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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Elections Australia":
1
Darmawan, Harry. „LONGING FOR KEVIN RUDD AND HIS LEGACY IN IMPROVING AUSTRALIA-INDONESIA RELATIONS“. Journal of Social Political Sciences 2, Nr. 2 (29.05.2021): 189–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.52166/jsps.v2i2.58.
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Indonesia misses Kevin Rudd's figure. The emergence and victory of Kevin Rudd in the 2007 Australian elections seemed to be a speck of light in the improvement of bilateral relations between Australia and Indonesia at that time. He succeeded in turning Australia's foreign policy into a more humanist and Asia-centric direction. A thing that was previously very rare in the era of Prime Minister John Howard. Various policies were able to reconcile the romanticism of Garuda and the Kangaroo, which is the largest ruler in Southeast Asia and the Oceania Zone. This paper examines the dynamics of Kevin Rudd's victory in the 2007 Australian Election, as well as his golden legacy in fighting for harmonization of relations between Australia and Indonesia.
2
Blom, Michelle, Andrew Conway, Peter J. Stuckey und Vanessa J. Teague. „Did That Lost Ballot Box Cost Me a Seat? Computing Manipulations of STV Elections“. Proceedings of the AAAI Conference on Artificial Intelligence 34, Nr. 08 (03.04.2020): 13235–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1609/aaai.v34i08.7029.
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Mistakes made by humans, or machines, commonly arise when managing ballots cast in an election. In the 2013 Australian Federal Election, for example, 1,370 West Australian Senate ballots were lost, eventually leading to a costly re-run of the election. Other mistakes include ballots that are misrecorded by electronic voting systems, voters that cast invalid ballots, or vote multiple times at different polling locations. We present a method for assessing whether such problems could have made a difference to the outcome of a Single Transferable Vote (STV) election – a complex system of preferential voting for multi-seat elections. It is used widely in Australia, in Ireland, and in a range of local government elections in the United Kingdom and United States.
3
Williams, Paul D. „How Did They Do It? Explaining Queensland Labor's Second Electoral Hegemony“. Queensland Review 18, Nr. 2 (2011): 112–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/qr.18.2.112.
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Australia's entrenched liberal democratic traditions of a free media, fair and frequent elections and robust public debate might encourage outside observers to assume Australia is subject to frequent changes in government. The reality is very different: Australian politics have instead been ‘largely unchanged’ since the beginning of our bipolar party system in 1910 (Aitkin 1977, p. 1), with Australians re-electing incumbents on numerous occasions for decades on end. The obvious federal example is the 23-year dominance of the Liberal-Country Party Coalition, first elected in 1949 and re-endorsed at the following eight House of Representatives elections. Even more protracted electoral hegemonies have been found at state level, including Labor's control of Tasmania (1934–82, except for 1969–72) and New South Wales (1941–65), and the Liberals' hold on Victoria (1952–82) and South Australia (1938–65, most unusually under one Premier, Thomas Playford). It is therefore not a question of whether parties can enjoy excessively long hegemonies in Australia; it is instead one of how they achieve it.
4
Paull, John. „Pandemic Elections and the Covid-Safe Effect: Incumbents Re-elected in Six Covid-19 Safe Havens“. Journal of Social and Development Sciences 12, Nr. 1(S) (22.06.2021): 17–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jsds.v12i1(s).3159.
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The Antipodes have been amongst the safest places on the planet during the Covid-19 pandemic. The governments of Australia and New Zealand (national, state, and territory governments) have acted promptly, decisively, and cohesively in closing borders, quarantining incoming returnees, instigating rigorous contact tracing and extensive testing, social distancing, hand washing, masks, and occasional lockdowns. Antipodean governments and populations have long experience of awareness and compliance with biosecurity issues. Isolation and distance have long served to keep Australia and New Zealand free of many pests and diseases. Each Antipodean election held during the Covid-19 pandemic has returned the incumbent. During the first 14 months of the pandemic, six out of six incumbent governments facing elections during the Covid pandemic have been returned. Five returned incumbents were center-left while the sixth was center-right. Four of the elections have rewarded the incumbent government with an increased majority, the Northern Territory election returned a reduced majority, and the Tasmanian election returned the status quo with the narrowest of majorities maintained. The New Zealand election returned the Labor government to power in their own right and released them from the coalition. The Western Australian election saw Labor returned with a landslide result with an unprecedented, win of 53 out of 59 seats (90% of seats). The object of the present paper is to report the outcomes of the six antipodean elections conducted during the Covid-19 pandemic (to date) and to reflect on the Covid-safe effect on them if any.
5
Warhurst, John. „Australia after the elections“. Round Table 74, Nr. 294 (April 1985): 104–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358538508453689.
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F. Recher, Harry. „Australian Elections, Wilderness and the Lost Billions“. Pacific Conservation Biology 4, Nr. 3 (1998): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/pc980177.
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As I write this editorial, Australia is in the final week of national elections. Apart from the appearance of a strongly nationalistic, and minority, party which the media has promoted as racist, it is unlikely that Australia's election has received much notice outside Australia. Yet there are aspects to this election which should disturb anyone interested in achieving global ecological sustainability and the conservation of global biodiversity. First, there has been a conspicuous silence from the major political parties concerning environmental issues. To be sure, the sitting conservative government has rolled out the pork barrel and grandly announced funding for local conservation initiatives ? especially in marginal seats ? but there has been no debate on issues nor have environmental policies been afforded even a small fraction of the attention given to the economy, unemployment, health or education. Moreover, the projects funded do nothing to resolve the underlying causes of Australia's declining environmental quality (e.g., land clearing, unsustainable logging practices, over grazing, and excessive demands on fresh water). This is despite the fact that respondents to polls continue to list the environment among the most important issues concerning Australians.
7
Goot, Murray. „Elections Matter: Ten Federal Elections That Shaped Australia“. Australian Journal of Politics & History 65, Nr. 3 (September 2019): 492–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12601.
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Economou, Nick. „Elections Matter: Ten Federal Elections That Shaped Australia“. Australian Historical Studies 50, Nr. 4 (02.10.2019): 541–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1031461x.2019.1662542.
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Goodin, Robert E., und James Mahmud Rice. „Waking Up in the Poll Booth“. Perspectives on Politics 7, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2009): 901–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709991873.
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Judging from Gallup Polls in the United States, the United Kingdom, and Australia, opinion often changes during an election campaign. Come election day itself, however, opinion often reverts back nearer to where it was before the campaign began. That that happens even in Australia, where voting is compulsory and turnout is near-universal, suggests that differential turnout among those who have and have not been influenced by the campaign is not the whole story. Inspection of individual-level panel data from 1987 and 2005 British General Elections confirms that between 3 and 5 percent of voters switch voting intentions during the campaign, only to switch back toward their original intentions on election day. One explanation, we suggest, is that people become more responsible when stepping into the poll booth: when voting they reflect back on the government's whole time in office, rather than just responding (as when talking to pollsters) to the noise of the past few days' campaigning. Inspection of Gallup Polls for UK snap elections suggests that this effect is even stronger in elections that were in that sense unanticipated.
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Jackman, Simon. „Measuring Electoral Bias: Australia, 1949–93“. British Journal of Political Science 24, Nr. 3 (Juli 1994): 319–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006888.
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Electoral systems translate citizens' votes into seats in the legislature, and are thus critical components of democracies. But electoral systems can be unfair, insulating incumbents from adverse electoral trends, or biasing the mapping of votes to seats in favour of one party. I assess methods for measuring bias and responsiveness in electoral systems, highlighting the limitations of the popular ‘multi-year’ and ‘uniform swing’ methods. I advocate an approach that incorporates constituency-level and jurisdiction-wide variation in party's vote shares. I show how this method can be used to elaborate both the extent and consequences of malapportionment. I then present election-by-election estimates of partisan bias and responsiveness for ninety-three state and federal elections in Australia since 1949. The empirical results reported show that the coalition parties have generally ‘out-biased’ the Australian Labor party, despite some notable pro-ALP biases. The overall extent of partisan bias in Australian electoral systems, however, has generally diminished in magnitude over time.
Huntley, Rebecca. „"Sex on the Hustings" : labor and the construction of 'the woman voter' in two federal elections (1983, 1993)“. Connect to full text, 2003. http://setis.library.usyd.edu.au/adt/public_html/adt-NU/public/adt-NU20040209.113517/index.html.
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Parkinson, Naomi Gabrielle. „Elections in the mid-nineteenth century British Empire“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/277097.
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This thesis presents a comparative analysis of the operation and significance of elections in the British colonies of Jamaica, New South Wales and the Cape, from 1849-1860, with a particular focus on the creation and reconstruction of ideas of politically-entitled British subjecthood over this period. Beginning with the first elections under a system of representative government in New South Wales and the Cape, and the early elections of the post-emancipation period in Jamaica, it questions how residents within these sites engaged with elections via the cultures of the canvass, public meetings, open nominations and viva voce polling. Through this study, I show how mid-century elections became critical sites for the articulation of social tensions and long-standing rivalries between competing settler groups within each of these colonies. I argue that the franchise, although highly demonstrative of the Colonial Office and settlers’ attempts to reconcile the respective competing histories of and justifications for colonisation, was often frustrated in practice. Cultures of violence, the manipulation of land-values, double-voting and bribery provided avenues through which laws governing the right to vote were transcended during elections. Through this thesis, I show how both residents and officials used such mechanisms to reshape the function and meaning of the franchise. I also show the lasting implications of such changes, particularly for their impact on nascent attitudes to race. Via a close examination of case studies across the three sites, this history broadens understandings of the mid-century as a period in which locally-elected legislatures increasingly became the prerogative of white ‘settler’ colonies and political rights increasingly centred on an individual, defined by his race and gender, as well as his class. Although affirming the importance of the period, it shows the complexities and inconsistencies of attempts to define the boundaries of enfranchisement over this period, and the impact of struggles to achieve it via changes to electoral law and practice. The comparison between New South Wales, the Cape and Jamaica illuminates the manner through which global discourses of reform, including those relating to bribery, privacy and order, would come to be repurposed within each site. It also serves to reinforce the striking role that attitudes to race would come to play in the formation and regulation of electoral practice across the British Empire. In this manner, this thesis aims to advance imperial historiography by highlighting the role of electoral culture as a reflection of and instigating factor in wider reconceptions of political rights across the British colonial world.
3
Fischer, A. J. „How should I vote : a study of various aspects of voting systems used in parliamentary elections, particularly in Australia /“. Title page, contents and Foreward only, 1994. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phf529.pdf.
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Keir, Warren Neill. „Voter behaviour and constitutional change in Australia since 1967“. Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2009. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/31139/1/Warren_Keir_Thesis.pdf.
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Australian Constitutional referendums have been part of the Australian political system since federation. Up to the year 1999 (the time of the last referendum in Australia), constitutional change in Australia does not have a good history of acceptance. Since 1901, there have been 44 proposed constitutional changes with eight gaining the required acceptance according to section 128 of the Australian Constitution. In the modern era since 1967, there have been 20 proposals over seven referendum votes for a total of four changes. Over this same period, there have been 13 federal general elections which have realised change in government just five times. This research examines the electoral behaviour of Australian voters from 1967 to 1999 for each referendum. Party identification has long been a key indicator in general election voting. This research considers whether the dominant theory of voter behaviour in general elections (the Michigan Model) provides a plausible explanation for voting in Australian referendums. In order to explain electoral behaviour in each referendum, this research has utilised available data from the Australian Electoral Commission, the 1996 Australian Bureau of Statistics Census data, and the 1999 Australian Constitutional Referendum Study. This data has provided the necessary variables required to measure the impact of the Michigan Model of voter behaviour. Measurements have been conducted using bivariate and multivariate analyses. Each referendum provides an overview of the events at the time of the referendum as well as the =yes‘ and =no‘ cases at the time each referendum was initiated. Results from this research provide support for the Michigan Model of voter behaviour in Australian referendum voting. This research concludes that party identification, as a key variable of the Michigan Model, shows that voters continue to take their cues for voting from the political party they identify with in Australian referendums. However, the outcome of Australian referendums clearly shows that partisanship is only one of a number of contributory factors in constitutional referendums.
5
Kramer, Gregory J. „The apathetic country: Are Australians interested in politics and does it matter?“ Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2018. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/118186/2/Gregory%20Kramer%20Thesis.pdf.
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This thesis is focused on Australian citizens who are not interested in politics and finds that there are at least twenty percent of Australians who are politically uninterested. The major finding is that uninterested voters determined the outcome of the 1987, 1993 and 2010 elections in favour of Labor. They also decide around eight House of Representative seats at each election. We are all affected as major political parties focus on uninterested swinging voters in order to attract their attention resulting in fringe issues hijacking politics.
6
Miles, Richard. „South Australian state election 1993 : end of an era? /“. Title page, contents and abstract only, 1994. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arm643.pdf.
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The gift is a research-based novel set in Cambodia in 1993,
during the United Nations - sponsored elections. The central
character is a Brisbane woman who travels to Cambodia to
help run the elections.
8
Joyce, Marnie. „The structure of political judgement as a function of expertise : a multidimensional scaling analysis of the Australian 1996 Federal Election policy statements /“. Title page, contents and abstract only, 1996. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09SPS/09spsj89.pdf.
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Birkenfeld, Lena [Verfasser]. „A Comparative Analysis of German and Australian Climate Change Coverage in Quality Newspapers : Framing a political election and an environmental disaster ; Appendices / Lena Birkenfeld“. Ilmenau : TU Ilmenau, 2020. http://d-nb.info/1213246237/34.
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Birkenfeld, Lena Verfasser], Jens [Akademischer Betreuer] [Wolling, Martin [Gutachter] Emmer und Monika [Gutachter] Taddicken. „A Comparative Analysis of German and Australian Climate Change Coverage in Quality Newspapers : Framing a political election and an environmental disaster / Lena Birkenfeld ; Gutachter: Martin Emmer, Monika Taddicken ; Betreuer: Jens Wolling“. Ilmenau : TU Ilmenau, 2020. http://d-nb.info/1213246261/34.
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Newman, G. Federal elections 1990. [Canberra]: Parliament of the Commonwealth of Australia, Parliamentary Research Service, Dept. of the Parliamentary Library, 1990.
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Matters, Australia Parliament Joint Standing Committee on Electoral. 1990 Federal election: Report from the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters. Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Service, 1990.
Jaensch, Dean. „Elections and Representation“. In The Politics of Australia, 378–99. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-15148-6_16.
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Murray, Sarah. „Courts, judicial review and the electoral process in Australia“. In Judicial Review of Elections in Asia, 195–206. New York, NY : Routledge, 2016.: Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315668567-12.
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Hill, Lisa, Max Douglass und Ravi Baltutis. „Disinformation as a Democratic Collective Action Problem or Why a Legal Solution Is Warranted“. In How and Why to Regulate False Political Advertising in Australia, 23–32. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-2123-0_3.
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AbstractIn this chapter we explore how false election information violates democratic values; in other words, we examine the extent to which and the manner in which false election information impugns the legitimacy of Australian elections, and in particular, the democratic legitimacy criteria of ‘effective participation’ and ‘enlightened understanding’. These criteria are central pillars of the free speech condition that enables any authentic democracy to function properly. Because there are few incentives to desist from polluting the election information environment and also because of the significant social costs it entails, the problem should be approached as a collective action problem rather than as an issue of individualised rights. This distinction is consistent with jurisprudence on the freedom of political communication implied in the Australian Constitution and endorsed in multiple judgements, as we show in detail in Chapter 5. We conclude this chapter by arguing that compulsory voting places an extra duty on the Australian state to ensure that voting takes place in a relatively clean information environment.
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Hill, Lisa, Max Douglass und Ravi Baltutis. „The Effects of False Campaign Statements“. In How and Why to Regulate False Political Advertising in Australia, 15–22. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-2123-0_2.
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AbstractIn this chapter we explore the short- and long-term effects of false election information on electoral and other democratic processes from both a theoretical and empirical perspective. We examine the supply and demand side of the mis- and disinformation stories, drawing on the literature in behavioural economics and psychology to explain the underlying mechanisms at play in the demand side (consumers) and the motivations on the supply side (producers). We show that, due to the high stakes and unavoidably competitive nature of modern elections on the one hand, and perverse financial incentives within the information market on the other, election mis- and disinformation will be difficult to combat without a legal remedy.
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Economou, Nicholas. „Non-participation in Australian National Elections: Fault-Lines in the Compulsory Voting Consensus“. In A Century of Compulsory Voting in Australia, 99–117. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-33-4025-1_6.
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Goodman, Nicole, und Rodney Smith. „Internet Voting in Sub-national Elections: Policy Learning in Canada and Australia“. In Electronic Voting, 164–77. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-52240-1_10.
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McAllister, Ian, Malcolm Mackerras und Carolyn Brown Boldiston. „Elections“. In Australian Political facts, 65–187. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-15196-7_3.
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Smith, Rodney. „Australian Election Posters“. In Election Posters Around the Globe, 53–76. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-32498-2_4.
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Bean, Clive. „Parties and elections“. In New Developments in Australian Politics, 102–24. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-15192-9_6.
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McAllister, Ian. „Elections and Electoral Behaviour“. In The Australian Study of Politics, 160–72. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230296848_12.
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Konferenzberichte zum Thema "Elections Australia":
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Soņeca, Viktorija. „Tehnoloģiju milžu ietekme uz suverēnu“. In The 8th International Scientific Conference of the Faculty of Law of the University of Latvia. University of Latvia Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/iscflul.8.1.18.
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In the last two decades, we have seen the rise of companies providing digital services. Big Tech firms have become all-pervasive, playing critical roles in our social interactions, in the way we access information, and in the way we consume. These firms not only strive to be dominant players in one market, but with their giant monopoly power and domination of online ecosystems, they want to become the market itself. They are gaining not just economic, but also political power. This can be illustrated by Donald Trump’s campaigns, in which he attempted to influence the sovereign will, as the sovereign power is vested in the people. The Trump campaigns' use of Facebook's advertising tools contributed to Trump's win at the 2016 presidential election. After criticism of that election, Facebook stated that it would implement a series of measures to prevent future abuse. For example, no political ads will be accepted in the week before an election. Another example of how Big Tech firms can effect the sovereign is by national legislator. For example, Australia had a dispute with digital platforms such as Facebook and Google. That was because Australia began to develop a News Media and Digital Platforms Mandatory Code. To persuade the Australian legislature to abandon the idea of this code, Facebook prevented Australian press publishers, news media and users from sharing/viewing Australian as well as international news content, including blocking information from government agencies. Such action demonstrated how large digital platforms can affect the flow of information to encourage the state and its legislature to change their position. Because of such pressure, Australia eventually made adjustments to the code in order to find a compromise with the digital platform. Also, when we are referring to political power, it should include lobbying and the European Union legislator. Tech giants are lobbying their interests to influence the European Union’s digital policy, which has the most direct effect on member states, given that the member states are bound by European Union law.
2
Smith, Warren F., Michael Myers und Brenton Dansie. „F1 in Schools: An Australian Perspective“. In ASME 2012 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2012-86240.
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The Australian Government and industry groups have been discussing the projected “skills shortage” for a number of years. This concern for the future is mirrored in many countries including the USA and the UK where the risk is not having sufficient skilled people to realise the projects being proposed. Growing tertiary qualified practicing engineers takes time and commitment but without the excitement of the possibility of such a career being seeded in the youth of the world, school leavers won’t be attracted to engineering in sufficient numbers. In response, one successful model for exciting school children about engineering and science careers is the international F1inSchools Technology Challenge which was created in the UK in 2002 and implemented in Australia in 2003. It is now run in over 300 Australian Schools and 33 countries. In the Australian context, the program is managed and promoted by the Reengineering Australia Foundation. It is supported and fostered through a range of regional hubs, individual schools and some exceptional teachers. Presented in this paper are some perspectives drawn particularly from the Australian experience with the program over 10 years — which by any measure has been outstanding. The F1inSchools model has been designed specifically through its association with Formula One racing to attract the intrinsic interests of students. It is based on the fundamentals of action learning. Role models and industry involvement are utilised as motivation modifiers in students from Years 5 to 12. While immersing children in project based learning, the program explicitly encourages them to engage with practicing mentors taking them on a journey outside their normal classroom experience. In this program, students have the opportunity to use the design and analysis tools that are implemented in high technology industries. Their experience is one of reaching into industry and creative exploration rather than industry reaching down to them to play in a constrained and artificial school based environment. Anecdotally F1inSchools has been very successful in positively influencing career choices. With the aim of objectively assessing the impact of the program, doctoral research has been completed. Some key findings from this work are summarized and reported in this paper. The children involved truly become excited as they utilise a vehicle for integration of learning outcomes across a range of educational disciplines with a creative design focus. This enthusiasm flows to reflective thought and informed action in their career choice. As a result of F1inSchools, students are electing to follow engineering pathways and they will shape tomorrow’s world.
3
Beirne, Kathleen. „Cyber risk to Australian democracy: cyber security from an election law perspective“. In Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences. Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.24251/hicss.2022.660.
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Das, Badhan Chandra, Md Musfique Anwar und Iqbal H. Sarker. „Reducing Social Media Users’ Biases to Predict the Outcome of Australian Federal Election 2019“. In 2020 IEEE Asia-Pacific Conference on Computer Science and Data Engineering (CSDE). IEEE, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/csde50874.2020.9411633.
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Berichte der Organisationen zum Thema "Elections Australia":
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Buchanan, Riley, Daniel Elias, Darren Holden, Daniel Baldino, Martin Drum und Richard P. Hamilton. The archive hunter: The life and work of Leslie R. Marchant. The University of Notre Dame Australia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32613/reports/2021.2.
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Professor Leslie R. Marchant was a Western Australian historian of international renown. Richly educated as a child in political philosophy and critical reason, Marchant’s understandings of western political philosophies were deepened in World War Two when serving with an international crew of the merchant navy. After the war’s end, Marchant was appointed as a Protector of Aborigines in Western Australia’s Depart of Native Affairs. His passionate belief in Enlightenment ideals, including the equality of all people, was challenged by his experiences as a Protector. Leaving that role, he commenced his studies at The University of Western Australia where, in 1952, his Honours thesis made an early case that genocide had been committed in the administration of Aboriginal people in Western Australia. In the years that followed, Marchant became an early researcher of modern China and its relationship with the West, and won respect for his archival research of French maritime history in the Asia-Pacific. This work, including the publication of France Australe in 1982, was later recognised with the award of a French knighthood, the Chevalier d’Ordre National du Mèrite, and his election as a fellow to the Royal Geographical Society. In this festschrift, scholars from The University of Notre Dame Australia appraise Marchant’s work in such areas as Aboriginal history and policy, Westminster traditions, political philosophy, Australia and China and French maritime history.
