementation of small cell base station types.
It is especially timely for these opportunities to be considered now, during the present pre-launch design and construction phase for the NBN Ka band satellites.
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Crouch, Andrew. „A coordinated satellite and terrestrial microwave backhaul for cellular mobile in remote and regional Australia“. Journal of Telecommunications and the Digital Economy 1, Nr. 1 (15.12.2013): 23–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.18080/jtde.v1n1.126.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
For several years prior to the Australian Federal elections in September 2013, Commonwealth Government telecommunications policy and legislation focussed exclusively on the fixed services National Broadband Network. This distracted broader public attention from the need for cellular mobile expansion in the more sparsely populated areas of the country. Commercial returns in these areas are clearly inadequate for unilateral private operator investment, making government participation crucial. Thus a commitment from the newly elected Coalition Government for a Mobile Black Spot co-investment programme marks a significant change of prospects for remote and regional Australia.
This paper proposes that the joint program should commence with a comprehensive financial and technical study of backhaul and base station technology options, to identify the most cost effective approaches. These options include the coordinated provisioning of modern satellite and terrestrial backhaul systems, utilising and upgrading existing HCRC microwave system infrastructure, and the implementation of small cell base station types.
It is especially timely for these opportunities to be considered now, during the present pre-launch design and construction phase for the NBN Ka band satellites.
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Bloch, Noa, und Kim Rubenstein. „READING DOWN SECTION 44(i) OF THE AUSTRALIAN CONSTITUTION AS A METHOD OF AFFIRMING AUSTRALIAN CITIZENSHIP IN THE 21st CENTURY“. Denning Law Journal 30, Nr. 2 (08.08.2019): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5750/dlj.v30i2.1699.
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Until 2017, the most recent disqualification of a member of the Australian Parliament under section 44(i) of the Australian Constitution (‘Constitution’) was Senator Heather Hill in 1998. Remarkably, since 2017, almost twenty years after Sue v Hill, ten parliamentarians have resigned or been disqualified, triggering a series of by-elections. The catalyst for this flurry of activity occurred in July 2017, when Greens senator Scott Ludlam announced that at the time of his election, he was a citizen of New Zealand and was incapable of sitting in parliament under section 44(i). He was the first of ten senators and members of parliament to be referred to the High Court of Australia in the cases of Re Canavan and later Re Gallagher on questions of eligibility under section 44(i). Eight of these parliamentarians were disqualified, sparking national debate around parliamentary representation and membership within the Australian community. Since Re Canavan and Re Gallagher and indeed well before those cases, the section had and has continued to attract popular, journalistic, parliamentary and academic criticism. Consequently, there have been calls for a referendum on section 44(i) for a significant period of time. While the authors support this call, this article reflects on the cases and develops a different interpretive approach to section 44(i) which if argued by the parties and adopted by the Court, would have rendered a referendum unnecessary. By drawing on the earlier section 41 of the Australian Constitution case of R v Pearson; Ex parte Sipka and its majority judgment, as well as drawing upon the minority judgment of Murphy J and a more recent feminist judgment written by Kim Rubenstein, one of the authors of this article, we argue that the principles of representative democracy and the sovereignty of the people could have acted as a frame to read down section 44(i). Had this approach been adopted, the Court could have effectively placed the decision around disqualification of parliamentarians around the issue of dual citizenship, back into the hands of the elected representatives
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McAllister, Ian. „The End of a Labor Era in Australian Politics“. Government and Opposition 31, Nr. 3 (Juli 1996): 288–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1996.tb01192.x.
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The March 1996 Australian Federal Election Was The most important Australian election for more than a decade. It resulted in the return of the Liberal-National coalition to office after thirteen years in opposition, ending a period of unprecedented Labor-initiated change, first under the leader-ship of Bob Hawke and since 1991, Paul Keating.The election was also important because the new government will in all probability lead Australia into the new millennium and guide the country through a period of intense change in the Asia Pacific region; how the Liberal-Nationals approach the whole question of Australia's changing relationship with the world will shape Australia's future and wellbeing for decades to come. And finally, the election was notable for making John Howard prime minister during his second period as Liberal leader, a prospect that Howard himself had once ridiculed as akin to ‘Lazarus with a triple bypass’.
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Lehmann, Caitlyn. „Editorial“. Children Australia 42, Nr. 4 (29.11.2017): 225–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cha.2017.44.
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Among the plethora of minor parties fielding candidates in Australia's 2016 federal election was a relative newcomer called Sustainable Australia. Formed in 2010 and campaigning with the slogan ‘Better, not bigger’, the party's policy centrepiece calls for Australia to slow its population growth through a combination of lower immigration, changes to family payments, and the withdrawal of government agencies from proactive population growth strategies (Sustainable Australia, n.d.). At a global level, the party also calls for Australia to increase foreign aid with a focus on supporting women's health, reproductive rights and education. Like most minor parties, its candidates polled poorly, attracting too few votes to secure seats in the Senate. But in the ensuing months, the South Australian branch of The Greens broke from the national party platform by proposing the aim of stabilising South Australia's population within a generation (The Greens SA, 2017). Just this August, Australian business entrepreneur Dick Smith launched a ‘Fair Go’ manifesto, similarly calling for reductions in Australia's population growth to address rising economic inequality and a “decline in living standards” (Dick Smith Fair Go Group, 2017).
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Ahn, Suntai. „Comparative Political Finance Among the Five Democratic States: The United States, Great Britain, Australia, Japan, and South Korea“. Korean Journal of Policy Studies 16, Nr. 2 (28.02.2002): 23–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps16203.
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This study of comparative political fiancé deals primarily with how campaign money is regulated in five democratic states which include the United States, Great Britain, Australia, Japan, and South Korea. One central theme that can be detected in all the countries examined is that there is an universal trend towards consideration of the public funding of the electionerring process, with the United States leading the pack with a successful implementation of the public financing of its presidential elections since 1976. Japan and Korea are considered relatively newcomers in joining the ranks emerging democracies but both countries are certainly making valiant attempts at reforming their systems of campaign finances to ensure more transparency and accountability.
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Uggla, Fredrik. „Incompetence, Alienation, or Calculation?“ Comparative Political Studies 41, Nr. 8 (13.02.2008): 1141–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414007301702.
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This article focuses on the casting of invalid ballots and voting for extra-parliamentary parties. Drawing on evidence from more than 200 elections in Western Europe, Australia, New Zealand, and the Americas during the 1980-2000 period, it tests how well four sets of factors serve as explanations for the extent of such behavior in parliamentary contests. The main finding is that the structure of political competition provides an important explanation for extra-parliamentary voting and, in particular, the number of invalid ballots. Thus, rather than being the unfortunate circumstances of an uninformed or incompetent electorate, these forms of voting, to a large extent, appear to reflect a political situation that offers voters little effective choice in the form of clear alternatives.
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Hooper, Robert A. „When the barking stopped: Censorship, self-censorship and spin in Fiji“. Pacific Journalism Review 19, Nr. 1 (31.05.2013): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v19i1.237.
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After four military coups in 20 years, Fiji is poised to return to democracy in elections promised for 2014. An emergency decree placing censors in newsrooms was lifted in January 2012, but with domestic media gagged by lawsuits and Fiji Television threatened with closure for covering opposition figures, a pervasive climate of self-censorship imposed by government decrees is enforced by a government-appointed judiciary. As elections draw closer, the illusion of press freedom is framed by highly paid American ‘spin doctors’ from a prominent Washington DC public relations and lobbying firm. Paralysis in the newsroom is reflected at Fiji’s premier University of the South Pacific, once a leader in journalism education. The author taught television journalism at the university and trained reporters for Fiji TV in the 1990s, but returned to find Fiji’s media and higher education in a crisis reflecting the decline of Western influence in the Pacific. Student grievances over harassment and expulsion in retaliation for independent reporting echo the deceit and dysfunction unfolding on the national stage. As traditional allies Australia, New Zealand, United Kingdom and the United States anguish over sanctions, unprecedented visits to the Fijian government by Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov and incoming Chinese Premier Xi Jinping portend diplomatic rivalry and raise the stakes for a fragile Pacific nation.
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Karmanis, Karmanis. „ELECTRONIC-VOTING (E-VOTING) DAN PEMILIHAN UMUM (Studi Komparasi di Indonesia, Brazil, India, Swiss dan Australia)“. MIMBAR ADMINISTRASI FISIP UNTAG Semarang 18, Nr. 2 (30.10.2021): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.56444/mia.v18i2.2526.
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<p><strong>Abstrak</strong></p><p>Indonesia sebagai negara demokrasi sudah menggunakan metode <em>E-Voting</em> sebagai sarana demokrasi, walaupun baru diterapkan di tingkat pemilihan kepala dusun dan kepala desa. Sistem pemungutan suara elektronik (<em>e-voting</em>) harus diseriusi dan menjamin transparansi, kepastian, keamanan akuntabilitas, dan akurasi. Selain kesiapan teknologi, tentunya harus didukung dengan kesiapan masyarakat dalam melaksanakan sistem <em>e-voting</em> ini ke depannya. Ketidaksiapan dan kurangnya sosialisasi pemerintah terhadap <em>e-voting</em> juga dapat menjadi faktor pemicu kegagalan dalam penerapan sistem ini. Sejak pandemi Covid-19 yang menyebar diseluruh dunia, melumpuhkan kegiatan manusia khusus di Indonesia. Pemilihan Kepala Daerah di Indonesia yang diselenggarakan pada 9 Desember 2020 mengalami polemik <em>physical distancing</em> ditengah pandemi Covid-19. Penerapan sistem <em>E-Voting</em> telah dilakukan oleh beberapa negara misalkan di Brajil, India, Swiss dan Australia mendapatkan respon positif dalam masyarakat, namun juga terdapat kekurangan dalam pelaksanaannya. Metode penelitian diskriptif kwalitatif dengan pendekatan perbandingan data sekunder. Hasil penelitian ini, sistem <em>E-Voting</em> dalam Pemilihan Umum dapat meningkatkan nilai demokrasi khusus peningkatan partisipasi masyarakat dan memberikan keefektivan serta keefesienan dalam proses pemilihan berlangsung. Namun, penerapan sistem <em>E-Voting</em> masih terkendala dengan adanya <em>hacker</em> yang bisa membobol sistem serta kesiapan pemerintah dalam penggunaan <em>E-Voting.</em></p><p><strong><em> </em></strong></p><p><strong>Kata kunci: E-Voting, Pemilu, Dan Demokrasi</strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong><em> Abstract</em></strong></p><p><em>Indonesia as a democratic country has used the E-Voting method as a means of democracy, even though it has only been implemented at the level of election of hamlet heads and village heads. Electronic voting systems must be taken seriously and ensure transparency, certainty, security, accountability and accuracy. In addition to technological readiness, of course, it must be supported by the readiness of the community to implement this e-voting system in the future. The government's unpreparedness and lack of socialization of e-voting can also be a trigger factor for failure in implementing this system. Since the Covid-19 pandemic, which has spread throughout the world, has paralyzed human activities, especially in Indonesia. The Regional Head Election in Indonesia which was held on December 9, 2020 experienced a polemic of Physical Distancing amid the Covid-19 Pandemic. The implementation of the E-Voting system has been carried out by several countries, for example in Brazil, India, Switzerland and Australia, getting a positive response in the community, but there are also shortcomings in its implementation. Qualitative descriptive research method using a comparative approach using secondary data.The results of this study, the E-Voting system in General Elections can increase the value of democracy, especially increasing public participation and providing effectiveness and efficiency in the electoral process. However, the implementation of the E-Voting system is still constrained by the presence of hackers who can break into the system and the government's readiness to use E-Voting.</em></p><p><em> </em></p><p><strong><em>Keywords: E-Voting, Election, and Democracy</em></strong><strong><em></em></strong></p><div id="gtx-trans" style="position: absolute; left: 267px; top: 315px;"> </div>
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Fawcett, Paul, Michael J. Jensen, Hedda Ransan-Cooper und Sonya Duus. „Explaining the “ebb and flow” of the problem stream: frame conflicts over the future of coal seam gas (“fracking”) in Australia“. Journal of Public Policy 39, Nr. 3 (16.05.2018): 521–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x18000132.
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AbstractWhy do issues “fade” from the problem stream? This is an important but underresearched question, which this article examines by looking at the dynamic interaction between frames and frame sponsors. We develop a novel methodological approach that combines algorithmic coding (topic modelling) with hand-coding to track changes in the presence of frames and frame sponsors during periods of intense problematisation (“problem windows”) both within continuous contexts and diachronically across different contexts. We apply this approach empirically in a corpus of newspaper articles that pertain to the coal seam gas controversy in Australia – a divisive policy issue where frame conflicts are common. We find that elite actors have a particularly decisive impact on the problem stream in terms of both the evolution and duration of debate. Further, problem windows close in response to three different mechanisms: elite frame convergence; public statements (by government and industry); and elections.
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Pearce, Dennis. „Elections and the media“. Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 5, Nr. 1 (01.03.1999): 133–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v5i1.641.
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An examination of the reporting of general elections from the perspective of the Australian Press Council presented at the University of the South Pacific with an eye to the Fiji election in May 1999.