Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Education and state – serbia – kosovo“
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Kastrati, Ardian. „The Role of Education for Identity Formation Among Albanians and Serbs of Kosovo: the Application of the Difference-Blinded Approach for Establishing Citizenship Regime in a Multi-Cultural Society“. European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 6, Nr. 1 (30.04.2016): 146. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v6i1.p146-153.
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As a result of striving accession to the EU, all states in southeast Europe have as precondition to solve inter ethnic conflicts and to balance the system in a way that makes the relations between dominant group and minorities one of the mutual respect, based upon the principle of non discrimination. In Western Balkans some of the most controversial issues in the past decade have revolved around the educational rights. The fragile society of Kosovo faces many challenges, and the system of education is just one of them. The ongoing dialogue between Serbia and Kosovo and painful process of state building often overshadows important educational issues. The educational system of Kosovo is segregated, extremely divisive and highly politicized. It is widely accepted that education has strong impact on individual’s identity formation. In this context ethnicity, nationality and citizenship constitute just a few of the possible identities within the individual’s self-conception being the most relevant to the relationship between citizen and the state. In the analyses of the theoretical foundations of multiculturalism the role of education in a culturally diverse society is very important for identity formation based on the concept of the citizenship as identity. By constitution Kosovo is a multicultural society but the meanings and expressions of this are contested both within the dominant Albanian majority and Serbian minority. Conceiving comprehensive discussions if Albanians and Serbs of Kosovo in the future could potentially accept to identify themselves through the citizenship of the new state before their ethnic and national based identities (cross linked with Albania respectively Serbia), it is a broad topic and beyond the scope of this paper, but for the purpose of this study the concept of the citizenship as identity is considered only in a narrower context - that of the role of education in identity formation
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Mustafë Mustafa, Liburn. „THE EDUCATIONAL POLICIES OF THE SERBIAN STATE TO THE ALBANIAN MINORITY IN SERBIA“. Knowledge International Journal 32, Nr. 1 (26.07.2019): 129–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij3201129m.
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The right to be educated in mother tongue is considered among the most important human rights in the contemporary world. Such a right is guaranteed to the all world communities in spite of the state and international rights, regardless of the location, extent, and size of the community. Every state is obliged to respect and make possible the realization of the rights to be educated in their language to every minority within it, because the right to education in mother tongue is now considered a crucial tool for preserving and strengthening the cultural and ethnic identity, and vice versa, the non-implementation of these rights to certain communities implies the state's tendency towards these communities. Also, minorities are predestined that the educations in their language attend similar to their mother country, based on textbooks and curricula of the respective states, as such a right is guaranteed by international norms and conventions. But such a thing, very often faces a strong resistance from the states where these minorities are, because in these textbooks is reflected the history, culture and tradition of the past, which in most cases is a clash between identities and produce numerous value controversies between the parties. This situation is particularly reflected in some Balkan countries where ethnic minorities are not "bridges" between communities but are "quarrelsome" among communities. In such a situation is the Albanian minority in Serbia, who because of the conflicting past between the two nationalities, the Albanian and the Serbs, are victimized by preventing the right to learn their history, culture, tradition and their mother tongue. Thus the Serbian state, because of the past between the two nations and issues still open with the state of Kosovo, denies Albanians in Serbia using textbooks from this country. This form of approach reflects state policies on curricula and textbooks currently being implemented by the Albanian minority. In this paper we will explain the problems faced by the Albanian minority in Serbia in the field of education, respectively the problems of the lack of textbooks in Albanian language. We will present the causes and obstacles of the lack of school textbooks in Albanian language in Presheva Valley schools, strategies developed by various factors to solve this problem, implicated parties, legal rights issues and the possible solution of this problem.
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Gruden Milentijević, Ivana, und Ivan Mitić. „INTEGRACIJA PROGNANIH SLOVENACA MEĐU SRPSKO STANOVNIŠTVO TOKOM DRUGOG SVETSKOG RATA“. Leskovački zbornik LXII (2022): 247–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/lz-lxii.247gm.
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The establishment of the Commissariat for Refugees and Emigrants greatly facilitated the lives of people who fled from terror or were forcibly evicted due to war events. Occupied Serbia, in addition to ongoing problems that tormented the local population, also encountered a large number of refugees who came from the territory of the Independent State of Croatia, from Slovenia, Macedonia, and the Kosovo-Metohija region. In Serbia, in addition to the terror carried out by the occupier, a civil war was also simmering, while the population faced various restrictions, repressions and food shortages. In such conditions, it was necessary to organize the reception of exiled Serbs and Slovenes and ensure their survival in occupied Serbia. Within the limits of its capabilities, the Commissariat helped refugees and immigrants, taking care of their reception among the local population. The meaningfulness of the actions of the newly formed organization is also visible in the resettlement of refugees, considering their occupation and education, so intellectuals are placed in cities, while peasants are placed in smaller towns and villages. The number of refugees in certain places was difficult to control, due to illegal migration to Serbia and the aspiration of refugees and resettled persons to larger cities due to better employment opportunities. When accommodating Slovenian immigrants, care was also taken to continue the children’s education and their participation in food production. In order to make it easier to get a job, retraining courses were held, while some families of Slovenians successfully started production, and with their earnings helped the refugee colonies in the town. Bearing in mind the above, the integration of Slovenian refugees among the Serbian population should be a reason for pride for the Serbian people, who welcomed unfortunate Slovenians into their homes and shared with them everything that was necessary for life in occupied Serbia.
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Sajter, Domagoj. „Scientific Impact of Central and Eastern European Higher Education Lecturers“. Naše gospodarstvo/Our economy 67, Nr. 3 (01.09.2021): 17–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ngoe-2021-0014.
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Abstract The purpose of this paper is to obtain and analyse data on the higher education lecturers at the 16 largest, state-owned faculties of economics in seven central and eastern European countries (Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Serbia, and Slovenia), about their scientific impact and reach. An analysis of their research areas and scientometrics (citations, h-indices) was performed, and aggregate rankings are presented. Data was collected from Google Scholar, Web of Science and Scopus by using proprietary specialized web crawlers (“bots”). The differences among countries and faculties are significant, and institutions should observe good practices from Slovenia, as its faculties are ranked highest. The insights are important for evaluating scientific progress, mobility, and cooperation, rewarding and promotion requirements, accreditations, project and institution funding, and higher education lecturers’ promotion.
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Vukadinović, Igor. „Prosvetna politika Kraljevine Albanije na Kosovu i Metohiji tokom Drugog svetskog rata“. Tokovi istorije 29, Nr. 1 (29.04.2021): 109–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2021.1.vuk.109-132.
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Kingdom of Albania’s fascist regime considered education as one of the pillars of its policy in Kosovo and Metohija during World War II. With the aim of spreading and strengthening Albanian national identity and culture, several hundreds of educators were sent from the “Old Albania” to Kosovo and Metohija. The Italian occupation authorities were not supportive of the educational policy pursued by the officials in Tirana, which often resulted in disagreement between the two sides. After liberating the province in 1944, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia decided to keep the teachers and educators who misused their positions to serve the Greater Albania cause, as there was no available staff to replace them. The paper is based primarily on the unpublished sources from the Central State Archives of Albania in Tirana, the Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Belgrade, the Archives of Serbia, and the Archives of Yugoslavia.
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Stamova, Mariyana. „The Albanians in Yugoslavia from the late 1960s to the early 1980s“. Historijski pogledi 4, Nr. 5 (31.05.2021): 130–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.130.
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The paper focuses on the events after the Brioni plenum of the Central Committee of the LCY in 1966. The turning point for the development of the national relationships in the Yugoslav federation became namely the Brioni plenim. This plenum and its decisions led to a liberalization of the national relationships in Yugoslavia, thus to the outburst of the Albanian problem, which was severely suppressed to this moment. This is the first major victory for the Albanians in Yugoslavia. In this regard, a movement has begun among the Albanian population in the multinational federation with the main goal of achieving full national recognition, including republican status for Kosovo. This new policy towards the minorities in Yugoslavia was introduced after the middle of the 1960s. Its expression became the new constitutional definition of “Yugoslav peoples and ethnoses”, which had to substitute the term “national minorities”. That led to changes into the rights of Albanians in Yugoslavia, and as a result their socio-political activity drastically aroused. The Yugoslav party leadership started again to look for a solution of the Albanian issue. Significant Yugoslav financial aid and investments were directed towards Kosovo, aiming at a closer incorporation of the Albanians in the Yugoslav federation and an interruption of their connection with Albania. After the Brioni Plenum, the Albanian problem in the Yugoslav Federation entered a qualitatively new state. The events in the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and the neighboring Republic of Macedonia at the end of 1968 played an important role in the further development of this problem and in the changes in the constitutional, legal and socio-political development of the Yugoslav Federation. So after the demonstrations of the Albanian population in Kosovo and Macedonia at the end of 1968, a “creeping Albanization” started in Kosovo. The Albanian political elite and intelligencia played the most important role in the imposition of the “Albanization” as a political line at the end of the 1960s. Albanians hold all important posts in administration, culture, education and political life of Kosovo. That led to an increasing mistrust between the Albanian population and the Serbian-Montenegrin minority, and the last was forced to leave its homes and to migrate in other republics and regions. The political leadership in Prishtina insisted the autonomous region to get equal rights with the republics as a federal unit. That is how at the beginning of the 1970s Kosovo issue transferred into a problem of the whole Yugoslav federation, not only a Serbian one. The Albanians in Prishtina were involved into the confrontation Zagreb-Belgrade and acquired a support from the Croatian side, as well as the Slovenian one in the efforts to take their problem out of Serbia and to put it on a federal level at the League Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY) and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). The processes in the political life of the autonomous region Kosovo were not isolated and were connected with the events in the Yugoslav federation as a whole, and precisely in Croatia at the end of the 1960s and the beginning of the 70s, which culmination was so-called “Zagreb Spring” in 1971. The Croatian crisis had an important influence on the national relationships in the federation and led to an inflammation of the national disputes. That had a direct impact on the political life of Kosovo. Searching for allies against Serbian hegemony and unitarism, which were the main danger for the Croatian republic, Zagreb’s political leadership supported Kosovo pretensions for the extension of the autonomous rights and the freedoms of the Albanians. The amendments to the federal system of Yugoslavia (1968-1971) and the new Yugoslav constitution from 1974 are reflected in Kosovo, which makes the Albanian problem not only a problem of Serbia, but also a common Yugoslav problem.
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Kolaj Ristanović, Irena. „Serbsko-albańska koegzystencja w Kosowie w latach 1878–1912 na przykładzie osmańskiego państwowego systemu edukacyjnego“. Bracia, wrogowie, renegaci. Słowiańszczyzna i muzułmanie na Bałkanach w xix i xx w. 150, Nr. 2 (2023): 283–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.23.017.17954.
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Serbian-Albanian coexistence in Kosovo in 1878–1912: the example of the Ottoman State Education System The principle of equality proclaimed by the Edict of Gulhane (tur. Gülhane Hatt-ı Şerîf) in 1839 resulted in many changes in the socio-political sphere of the Ottoman society, but also with several legal acts regarding education issued by the Ottoman authorities. The Constitution of the Ottoman Empire from 1876 proclaimed equality between all citizens of the state regardless of ethnicity and religion. Even though, relations between the Albanian and Serbian populations in the Kosovo Vilayet were tense in all aspects of socio-political spheres. The representatives of Albanians, as a majority in the vilayet, defended the status of Islam as a dominant religion and Christianity as a religion of slaves (rayah). As the Ottoman authorities issued many legal acts regarding formal basic education in Islamic primary schools (mekteb) during the second half of the 19th century, tensions and misunderstandings between the Serbian and Albanian populations increased. This paper analyzes relations between Serbs and Albanians in the Vilayet of Kosovo in 1878–1912 in the area of implementation of the right to primary education for both communities as this issue has not been researched in detail until now. Our research is based on interdisciplinary approach to the subject and the use of primary archival sources of the Ottoman and Serbian provenance, as well as the relevant literature.
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Zejnullahi, Veton. „Albanians in Presevo Valley and Their National Rights“. European Journal of Language and Literature 2, Nr. 1 (30.08.2015): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejls.v2i1.p90-99.
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The situation of Albanians in Serbia, especially in three municipalities bordering with Kosovo-Presevo, Bujanovac and Medvegja, which are known as the Presevo Valley region remains the same even after the Kosovo war and after the war that took place in this region between Serbian government forces and ethnic Albanian fighters LAPMB. Since in this region the majority of the population is Albanian, then the object of study will be focused in the situation of the population there and the challenges facing it in everyday life and problems they encounter, starting from the most basic ones like: education, information, health, use of language, use of national symbols and many other problems. Presevo Valley throughout the stages of its history has always been marked with the various tensions depending on the circumstances, which have escalated to armed conflicts as happened during World War II when fighters of this area contributed greatly to the fight against fascism and Nazis, but even in the latter case when the war took place between government forces and ethnic Albanian Serbian organized around LAPMB. We will also see that the Albanian population in this region is indigenous to the early centuries of history being part of the Ancient Dardania and despite many invaders, Albanian population managed to preserve its national identity. Therefore the aim of this paper is to show the state of Albanians in the Presevo Valley focusing on historical, political, economic, demographic, cultural, educational, health, national rights - the symbols and language, information, migration and many problems other faced by the people of this region.
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Mirkovic, Momcilo, Snezana Simic, Jelena Marinkovic und Sladjana Djuric. „Health state of the citizens of Nothern Kosovska Mitrovica“. Srpski arhiv za celokupno lekarstvo 138, Nr. 11-12 (2010): 746–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sarh1012746m.
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Introduction. For health assessment, beside the data of routine health statistics, it is necessary to include and data obtained by a health survey of the citizens. Objective. The aim of this study was to establish how northern Kosovska Mitrovica adults assess their health and which diseases are most common among the population, as well as to investigate differences in relation to demographic and socioeconomic characteristics, the characteristics of social interaction and health behavior and habits. Methods. The research was conducted as a cross-sectional study conducted on the representative sample of adult citizens in northern Kosovska Mitrovica in 2006. Two hundred-eighteen respondents were included in the survey. In the research we used a questionnaire identical to the Health Survey conducted in Serbia in 2006. The significance of differences in responses about self-rated health and chronic diseases in relation to the characteristics of respondents? responses were determined by X2-test with the significance level of 0.05. Results. Over half of the respondents (54.7%) assessed their health condition as good or very good. There was a significant difference in self-rated health in relation to the respondents? age (?2=202.036; p=0.000), education (?2=72.412; p=0.000), social support (?2=12.416; p=0.015), smoking (?2=11.675; p=0.020) and physical activity (?2=61.842; p=0.000). The leading health problems among the respondents were high blood pressure, rheumatologic diseases of joints, ulcer of the duodenal or gastric ulcer, gall bladder disease and high blood fat. Conclusion. Adult residents of northern Kosovska Mitrovica assessed their health as better than the residents of Serbia without Kosovo and Metohia. The diseases in which stress plays the major role among etiological factors are in the leading position. The obtained data on the population level of specific areas represent the basis in the planning of health education and health promotion activities.
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Rajović, Jelena, und Milica Spasić-Stojković. „English for specific purposes in the curriculum of vocational secondary schools“. Bastina, Nr. 51 (2020): 157–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bastina30-26741.
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The curriculum is the starting point for effective teaching planning. The outcome of the teaching process in secondary vocational schools depends, to a large extent, on the conception of the curriculum prescribed by state bodies, which is the case with most countries of the Western Balkans, including Serbia. The paper deals with the issue of English for specific purposes in secondary vocational schools, the representation of English for specific purposes in the curriculum of secondary vocational schools in Kosovo and Metohija, which are under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia. The research describes approaches to curriculum development and planning for English for specific purposes. The analysis of plans and programs for the English language showed that the needs of students of vocational secondary schools of technical orientation in terms of English for specific purposes are not fully met. The research defines the components that are important to include in order to harmonize goals, forms and educational activities that will improve students' knowledge and prepare them for future professional roles.
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Basic, Goran. „What really separates us? Survey of attitudes of young people in the cities of Kikinda (Vojvodina), Nis, Bor (South and East Serbia), and Pristina, Pec, Prizren (Kosovo)“. Stanovnistvo 52, Nr. 1 (2014): 17–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv1401017b.
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The results of the survey point to a high level of agreement among youth aged between 15 and 25 years of age, high school and college students, employed and unemployed youth, men and women in the cities of Pec, Pristina, Prizren in Kosovo, and Bor, Kikinda, and Nis in Serbia, on whether the question of mutual cooperation is burdened by prejudice and events from the past, and that the possibility and the quality of cooperation is influenced by the attitudes the receive in their primary social groups such as families and peers, and also by the attitudes they receive through education and media. At the same time, the possibilities to influence the social and political change aren?t big, and the youth have no desire to take the concrete civic or political initiatives. A certain perspective in cooperation the youth see in the European constellation and the good quality education. However, youth on both sides are not open to more intensive mutual meetings - the majority would not either host peers from the other communities gladly, nor they would respond to their invitation of hosting. They are not interested in cultural values of one another, but they do think respect of human rights should be guaranteed and they are ready for toleration of differences. The necessity of youth cooperation is important for overcoming the problems that citizens of Kosovo and Serbia are facing when it comes to exercising numerous rights, which from the perspective of individual freedoms collide with the concept of state reasons and "higher" interests. The regional stability depends on overcoming the issues that governments in Serbia and Kosovo have concerning Kosovo?s status, and also from setting a network of individual and group relations among the citizens. Youth should be the carriers of social and cultural changes. In the stated attitudes there is no direct objection to such processes, but fear of changes is clearly expressed because indirectly it can be concluded that there is no mutual "collective" trust, that the prejudice are strong, and that the existing educational, cultural and media systems are supporting them. Having determined a high level of mutual non-acceptance of youth and their approximately same attitudes on the impossibility to influence the decision making more strongly in their family, social, and political communities, but also their personal ambivalence toward civic and political activism, let us try to, solely based on their statements, decide on the basis of designing the programs necessary for overcoming the present state. One of the main initiators of the social change are the content citizens, which means a personal and social economic stability, acquiring human and civil rights, efficient protection by the courts, receiving good services from the public service, responsible civic society - a rule of law and a state of law. Much of the above listed in the region, and especially in the territories, in which the survey was conducted, is missing. To effectively and efficiently influence the stream of social and political flows toward the mentioned goals, young people should acquire a certain vertical social mobility and to influence the changes based on the positions they acquire in it. The key question is based on which values should their social and professional mobility be influenced.
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Hadžiristić, Tea. „Unveiling Muslim Women in Socialist Yugoslavia: the Body between Socialism, Secularism, and Colonialism“. Religion and Gender 7, Nr. 2 (19.02.2017): 184–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/rg.10137.
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The creation of the second Yugoslavia (1943–1992) heralded the legal and economic emancipation of women, a social change deeply indebted to the role of female combatants in the Partisan army, and catalyzed by post-war state-building. The Anti- Fascist Women’s Front (AFŽ) was a primary agent in rapid social changes that followed. Along with education and literacy campaigns, from 1947–1950 local chapters of the AFŽ organized campaigns to unveil Muslim women in Yugoslavia, as the practice was deemed incompatible with economic and political participation as well as multiethnic unity. This paper focuses on the Bosnian case, though unveiling also took place in Macedonia, Kosovo, Serbia, and Montenegro. This paper investigates how state secularism put women’s ‘emancipated’ bodies to the fore as signifiers of progress and modernity. The process of unveiling in Yugoslavia is analyzed both within the context of the reconstruction and the consolidation of the socialist state, and the nexus of ideological conflicts in the region. Unveiling drew on Orientalist discourses, as well as the promise of a radical socialist future and an indigenous Yugoslav feminism, while popular support for the AFŽ problematizes notions of the oppressive nature of state-sanctioned feminism. The paper interrogates the discourses surrounding these campaigns of unveiling, as they draw on and confound various dichotomies.
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Eminov, Ilhan. „IS THE WESTERN BALKANS A FAVORABLE REGION FOR RECRUITMENT OF JIHADISTS?“ Knowledge International Journal 32, Nr. 1 (26.07.2019): 187–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij3201187e.
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There are over 5 million Muslims representing 25 % of the region's population living on the territory of former Yugoslavia which had roughly 20 million citizens. By comparison, there are also around 5 million Muslims living in France, a country that had several colonies in the Muslim world, but the population ratio is different compared to the 60 million of the French population. Unlike the developed countries of Europe, the economies of the Balkan countries were destroyed by numerous interethnic conflicts. After the war of the '90s, the Balkans were living in a longtime economic and social crisis and a state of organized crime. With the beginnings of party pluralism, the different religions gained their former religious identity back.In Croatia and Slovenia, the Catholicism experienced a renaissance, same as the orthodoxy did in Serbia, Macedonia and Montenegro and the Islam did in Bosnia, Albania, Kosovo, Western Macedonia and Sandzak. After the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the fall of communism in the Balkans, the opportunity for increased foreign religious influence became a reality.Today, the image of a tolerant, open Islam from the communist era is still present, although it too is affected. During the several decades of communist rule, the traditional religious networks that affirmed an Islam shielded from Wahhabist and Salafist influences were disintegrated.108The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina intensified the implantation of the mujahidin in Bosnia in 1995. The traditional Muslim imams gradually lost their authority to the newcomers in a large number of mosques. At the same time, in light of its powerlessness, the state began to lose control in the field. It is estimated that some 67 mosques are controlled by radical Islam today, especially in rural and mountainous regions.109Under the pressure of great financial resourced which flowed in from Gulf countries, the education of Bosnian imams in Egypt and Saudi Arabia began. Step by step, Salafist imams were installed in the region preaching a more radical Islam. In such a situation, it was easier to recruit future Jihadists, especially among the socially vulnerable population.110 For example, one graffiti in Pristina (Republic of Kosovo) states: "Every woman will receive 200 euro a month if she wears a niqab".111 The radicalization spread in Bosnia and Kosovo with the greatest intensity. "Bosnia and Kosovo remain the most dangerous countries in Europe due to their political weakness and the high corruption rate. More than 75.000 weapons circulate in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and one Kalashnikov can be bought for the price of 200 euro and easily brought into the Schengen region", a former police officer of the EU in Bosnia and Herzegovina points out
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Simić, Mirjana. „Regulation of teachers' salaries and verification of certificates in Kosovo and Metohija in the period from 1878 to 1912“. Megatrend revija 18, Nr. 2 (2021): 205–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/megrev2102205s.
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The position of the Serbian schools and teachers in Kosovo and Metohija was harsh and insecure due to constant attack and criticism from the Turks and Arbanasi. The Turkish government considered the teachers to be the people actively working on achieving Serbian national interests, and the schools were believed to be places where the utmost authority of the Turkish government and state is being constantly undermined. Educational politics sought to make schools places where students and bearers of national cultural prosperity are educated. Perceived this way, elementary school and conception of education and upbringing, instigated high demands from future educators. Teachers were required to be both transmitters of knowledge as well as the national workers and educators. Unable to start fundamental social changes, teachers focused their social work on awakening national consciousness and preserving school self-government based on the privileges of the Patriarchate and on informing the Consulate about all events in their area. Serbian government used their reports for official protests in front of Turkish Porta as well as for informing the world public about the position of their countrymen in Ottoman Empire. Thus, most of all, the Turkish state authorities challenged the work permit of Serbian schools. Teachers had to confirm their school diplomas before the competent authorities in the town of Skoplje, which fundamentally changed the social position of Serbian schools.
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Bobic, Mirjana, und Milica Veskovic-Andjelkovic. „Socio-psychological cost of childbearing in Serbia and political response“. Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, Nr. 167 (2018): 345–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1867345b.
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Serbia is a part of the corpus of more than a half of world populations with very low fertility. According to census from 2011, none of the generations born between 1930 and 1962 in Serbia (without Kosovo and Metohija) gave birth to more than two children. The share of childless women aged 30-34 has been on rise, from 21.2% in census 2002 up to 30.3% in census 2011. These women are most often single, living out of unions, with tertiary education, economically active, employed, living in urban settings. Government of the Republic of Serbia has adopted revised Birth Promotion Strategy by the end of 2017 as the response to the problem of low fertility. It relies on the previous Strategy from 2008, but it upgrades and further evolves the document. This paper is aimed at short elaboration of the third goal of the revised Strategy (decrease of the socio-psychological cost of childbearing). Altogether with the second one (reconciliation of work and family), it should create conditions in favour of diminishing enormous exploitation of women/mothers? resources in parenthood and in household and thus alleviate transition to further birth parities. Empirical base consists of different sources of data, most prominent one being the last fieldwork carried out in 2017 by the Institute for Sociological Research, Faculty of Philosophy in Belgrade: ?Culture of Childbearing - Reproductive and Partnership Strategies of Women in Serbia today?. Results have demonstrated moderate patriarchal statements among females in Serbia, altogether with quite strong patriarchal practice in partnering and parenting. It is the persistence of the ideology of ?intensive motherhood? and divided female/male performance in the critical moment of ?early baby stage? and later on in the course of family life in the context of low quality of everyday life and vast impoverishment at the semiperiphery. Such ideology and reproductive behaviour are not conducive to increased childbearing which is well documented in literature and research. To the contrary, they lead to postponement and giving up births eventually, especially of higher parities. As a political response we recommend more active inclusion of males into parenthood, by, inter alia, introducing of ?daddy quota? in Serbia. This short term and fully compensated paternal leave is recommended to last two weeks. The measure should be followed by vast social promotion of fatherhood, especially in business, with employers, employees and other males.
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Drançolli Ramadani, Albina, und Kujtime Boshtrakaj Camaj. „Parallel University of Prishtina, 1991-1999: Functioning, challenges and peaceful resistance“. Historijski pogledi 6, Nr. 10 (15.11.2023): 437–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.437.
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University of Prishtina, serving as an institution of education and science and as a centre of Albanian democratic and cultural movements, since its foundation was amongst the institutions on the target of Serbian regime. Upon abolition of the autonomy of Kosovo in 1989, the Serbian regime started the discriminatory policies against the Albanian population, the overwhelming majority population in Kosovo, including the expulsion of the Albanian pupils and students from the schools and university premises, massive dismissals from work, etc. It was the academic year 1991/1992 when the doors of the University of Prishtina were closed to Albanian students and teachers. The University of Prishtina and its campus in the center of the capital Prishtina, libraries, institutes and student dormitories all remained available to Serbian and other non-Albanian teachers and students. The Albanian population created a parallel state, a unique example in the world, and such state created the parallel institutions in various fields of life, such as health, culture and education, including also the parallel University of Prishtina. This paper, in light of the sources of the time (documents in the Archive of the Rectorate of University of Prishtina “Hasan Prishtina”, published reports of the international organisations, press of the time) and the relevant historiography aims at elaborating: the initial protests and resistance of Albanian professors and students against the violent measures imposed by the Serbian regime; how the students and teachers were expelled from the facilities of the University of Prishtina; the procedures and the circumstances under which was established the Parallel University of Prishtina; how this parallel university functioned in the situation of pressure and continuous violence from the Serbian regime, at private facilities in the suburbs of the city; how the entire Albanian population from Kosovo was mobilized to support this university. The paper offers data from the unpublished documents which are stored at the Archive of the Rectorate of the University of Prishtina “Hasan Prishtina”, regarding the number of planned and enrolled students, which indicates how the political situation was reflected on the number of students who attended the university studies. Particular attention in the paper was paid to the students’ protests of 1997 by elaborating how this Parallel University, through the peaceful student protests, influenced the sensitizing of the international institutions and media on the question of the Albanian people in Kosovo. It emphasizes the important role of students represented by Independent Union of Students of the University of Prishtina (Unioni i Pavarur i Studentëve i Universitetit të Prishtinës - UPSUP), who gained the support and encouragement of international political personalities of the time for the continuation of peaceful student activism. Despite all the drastic challenges the Parallel University of Prishtina functioned in all the segments that characterize a university. All managerial mechanisms were developed, teaching was held in three cycles of study, even though only private premises were available but no laboratories, libraries and dormitories, new students were enrolled, staff were continuously recruited and promoted, and university textbooks were prepared. However, due to many factors, including the emigration of the Albanian population, the continuous violence by the Serbian police, and the financial difficulties of Albanian families, the number of students was constantly decreasing. In addition, this situation impacted their learning. The lack of literature and laboratories, teaching and learning in private premises and homes, the constant dangers and mistreatment by the Serbian regime, were making university studies a very difficult mission. However, the Parallel University of Prishtina turned into a centre of peaceful resistance and a symbol of determination to continue studies and advancement in the Albanian language regardless of the extreme political and social situation. The University did not interrupt the work even in the state of war, until 21 March 1999. All this readiness, will and peaceful resistance had gained the attention and respect of international opinion.
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Kolaković, Aleksandra. „The role of France in strengthening science in Serbia and the Western Balkans: Between scientific cooperation and science diplomacy“. Srpska politička misao 82, Nr. 4 (2023): 11–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/spm82-46216.
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France has a long tradition of cultural and scientific influence in the Balkan region, and historically especially in Serbia and in the countries formed on the territory of the former Yugoslavia (Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, Kingdom of Yugoslavia). The aforementioned influence, which followed its economic and political influence, was founded not only on the basis of the Alliance in the Great War (1914-1918), but primarily on the basis of the education and training of the Serbs and Balkans at the Sorbonne and at other French universities. After returning to their homeland, they not only occupied key positions in the state administration and reached ministerial positions, but also founded scientific disciplines and continued cooperation with their French professors and scientists. This historically long scientific cooperation, which showed elements of "science diplomacy", was also a foundation for creating France's scientific cooperation with Serbia, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Albania (the countries of the Western Balkans, under which France also includes Kosovo*1 ). Through the analysis of available documents, press, interviews and statements of officials and diplomats, as well as scientists participating in joint projects, our main goal is to research the role of France in strengthening scientific cooperation in Serbia and the Western Balkans. Qualitative and quantitative analysis of the results of the "Pavle Savić" cooperation program, scientific cooperation in the Danube region and ES-Balk program, enable the observation of France's activities in the Balkans in the context of the scope of scientific diplomacy. Our research shows that since the Strategy for the Western Balkans (2019), France has been continuously committed to the development of political, economic and cultural cooperation with the countries in the Balkans, with more intensive scientific cooperation in accordance with the basic principles of France's science diplomacy strategy. It is observed that France insists on regional projects in the field of science, which contain a strong European component. Paper give recommendations for further cooperation in the field of science. The focus is on the special importance of the transfer of knowledge and the role of science in the framework of diplomacy, and therefore the role of France in the Balkans will also be research through this prism.
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Suvakovic, Aleksandra. „Communication as necessary factor of a collective remembrance of the common life on example of Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo and Metohija“. Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, Nr. 171 (2019): 327–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1971327s.
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Far-reaching consequences that linguistic policy may leave in the future decades are denoted in the paper, especially in regions where two nations with their differences interlace. After the World War II, it was enabled for the Albanians in the region of Kosovo and Metohija to get education entirely in their mother tongue, Albanian language, which simultaneously reduced the range of interactions with fellow citizens of Serbian nationality, the ability to understand each other, reducing also their professional possibilities. The years that followed only deepened the linguistic barrier between the two nations living in the same region, which inevitably led to constantly growing ethnic distance and escalation of conflicts. Empirical researches regarding the linguistic and ethnic distance between the Serbs and Albanians were conducted among Serbian students in Kosovska Mitrovica and Albanian students in Pristina after a long time, in December 2016 and January 2017. An opinion poll in the field was implemented along with the representative sample, while Likert scale and modified Bogardus scale were used as instruments. The obtained results showed both the ignorance of the language of the other ethnic group and unwillingness to master that language, as an obstacle for communication. The results could be the guidelines for future state linguistic and educational policy in this region. Ethnic minorities have an indisputable right to foster their mother tongue and culture but necessarily must also master the language of the state whose territory they live on. On the other hand, the Serbian population also should get to know the language of fellow citizens - Albanians, primarily for establishing communication and better understanding, but also for improving the quality of life. Establishing such a linguistic policy would gradually remove linguistic barriers, leading to the reduction of ethnic distance. It would create also the presumptions for overcoming the ?ethnic cultural memory? that deepens differences by its unilaterality, i.e. it would create conditions for the transmission of over-ethnic memory to a common life in the region where such life existed. It would represent the first condition for establishing a common ?cultural memory?.
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Pavlica, Branko. „Migrations from Yugoslavia to Germany: Migrants, emigrants, refugees and asylum-seekers“. Medjunarodni problemi 57, Nr. 1-2 (2005): 121–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0502121p.
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Migrations from Yugoslavia to Germany have a long tradition. There have been various economic and social causes, and in some periods even political ones for that phenomenon. Taking into consideration the historical aspect and also the contemporary migration flows, the dynamics of migrations of the Yugoslav population to Germany has the following stages in its development. The first stage had begun in late XIX century and ended with the World War I. Although the overseas migration flows prevailed, yet the German agriculture and its mine industry attracted a part of the Yugoslav population. Between the two world wars mostly "Westfahl Slovenes" and Croats and Serbs from Bosnia-Herzegovina got "temporary employed" in the Rhine-Westfahl industrial area, along with several thousand Serb-Croat-Slovene agricultural seasonal workers per year. The second stage began immediately after the Second World War when most of about 200,000 citizens from the former Yugoslavia, being mostly refugees, moved from the West European to overseas countries, but some of them stayed in Germany. Involuntary migrants and refugees, however, returned in great number from Germany to Yugoslavia. At that stage non-extradition of war criminals on the part of the West occupying powers on German territory, then disregard of West German Governments of the anti-Yugoslav activities of the part of extreme Yugoslav emigration, and different interpretation of the bilateral agreement on extradition, became the essential problem in relations between SFR Yugoslavia and FR Germany. The third stage in development of migrations commenced in early 1960s. At that time, Germany and other Western countries became prominently immigrational, while since mid-1960s till 1973 economic emigrants from Yugoslavia became more and more important in the German economic space. From 1954 to 1967 migration of Yugoslav citizens had not yet been intensive and their intention was mostly to work abroad. Illegal employment was, however, prominent at that time. Due to the normalisation of political relations, re-establishment of diplomatic relations and conclusion of bilateral agreements that legally defined employment of foreign workers, since 1968 till 1973 a great number of Yugoslavs got employed in FR Germany. The contemporary migrations from FR Yugoslavia to Germany resulted from the economic and political crisis in the former SFRY as well as from the civil wars that were waged in the Yugoslav territory. FR Germany became the most important destination country of Yugoslav migrants - workers, refugees, false asylum-seekers and political emigrants. Different categories of migrants from Yugoslavia to Germany enjoy the treatment that is in accordance with the immigration policies of the German governments as well as with the degree of development of the German-Yugoslav political and economic relations, and the degree of the established co-operation in the field of legal assistance and social welfare. Migrant workers, who have legally regulated their employment and residence status, could in the future expect to gain assistance from their mother country in getting efficient protection of their rights and interests in all stages of the migration process. Numerous migrants asylum-seekers, in spite of the proclaimed international protection, share, however, the fate resulting from the politically motivated measures and actions taken by the German authorities within the arbitrary decision-making of the right and/or abuse of the right to asylum. This is the reason why as early as in late 1994 the Government of FRG announced that it would expel foreigners from the country. The remaining refugees, or actually the so-called false asylum-seekers in FR Germany, share the fate of forced repatriation. Within this category special emphasis should be placed on the attitude of the German government to the Albanians and Roma from Kosovo. At first, the Germans treated the Albanians from Kosovo as politically persecuted persons, offering them refuge. Then they declared them (and Roma also) to be false asylum-seekers and insisted on readmission - their gradual repatriation to Kosovo. Considering both positive and negative implications of the migration process, the key issue for the citizens from Serbia and Montenegro who live in Germany remains the following: maintenance of their national identity, cherishing of their mother tongue and culture, keeping up relations with their mother country, social gathering - in various associations, clubs and organisations, education in their mother tongue, what particularly includes comprehensive additional teaching for children in Serbian, as well as better information dissemination.
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Dimitrijević, Nemanja. „Reactions and plans of the state leadership of Serbia and Montenegro during the crisis in Kosovo and Metohija (march 17-19, 2004)“. Zbornik radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Pristini 54, Nr. 1 (2024): 197–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp54-45097.
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The article analyzes the reactions and plans of the state leadership of Serbia and Montenegro during the crisis in Kosovo and Metohija in March 17-19, 2004, when radicalized groups of Kosovo Albanians expelled more than 4,000 Serbs from their homes. The same radicalized groups burned and destroyed 35 churches of the Serbian Orthodox Church. The state leadership of Serbia and Montenegro monitored the situation in Kosovo and Metohija and was ready to engage the army with the task of creating the humanitarian corridor for the evacuation of Serbs from Kosovo and Metohija to Serbia. During the crisis, the state leadership of Serbia and Montenegro did not send the army to Kosovo and Metohija because KFOR units stopped the expulsion of Serbs and the destruction of the cultural heritage of Serbian people
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Bobic, Mirjana. „Modern rural family and household in Yugoslavia“. Stanovnistvo 37, Nr. 1-4 (1999): 93–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv9904093b.
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The paper analyzes modern rural household in Yugoslavia, both by region and at the level of the country as a whole. The author begins by providing a statistical and sociological definition of basic terms, and proceeds with a combination of social and demographic analysis. The basic criterion used is the residential status of the population (permanent residence) based on the administrative distribution of settlements with the non-city ("other") population treated as part of rural population. The descriptive basis was formed on the basis of two types of sources: population census data and relevant studies, on the one hand, and comprehensive researches of rural family in the 1990s, on the other. The modernization theory has provided the basic framework for the analysis of the state and movement in rural households in Yugoslavia since the beginning of the 20th century, but the paper deals mainly with social and economic developments following the Second World War. The following components of the rural households are analyzed: dynamics and average size, as well as composition of households. With reference to the level of the social change they had undergone and some demographic special features, rural households are classified into four main types: 1) purely agricultural; 2) mixed (with income earned from agricultural and non-agricultural activities); 3) non-agricultural; and 4) households of elderly people. The appearance and growth of mixed households during the pest-war period, following adoption of the socialistic command economy, came as a result of objective contradictions in transformation of an individual agricultural household into a modern market-oriented holding, and its cooperation with the state-owned cooperative sector. Since early 1980s, however, with deterioration in its position, agricultural production is gradually given up or maintained at the subsistence level, while most family members earn their living from the non-agricultural sector. These tendencies were most rapidly observed in Vojvodina, which is the most fertile region of the country, and most slowly in central Serbia. As a result of the above social and economic transformation the village was also exposed to a strong demographic transformation, which was most readily observed in ageing and feminization of population and its labor force and narrowing down of family structure to conjugal family united through marriage, which is made up of aged parents without an heir. The rural household and/or family have undergone crucial changes in respect of three main segments: 1) size; 2) structure; and 3) position and role of family members. This last aspect has been the subject of numerous comprehensive studies into the way of life in villages. The analysis of family relations in a village was conducted in two segments: intra-generation (between spouses and between children, especially of different gender) and inter-generation (parent - children relations). Segregation of roles by gender is still characterized by male domination, husband - head of the family, and son - the heir. Housework, parenthood, and the homestead itself (due to the increased engagement of the husband in non-agricultural activities) are the main sources of self-realization of women. Marriage and bearing children (especially male children) represent the main social promotion channel for young girls in a village environment, while education and earning income from work outside the village do not ensure a significant role in making decisions on family life in general, children's future or even personal destiny. Incidence of conflict in marriage is rare. Satisfaction with a twofold role of the mother and housekeeper is very high as well as understanding for tl1e difficulties of the social position of a man - the "bread winner" in the current social crisis and disintegration. The author points to the lack of data on rural households in Kosovo and Metohia caused by the boycott of the latest census by the majority, ethnic Albanian population. An attempt was hence made to compensate for the lack of quantitative information by presenting results of representative investigation of Albanian zadrugas in Kosovo and Metohia.
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Mirovic, Dejan. „Why Serbia is asked to recognize Kosovo with comparative examples of Bangladesh and Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus“. Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, Nr. 149 (2014): 991–1000. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1449991m.
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In the context of public international law and relations between principles of territorial integrity and right to self-determination, independence of Kosovo will never be legal if it is not recognized by Serbia. This can be concluded from the examples of violent secession of Bangladesh and Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. That is why Serbia still has a right to decide about the independence of Kosovo and Metohija despite signing Brussels Agreement and the fact that 100 UN member states recognized Kosovo as an independent state. Forty years after the secession of northern part of the island, Nicosia has not recognized Turkish republic of Northern Cyprus, which caused that this secessionist creation does not become a member of the UN. Its independence is not full from the perspective of international law, and this fact that cannot be disputed in spite of the factual occupation of the northern part of island by Turkey. On the other side, Pakistan recognized the independence of Bangladesh and forever lost half of its population and state territory. In return, half of its foreign debt was written off, 90,000 prisoners were released and 13,000 square kilometers of territory in western part of Pakistan, controlled by India, were returned. However, no one is offering anything similar to Serbia to recognize the independence of Kosovo. Debts of Kosovo towards IMF and World Bank are paid by Serbia. In addition, if Serbia recognized the independence of Kosovo, Serbia would lose about 100,000 Serbs living on that territory and about 1,200 square kilometers of territory in the northern part of Kosovo which is not controlled by Pristina. In that context, it is clear that principles of territorial integrity are still stronger in international law then right to self-determination. Postmodernist theories have a goal to hide that fact. Key of the independence of so-called ?Kosovo? is still in hands of Belgrade. That is why there are so many persistent attempts and strong pressures from the West to recognize the independence of ?Kosovo?. Example of Cyprus shows how to resist those attempts within the framework of public international law (by applying the principles of territorial integrity). However, if in the future Serbia chooses the same approach as Pakistan in the case of Bangladesh, Kosovo will be lost forever. At that moment, it would be clear that the relations of great powers in the world have changed.
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Demjaha, Agon. „Inter-Ethnic Relations in Kosovo“. SEEU Review 12, Nr. 1 (01.06.2017): 181–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/seeur-2017-0013.
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AbstractThe paper aims to analyse the state of inter-ethnic relations in Kosovo between ethnic Albanians and ethnic Serbs, with special focus on the period after unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo in 2008. Inter-ethnic conflict in Kosovo has exclusively been over its territory since both Serbs and Albanians have made claims about history and ethno-demography to justify their alleged exclusive right to this ethnically mixed region. Consequently, inter-ethnic relations between Albanians and Serbs in Kosovo have been rather problematic throughout the most of the 20thcentury. During this period Albanians in Kosovo have been subjected to discrimination, intimidation and even mass expulsion by Yugoslav/Serb authorities. In late 1990s, these relations between Albanians and Serbs in Kosovo have progressively worsened and finally escalated in an armed warfare in 1999.Immediately after the war, Serbs in Kosovo were occasionally exposed to acts of inter-ethnic and retaliatory violence. Inter-ethnic relations between the two major ethnicities continued to be tense and fragile after independence of Kosovo in 2008. Dramatic changes of ethnic composition structure, atrocities and huge number of refugees due to the war, have left a legacy of deep mistrust and animosities between Albanians and Serbs in the newly created state. Consequently, Serbs in Kosovo have from the beginning refused to recognize Kosovo’s independence and have rigorously refused any governance by Kosovo authorities. Serbian community, especially in the North, claims stronger territorial autonomy, even separatism and unification with Serbia. The paper claims that in Kosovo inter-ethnic and interstate relations are basically the components of the same equation. Therefore, paper concludes that only overall improvement of relations between Kosovo and Serbia could contribute to overall relaxation of inter-ethnic relations between Albanians and Serbs in Kosovo. Unfortunately, the latest incidents between Kosovo and Serbia have increased the tensions between the two sides to alarming levels.
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Batakovic, Dusan. „Kosovo and Metohija: Serbia’s troublesome province“. Balcanica, Nr. 39 (2008): 243–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0839243b.
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Kosovo and Metohija, the heartland of medieval Serbia, of her culture politics and economy (1204-1455), experienced continuous waves of spiralling violence, forced migration and colonization under centuries-long Ottoman rule (1455-1912). A region which symbolizes the national and cultural identity of the Serbian nation as a whole now has an Albanian majority population, who consider it an ancient Albanian land, claiming continuity with ancient Illyrians. Kosovo was reincorporated into Serbia (1912) and Yugoslavia (1918) as a region lacking tradition of interethnic and interreligious tolerance and cooperation. The two rivalling Kosovo nations, Albanians and Serbs, remained distant, maintaining limited interethnic communication throughout the twentieth century. The mounting national and ideological conflicts, reinforced by the communist ideology made coexistence almost impossible, even after the 1999 NATO bombing campaign and establishment of KFOR-secured UN administration. Kosovo?s unilateral declaration of independence in February 2008 is a dangerous attempt to establish a second Albanian state extended into the heartland of Serbia, a failed state cleansed of both Serbs and other major non-Albanian communities.
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Pavlenko, Alexander. „The Development of Internal Political Processes in Kosovo (1999-2017)“. Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, Nr. 26 (27.11.2017): 325–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2017.26.325.
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Influence of Yugoslavia’s collapse, as well as of external factors on Kosovo’s separation from Serbia is explored in this article. Particular features of Kosovo’s internal policy development and problems with a full international recognition of its independence are also highlighted. The problem of Kosovo’s status within the diplomacy of “power poles” in modern international relations system in the context of NATO’s war against Yugoslavia in 1999 is underlined. Kosovo is a multi-party parliamentary representative democratic republic. The State is governed by legislative, executive and judicial institutions which derive from the Constitution adopted in June 2008, although until the Brussels Agreement, North Kosovo was largely controlled by institutions of the Republic of Serbia or parallel institutions, funded by Serbia. The legislative power in Kosovo is held by Parliament. The executive authority is vested in the Government, headed by Prime Minister. The President is Head of State and represents the unity of the people, elected every five years, indirectly by the National Assembly, in a secret ballot by a two thirds majority of all deputies of the Assembly. Key trends in Serbian policy towards Kosovo after the democratic transformation of its political system and in conditions of Serbia’s aspirations for European integration was examined. The process of Kosovo’s recognition has shown that Kosovo is an irreversible reality and an essential factor for peace and stability in the Balkan region. This could be best proved by the recognition of Kosovo among all neighboring countries (except Serbia), by the vast majority of the countries in the region and the Euro-Atlantic community.
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Hamiti, Urtak. „Prishtina-Belgrade Technical Agreement Promotes Political Dialogue but with Delay of its Implementation It Sharpens Ethnic Divisons“. European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 1, Nr. 2 (30.08.2015): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v1i2.p45-48.
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The Technical Agreement between Prishtina and Belgrade, brokered by European Union in April 2013, was hailed as a milestone in the process of normalization of relations between the two countries as well as unblocking the path of both Kosovo and Serbia towards European Union. The dialogue held a promise as a vehicle which, in conjunction with bilateral pressure on both sides by EU and a tailored enlargement process, could finally lead to normalization of relations between Kosovo and Serbia. However, most of the deadlines set up in the implementation plan of the Agreement have been stepped over. This delay in implementation combined with the victory of “Serbian List”, Kosovo Serb political party backed heavily by Belgrade Government, in the last general elections in Kosovo, have brought into jeopardy two of the main targets of the Technical agreement as a vehicle to a broader and more important political dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia as well as integration of local Kosovo Serbs into institutions of the state of Kosovo. This paper argues that Germany, United Kingdom and USA need to be more directly engaged in the process to pressure both sides to fulfill what was agreed in April 2013. It is a prevailing belief among many analysts that the only peaceful acceptable outcome depends on full integration of Kosovo Serbs in Kosovo’s state institutions, full normalization of relations between Prishtina and Belgrade, mutual recognition, and rewarding Kosovo by suspending the visa regime for EU countries for citizens of Kosovo. Delay in implementation, loss of pace and interest of EU in this process, is leading to sharpening of ethnic divisions in Kosovo and increasing the numbers of those who oppose dialogue on both sides.
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Hamiti, Urtak. „Prishtina-Belgrade Technical Agreement Promotes Political Dialogue but with Delay of its Implementation It Sharpens Ethnic Divisons“. European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2, Nr. 1 (30.08.2015): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v2i1.p45-48.
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The Technical Agreement between Prishtina and Belgrade, brokered by European Union in April 2013, was hailed as a milestone in the process of normalization of relations between the two countries as well as unblocking the path of both Kosovo and Serbia towards European Union. The dialogue held a promise as a vehicle which, in conjunction with bilateral pressure on both sides by EU and a tailored enlargement process, could finally lead to normalization of relations between Kosovo and Serbia. However, most of the deadlines set up in the implementation plan of the Agreement have been stepped over. This delay in implementation combined with the victory of “Serbian List”, Kosovo Serb political party backed heavily by Belgrade Government, in the last general elections in Kosovo, have brought into jeopardy two of the main targets of the Technical agreement as a vehicle to a broader and more important political dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia as well as integration of local Kosovo Serbs into institutions of the state of Kosovo. This paper argues that Germany, United Kingdom and USA need to be more directly engaged in the process to pressure both sides to fulfill what was agreed in April 2013. It is a prevailing belief among many analysts that the only peaceful acceptable outcome depends on full integration of Kosovo Serbs in Kosovo’s state institutions, full normalization of relations between Prishtina and Belgrade, mutual recognition, and rewarding Kosovo by suspending the visa regime for EU countries for citizens of Kosovo. Delay in implementation, loss of pace and interest of EU in this process, is leading to sharpening of ethnic divisions in Kosovo and increasing the numbers of those who oppose dialogue on both sides.
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Havolli, Refik, und Bastrie Uka Havolli. „WORLDWIDE GOODS PRODUCED IN SERBIA AND THE 100% TAX EFFECT ON THEIR IMPORTS TO KOSOVO“. Knowledge International Journal 30, Nr. 6 (20.03.2019): 1627–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij30061627h.
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The imposition of a 10% defensive measure by the Kosovo Government, pursuant to Decision No. 01/74 dated 06.11.2018, for product imported from Serbia and Bosnia Herzegovina, had a big impact on the brands trademarks of Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina.On 21.12.2018, the Government of Kosovo raised the tax rate from 10% to 100% as well as for the international brands it produces in these countries. Only a few of these international brands had been deployed.On December 28, 2019, the Kosovo Government also took the decision to ban all non-produced trademarks produced in Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, which entered into force on 01.01.2019. So to supplement and amend the decision No. 01/76 dated 21.11.2018 was passed, from which paragraph 2 of the basic decision was removed.The reason why the government of Kosovo took the decision for 100% tax was the wartime campaign for denying the state and the fights against Kosovo for the membership in Interpol.This tax was decided without any analysis, benefiting only the intersects of different groups. Where is the lack of coordination between MTI-Customs, Finance Ministry, Government of Kosovo (Prime Minister).There were statements against this matter for the imposition of this tax. Making this decision had positive effects on politics, but had far greater impact on the economy.The pressure to remove the tax from the international community fell when the government decision banned the import of international trademarkThe reasons why international brands were deployed in Serbia, and none of them in Kosovo was because there was much greater institutional support, while in Kosovo there was a deficiency in the privatization process.
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Nielsen, Christian Axboe. „Serbian Historiography after 1991“. Contemporary European History 29, Nr. 1 (12.11.2019): 90–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077731900033x.
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Few countries in Europe have witnessed as much turbulence during the past quarter century as the seven states which emerged from socialist Yugoslavia after it dissolved amidst a catastrophic series of wars of succession. Although actual armed conflict only took place in Serbia (then still including Kosovo in the rump state Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) in 1998 and 1999, Serbia directly participated in the wars of Yugoslav succession beginning in 1991 in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and then finally in Kosovo. For nearly a decade from 1992 until 2001 Serbia's economy languished under the combination of a kleptocratic regime, expensive and protracted military engagements and international sanctions. The long Serbian transition entered a new phase in October 2000, when Yugoslav President Slobodan Milošević was ousted by a very heterogeneous political coalition whose leaders shared only an intense antipathy for Milošević. The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was transformed into the short-lived state union of Serbia and Montenegro, which disappeared when Montenegro declared its independence in 2006, followed by Kosovo in 2008.
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Jovanović, Vladislav. „The destruction of SFRY and Serbia“. Napredak 2, Nr. 3 (2021): 15–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak2-34635.
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The paper recapitulates the process of the destruction of the Yugoslav state (SFRY and FRY). Special attention is given to the key factor in that process, the will of the West, embodied in the USA and the EC (EU), for whom the continued existence of Yugoslavia was no longer of geopolitical interest. The conferences on Yugoslavia, organized in Brussels and The Hague, were supposed to serve to legitimize this goal: the disappearance of Yugoslavia. The author points out that when the West did not manage to achieve its goal with political solutions, it involved NATO, through the aggression in 1999. Previously, Serbia's legitimate opposition to terrorist acts by the KLA on its territory, as an internal issue par excellence, was declared a threat to "peace and security in the world", and the UN Security Council took it as a permanent topic of its sessions. There had been secessionist uprisings and armed conflicts in UN member states before, as there are today, but the Security Council never before dared to violate the article of the UN Charter that states that these questions are the exclusive competence of the member state concerned. An exception was made only in the case of Serbia, although the defense against KLA terrorism was legal and limited to the territory of the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija, i.e., the Yugoslav state border was never crossed. The false claim of William Walker, the head of the OSCE mission in Kosovo and Metohija, concerning the massacre in Racak, was the cause of the war of aggression against the FRY. By illegally naming the protectorate of Kosovo as the so-called state of the Albanian national minority, the West took this as the final stroke in the dismemberment of Yugoslavia and Serbia, thus ignoring the story of the phoenix rising from its ashes.
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Todorović, Zoran D. „The Role of the Ministry of the Interior of the Republic of Serbia in the Conduct of Ethnic Cleansing of the Albanian Population in Kosovo and Metohija From 1998 to 1999“. Kriminalističke teme 22, Nr. 1 (29.11.2022): 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.51235/kt.2022.22.1.73.
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The paper presents a short chronology of the political conflict in the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija (Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo, until the constitutional changes of 1989), which in the 1990s turned into an armed conflict in which the security forces of the Republic of Serbia from October 1998 to June 1999, carried out a planned action of ethnic cleansing of Kosovo Albanians. In the action, several thousand Albanian civilians were executed extrajudicially and between 800,000 and 850,000 Albanians were forcefully expelled to Macedonia, Montenegro, Albania and Bosnia and Herzegovina. This paper is based on the final judgments of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) by which the highest state officials and military and police generals in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republic of Serbia were convicted of joint criminal enterprise aimed at altering the ethnic structure in at least 13 Kosovo municipalities, especially in the period of the NATO alliance campaign from March 24 to June 12, 1999. The role of the Ministry of Interior in the joint criminal enterprise (JCE), as established by the ICTY judgments to the then Ministry of Interior leaders: Vlastimir Đordđević, head of the Public Security Department, Sreten Lukić, head of the Ministry of Interior Staff for Kosovo, (Vlajko Stojiljković, the Minister of Interior, was also accused, but he committed suicide in 2002) - is undoubted. Therefore, it calls for a public analysis and presentation of the role of this part of the repressive apparatus of the state of Serbia in the ethnic cleansing of Kosovo Albanians, as well as its role in the planned and systematic concealment of crimes. The concealment of the crime was conducted from March to June 1999 by the Ministry of Interior forces through secret operations of transfer of bodies of Kosovo Albanians from primary graves in Kosovo and their burial in mass graves at secret locations in Serbia. Three graves were discovered in 2001 and one in 2013, with the assumption that there are more because they are looking for another 1,086 Albanian victims and 562 victims of Serbs, Roma, Bosniaks, Egyptians, Ashkali and others.
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Filimonova, Anna Igorevna, und Kseniya Dmitrievna Kot. „The role of Zoran Djindjic in resolving the Kosovo issue“. Uchenyy Sovet (Academic Council), Nr. 5 (22.04.2021): 372 (402)—383 (409). http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/nik-02-2105-05.
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The article is devoted to one of the most dramatic events in the history of Serbia - the assassination of Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic, in terms of analyzing two key aspects. Firstly, numerous inconsistencies, discrepancies, contradictions and outright falsifications were revealed on the part of the official investigation and the official version of the attentate, in which it was not possible to reliably establish the motives, methods of committing the crime and the true perpetrators of the prime minister's death. Consequently, the reason for the murder of the prime minister, which, no doubt, lies precisely in the politics, remains hidden. In the Serbian political dimension, Kosovo and Metohija have long been the main stumbling blocks. Secondly, the authors of the article analyze the radical change in Zoran Djindjic's policy, which took place in general across a wide range of issues, and in particular, on the indicated "Kosovo problem". The Serbian prime minister had a sharp change in political orientations due to specific measures taken by the US, the EU and the "world community" towards Serbia, among which there were extremely destructive tendencies covered by double standards and humanistic rhetoric. The West did not need a "renewed Serbia", moreover, Serbia, renewed on the basis of a combination of democratic and national-state principles, which, in fact, became the policy of Zoran Djindjic a few months before the attentate, was a direct threat to the West. In particular, it hindered the implementation of the plans to build a certain order (characterized through the formula "constant chaos of low intensity"). Pax Americana, or the "new globalized order", can only be established in the Balkans on the rubble of Serbia, with dysfunctional state institutions, a devastated economy and destroyed national consciousness. The West needs Serbia only in the form of a failed state. The key point is the deprivation of its main attribute of statehood - sovereignty, inviolability of borders and territorial integrity. The withdrawal from Serbia of its southern region, Kosovo and Metohija, occurred contrary to the UN Charter, the entire complex of international legal acts on the territorial integrity and sovereignty of states, a number of UN Security Council resolutions, including Resolution No. 1244, the Constitution and legislation of Serbia. Without idealizing or romanticizing the image of this Serbian statesman, the authors consistently identify the steps taken by Zoran Djindjic in the Kosovo direction at the international and regional levels, testifying to his firm desire to implement the provisions of UN Security Council Resolution 1244, to reconsider relations with the West in general and build democratic Serbian state on national basis. All undertakings were interrupted by an unknown sniper's bullet fired on March 12, 2003. English version of the article on pp. 402-409 at URL: https://panor.ru/articles/role-of-zoran-dindic-in-resolving-the-kosovo-issue/66002.html
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Surlan, Tijana. „Recognition in international law: The case of Kosovo and Metohija“. Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, Nr. 151 (2015): 289–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1551289s.
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Recognition is an instrument of the public international law founded in the classical international law. Still, it preserves its main characteristics formed in the period when states dominated as the only legal persons in international community. Nevertheless, the instrument of recognition is today as vibrant as ever. As long as it does not have a uniform legal definition and means of application, it leaves room to be applied to very specific cases. In this paper, the instrument of recognition is elaborated from two aspects - theoretical and practical. First (theoretical) part of the paper presents main characteristics of the notion of recognition, as presented in main international law theories - declaratory and constitutive theory. Other part of the paper is focused on the recognition in the case of Kosovo. Within this part, main constitutive elements of state are elaborated, with special attention to Kosovo as self-proclaimed state. Conclusion is that Kosovo does not fulfill main constitutive elements of state. It is not an independent and sovereign state. It is in the status of internationalized entity, with four international missions on the field with competencies in the major fields of state authority - police, judiciary system, prosecution system, army, human rights, etc. Main normative framework for the status of Kosovo is still the UN Resolution 1244. It is also the legal ground for international missions, confirming non-independent status of Kosovo. States that recognized Kosovo despite this deficiency promote the constitutive theory of recognition, while states not recognizing Kosovo promote declaratory theory. Brussels Agreement, signed by representatives of Serbia and Kosovo under the auspices of the EU, has also been elaborated through the notion of recognition - (1) whether it represents recognition; (2) from the perspective of consequences it provokes in relations between Belgrade and Pristina. Official position of Serbian Government is clear - Serbia does not recognize Kosovo as an independent and sovereign state. On the other hand, subject matter of Brussels Agreement creates new means of improvement for Kosovo authorities in the north part of Kosovo. Thus, Serbian position regarding the recognition is twofold - it does not recognize Kosovo in foro externo, and it completes its competences in foro domestico. What has been underlined through the paper and confirmed in the conclusion is that there is not a recognition which has the power to create a state and there is not a non-recognition which has the power to annul a state.
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Mustafa, Liburn, und Mensur Morina. „Central governance and minority rights: The case of the developing country“. Corporate Law and Governance Review 4, Nr. 2 (2022): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/clgrv4i2p7.
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The purpose of the paper is to study the institutional approach of the Serbian state toward ethnic minorities, specifically towards the Albanian ethnic minority in Serbia. The research focuses on the Serbian state governance forms and how these forms reflect on local governance policies by the Albanian majority. The deprivation of many individual and national rights has influenced the strengthening of the national identity (Searle-White, 2001). The paper is a theoretical study that is based on the qualitative research method and includes the discourse analysis of programs, events, writings, and statements of intellectual and political figures of the relevant times. The paper finds out that the violation of freedom and national rights toward the Albanian minority in Serbia has reflected strong forms of political behavior. In conclusion, it turns out that the Albanian political class in Serbia, disappointed by the state institutions, seeks the help of the mother state of Kosovo so that the status of the Albanians in Serbia is resolved the same as the status of the Serbs of Kosovo. This paper seeks to contribute to central government relations with ethnic minorities as well as making a non-prejudiced approach to the freedoms and rights of ethnic minorities in general
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R. Copley, Gregory. „MEETING THE BURDEN OF STATEHOOD: IS KOSOVO READY?“ POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 1, Nr. 1 (15.01.2007): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj010125c.
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There is ample evidence that Kosovo has no legitimacy in the normal sense of a sovereign state, and that, if it was to be recognized as such, it would further erode the credibility of the international system. Kosovo does not meet any historical standards for sovereignty. For Kosovo to be recognized as a legitimate sovereign state, the international community must violate the sovereignty of another recognized state, the Republic of Serbia. One should also take to consideration that Kosovo is already a territory run as a criminal enterprise, with links into jihadist movements. Already Kosovo is becoming like Afghanistan under the Taliban. And like the Taliban destruction of the ancient Buddhas of Bamiyan, the Albanian Islamist process of destruction of the Christian Churches will be complete if Kosovo is granted independence. The chaos of changing borders— such as we are seeing today in the Balkans, and elsewhere — is fertile ground for criminality. Europe is a major target for the global jihadist movements, and not only those under the al-Qaida label, but also those fi nanced and logistically made viable by the Iranian Government. Western fears have been strengthened by intelligence derived by European countries on the existence of a strong Islamist network in Kosovo and Bosnia. The “al-Qaida” phenomenon owes its success to the fi nancial links with what we are calling the Albanian mafi a, just as the Albanian criminals owe their success to the logistics and networks of al-Qaida. As far as Islamists are concerned, their goal is consolidation of their control over parts of the Balkans, specifi cally the so-called “Green transversal” belt which links the Adriatic Coast through Albania, FYR of Macedonia, the Serbian Kosovo and Metohija region, the southern Serbia/northern Montenegro Rashka (Sanjak) region, through the Gorazde Corridor into Bosnia, not only as a terrorist corridor but also to facilitate a clear highway for narco-traffi cking and weapons shipments. Signifi cantly, the Serbian Government within the union of Serbia & Montenegro, had, until the recent Serbian elections, attempted to ignore the growing incitement to a new outbreak of violence and unrest on the part of the Muslim community of southern Serbia (Rashka) and Kosovo because it did not wish to be seen to be drawing attention to the growing Muslim agitation. Finally, Kosovo Liberation Army still, and is able to access much of its narcotic product, because of its close interrelationship with jihadist movements worldwide and foreign state sponsors. There is no ground for optimism in the future. The wars to break up Yugoslavia are still unfi nalized. And in many of the new wars we will see savagery abound as groups “re-discover” old identities, and seek to capitalize on the permissive climate of change and chaos. However, it not just Balkans that is endangered. Deeply placed sources within the Islamist community in Kosovo have identifi ed the source and type of the explosives used in the jihadist terrorist bombings in London on July 7, 2005, and the Madrid commuter railway bombings of March 11, 2004.
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Arsić, Radomir. „Teacher education in "old Serbia": With special reference to education in Prizren“. Metodicka praksa 25, Nr. 1 (2022): 12–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/metpra2201012a.
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The historical and geographical notion of Old Serbia originated in the 19th century and almost does not exist today and the Serbian people do not use it, although it included the territories of Old Raška, Kosovo and Metohi and Vardar Serbia (nowadays Northern Macedonia). The Serbian people have always believed that learned people are the initiators of the people and national ideas of unification of all territories where they live, the small Principality of Serbia realized early and tried to educate and tried to develop education, tried to establish those sciences. Thus, supporting them, a seminary was formed in Prizren, with the primary role of educating both priests and teachers. From that germ, the idea of further development was formed with further development, and a special teacher's school was formed, later the pedagogical academy, the Higher Pedagogical School and finally the Faculty of Teacher Education (1994).
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Mladenovich, M., und M. Tomic. „The unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo and Metohija is a precedent in international politics“. Гуманитарные и юридические исследования 10, Nr. 1 (2023): 77–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.37493/2409-1030.2023.1.10.
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The attempt to secede from Kosovo, which began in the nineties of the twentieth century, ended with NATO’s aggression against Yugoslavia, which formally usurped the southern Serbian province by the most powerful Western countries. The threat to the national security of the Republic of Serbia by the armed aggression of the NATO Pact is a unique example of the violation of all existing international legal norms prohibiting aggression against a sovereign and independent state. It is emphasized that even with the introduction of the Interim International Administration (UNMIK), the security situation has not stabilized. The political decisions of the representatives of the international community were framed in the paradigm of “absolute independence” of Kosovo and Metohija, despite the dissatisfaction of the then top officials of the Republic of Serbia. The illegal attempt to secede from Kosovo and Metohija through the adoption of the Declaration of Independence in 2008 by representatives of the Albanian national minority raised a number of political, economic and social questions about the strategy of the subjects and forces of the national security system of the Republic of Serbia. It is indicated that the ongoing dialogue between representatives of the Provisional Kosovo Institutions and representatives of the Republic of Serbia contributed to the signing of agreements in various fields. However, their implementation has a negative impact on the sovereignty, i.e. the jurisdiction of the institutions of the Republic of Serbia. The international administration created to date has failed to ensure the implementation of UN Security Council resolution 1244. The article analyzes the dynamics of events that led to the unilateral declaration of independence in violation of all norms of international law, including the right to political self-determination. The results of the work indicate an uneven interpretation of some norms regulating the status of national minorities (in this case, Albanians), as well as an attempt by Western countries to impose a solution to the Kosovo problem on the Republic of Serbia exclusively through various forms of recognition of the so-called independence.
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Dalipi, Dr Sc Samet. „Institutional fragility – challenge for peacebuilding in Kosovo“. ILIRIA International Review 2, Nr. 2 (31.12.2012): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v2i2.149.
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Peace building, as part of conflict resolution strategy, is challenged by several internal factors with socio-economic, political, governmental nature, and factors coming from outside the country and violent past under governance of ex Yugoslavia/Serbia. This process becomes more difficult by the transition from socialist to free economy.Kosovo independence undermines taking responsibilities by institutions on peace building perspective which will bring to the gradual reconciliation with neighbors, including Serbia. Growing authoritarian tendencies on decision making mechanisms chock already existing fragile democracy. Enhancing the rule of law and system of justice will create a good basement for elimination of corruption and increase the quality of governance as strengthening elements of the social peace and reconciliation between the communities inside Kosovo. Even that, Kosovo institutions have made huge efforts in building the state mechanisms in preparation for the country’s independence phase. Rise of care in the rule of law, legislation implementation, efforts for combating corruption as a major source of state vulnerability, democratic institution building, and economic development, will be the challenges faced Kosovo’s future.
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Dalipi, Dr Sc Samet, und MSc Nehat Demiri. „Rational Dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia - Way Toward Reconciliation“. ILIRIA International Review 4, Nr. 1 (30.06.2015): 323. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v4i1.67.
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Within a decade, Kosovo has compromised twice: accepting the process of decentralization in order to achieve independence and international recognition, through the President Martti Ahtisaari’s Comprehensive Proposal for the Kosovo Status Settlement (2 February 2007), and finally, by approving to offer autonomy for Kosovo Serbs for the sovereignty, but still within the limits of the Ahtisaari Plan.Coincidentally, the same Serbian political parties which had fought three wars, resulting in dissolution of the state (Former Yugoslavia) at that time (the Socialist Party and the Serbian Radical Party), now are in power in the Republic of Serbia, and have the possibility to finally solve the Kosovo case, and to open the perspective for this part, Europe’s black hole, to be engaged in global integration. Statements by senior Serbian politicians are positively shifting, compared to the radicalization of the relations between Albanians and Serbs three decades ago and it is believed that the developments will evolve towards rational choice and acceptance by the parties. Being under pressure by difficult socio-economic situation and need for integration processes, both sides undertake risky and unpopular steps by signing unclear political and verbal agreements on normalization of relations, which may produce difficult solving externalities in the future. The risk lies in the possibility of further damaging the Kosovo’s “piece of the cake”, after every refusal step by the Serbian side, which will damage the interest of Kosovo side according to the “zero sum” game. Analyses of the dialogue process between Kosovo and Serbia reflect the mixed benefits to the parties, resulting in not very soon European integration, and with hope on difficult but necessary reconciliation between Albanians and Serbs in the region. The broken, after the war established, status quo is better than entering into a protracted conflict in the middle of Europe.
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Milović, Marko, und Borivoje Baltezarević. „Ravishment of the material treasure of Kosovo and Metohija by international and domestic factors“. Megatrend revija 18, Nr. 4 (2021): 293–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/megrev2104293m.
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The material and cultural treasures of Kosovo and Metohija have been written and spoken about for decades, even centuries. Somehow, this story about both treasures, both for us and for others, and here we also mean various international factors, never loses its significance. Although the territory of Kosovo and Metohija, as it has been known since 1999, is not under the jurisdiction of the state of Serbia, this topic is not extreme. Conflicts, wars, riots and the like in the territory of Kosovo and Metohija are an inseparable part of its history, and the background of all these unpleasant events is not only the territory as such, but precisely its enormous wealth that it possesses. In our paper, we referred to those riches, primarily ores, and why many have the desire to rule the southern Serbian province. The more brokers there are at various levels and in various areas in those areas, the less justice and rights there are, especially when it comes to the rights of the Serbian people and the protection of both their property and the property of the state of Serbia. In that sense, we pointed out the objective inability of the existing Kosovo judiciary to do its job, but also the subjective reasons, which are mostly of a political nature.
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Miketić, Uroš. „Programs of parties in Serbia on Kosovo and Metohija on the basis of their internet presentations“. ПОЛИТЕИА 10, Nr. 19 (2020): 79–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/politeia0-27147.
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This paper, using the operational method of content analysis, gives an overview of the programmatic attitudes of the parties in Serbia about the province of Kosovo and Metohija. We have used internet presentations of the parties in our case, but in some cases this meant that these were outdated programs from the period of diametrically opposed political circumstances in the country and the world, or general presentations without stating when and where the program was adopted. In any case, the Kosovo and Metohija issue is recognized by most parties, especially those with the most numerous membership and a long tradition, as an issue of first-class state importance. The parties are almost unanimous when it comes to protecting the rights of Serbs, their cultural heritage, and the economic interests of Serbia in the province. However, the positioning of the parties with regard to the final status of the province has brought major differences. Some parties stand firmly on the position of Resolution 1244 and the 2006 Constitution of the Republic of Serbia in relation to this matter, while on the opposite side are those political factors advocating for a permanent solution based on compromise. The statements of contemporary political actors in Serbia about the province of Kosovo and Metohija are not the subject of this paper, but we are exclusively focused on programs as a permanent testimony to the attitude of political circles in Serbia towards the aforementioned issue to this day.
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Muharremi, Robert. „Kosovo's Declaration of Independence: Self-Determination and Sovereignty Revisited“. Review of Central and East European Law 33, Nr. 4 (2008): 401–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157303508x339689.
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Abstract In this article, the author analyzes the implications of Kosovo's declaration of independence on state sovereignty and the principle of self-determination of peoples. He begins with an outline of the political process leading to the declaration of independence and the reactions of the international community thereto in which he also presents the various legal arguments raised for and against the lawfulness of Kosovo's secession from Serbia. The author continues with a discussion of whether the principle of self-determination of peoples does apply in the Kosovo case and whether the operation of this principle would justify a 'remedial secession'. Subsequently, he analyzes whether UN Security Council Resolution 1244 may be a legal barrier to Kosovo's independence to the extent that Serbia does not consent to such independence. Finally, in view of the extensive powers vested in the new international presence following Kosovo's declaration of independence, he discusses whether Kosovo fulfills the criteria of effective government and independence for being a state under general international law. The author concludes that international law remains controversial as to questions pertaining to conflicts between state sovereignty and self-determination of peoples and particularly to 'remedial secession', and that it is still too early to determine the impact of the Kosovo case on the development of international law.
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Ilić, Petar, Anđelka Kovač und Biljana Pavlović. „Serbian Folk Lullabies in Preschools: Significance and Representation“. Društvene i humanističke studije (Online) 7, Nr. 3(20) (30.10.2022): 295–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.51558/2490-3647.2022.7.3.295.
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This paper discusses the importance of traditional folk lullabies in the education of preschool children and their representation in music education literature and practice. Scientific research indicates the development potential and importance of folk lullabies in early childhood. Serbian folk lullabies are not sufficiently represented in preschool education in central Serbia and Kosovo and Metohija, which is the starting hypothesis of the research presented in this paper. This research aims to determine the extent to which Serbian folk lullabies, as music content, are used in preschool education in central Serbia and Kosovo, and Metohija. The research included a total of 692 participants – preschool teachers and parents. It was found: 1) that Serbian folk lullabies are insufficiently represented in music education literature for preschool age; 2) that preschool teachers and parents are not sufficiently informed about the educational benefit and importance of folk lullabies. The paper contributes to the actualization of Serbian traditional folk lullabies, and their greater representation in music education literature and practice. The descriptive method was used in the research, as well as the analysis and synthesis method.
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Medojević, Jovo, und Saša Milosavljević. „Destruction of Serbian churches and monasteries in Kosovo and Metohija from 1999 to 2022: Cultural-geographical determinants“. Zbornik radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Pristini 52, Nr. 4 (2022): 237–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp52-40045.
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The autonomous province of Kosovo and Metohija is a historical part of Old Serbia and the central area of the medieval Serbian state of the Nemanjić family, which makes it a historical-geographical and cultural-geographical area of enormous importance for the Republic of Serbia. At the same time, the Serbian Orthodox Church throughout its entire spiritual, historical and cultural existence in Kosovo and Metohija shares the fate of the Serbian people. The destruction of Serbian religious monuments in Kosovo and Metohija has been happening for centuries, so the continuity of the destruction of Serbian churches and monasteries can be traced from the 17th century to the present day. During the NATO intervention on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and on the territory of the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija, which lasted from March 24 to June 9, 1999, Albanian extremists devastated and demolished the largest number of Serbian sacral monuments. At the same time, the period at the end of the 20th century and the first two decades of the 21st century was marked by the cruel persecution of Serbs from Kosovo and Metohija and the devastation of the entire Serbian cultural heritage. By applying the methodology of cultural-geographic research and field research, the goal of the paper is to confirm and document all known cases of devastation and destruction of Serbian sacral heritage in Kosovo and Metohija from 1999 to 2022, which were committed by the Albanian extremists.
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Goxha, Jeta. „Kosovo’s European Road and the EU Role in Improving Relations with Serbia“. Urban Studies and Public Administration 1, Nr. 2 (30.09.2018): 252. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/uspa.v1n2p252.
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<p><em>Compared to other Western Balkan countries, the Kosovo case is of particular importance, on the one hand, by the fact that it is the youngest state in the region and, on the other hand, the integration of Western Balkan countries could not be sustained without resolution of Kosovo’s status.</em></p><p><em>This paper aims to analyze the progress made in the relations between the two countries. The normalization of relations between Kosovo and Serbia is an important factor in regional co-operation, as well as an important condition for stabilizing the Balkans.</em></p><p><em>To make possible the realization of this objective Kosovo has undertaken a number of initiatives, which could facilitate the process of European integration. National Strategy for European Integration aims at supporting Kosovo’s aspirations for membership and EU integration, so that by 2020 Kosovo may have “completed its homework” for EU integration.</em></p><em>Following the declaration of independence, Kosovo’s main objective is Euro-Atlantic integration. Mainly, the journey towards the EU has been influenced by a number of factors, such as the overall situation, the political situation in the country, and the close relationship between Kosovo and Serbia. Following the signing on 19 April 2013 of the historic agreement by Prime Minister Hashim Thaci on the Kosovo side and Ivica Dacic on the Serbian side, the situation between the two countries apparently “improved”. But what is different is the fact that this agreement was implemented thanks to the influence of EU representatives after a series of failed attempts.</em>
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Mandak, Rejhan. „THE LEGAL – POLITICAL POSITION OF THE ISLAMIC RELOGIOUS COMMUNITY IN THE KINGDOM OF SCS JUGOSLAVIA (1918-1935)“. Knowledge International Journal 28, Nr. 7 (10.12.2018): 2459–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij28072459r.
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The position and organization of the Islamic religious community of Muslims in the newly formed Kingdom of SCS in different parts of the country were set differently. The Islamic religion in the Kingdom of Serbia during the second half of the 19th century, up to the World War I, had the status of a recognized religion, but not equal to the Orthodox one. Up to the First Balkan War, Islam had the same status in Macedonia. After the Balkan Wars (1912–1913), the Ottoman rule ceased in Macedonia, Kosovo and Sandjak. The new territories were added to the Kingdom of Serbia and Montenegro. In these areas, the Muslim population was significant in numbers, so the question of their religious and civil-legal status was raised. These questions were also entered into the content of the Peace Treaty, signed between the Kingdom of Serbia and the Ottoman State on 14th March, 1914, in Istanbul. The Constantinople Agreement envisioned establishment of an entire religious organization of Muslims in the Kingdom of Serbia. The head of Muslims for the Kingdom of Serbia was the Supreme Mufti seated in Nis, and later in Belgrade, and in each Muslim-populated district there would be a mufti, which had local religious, administrative, educational and judicial power over the Muslim population. One of the characteristic of the Muslims in Vardar Macedonia, as well as in Kosovo and Sandjak, is that the religious and sharia-judicial functions were merged in one person – the mufti. With the Decree on the organization of courts and court proceedings in the incorporated areas in old Serbia, (referring to Macedonia, Kosovo and Sandjak) from 7th June, 1914, the jurisdiction of the mufti also included marital disputes of Muslims, disputes over support, guardianship and its obligations, as well as the emancipation of young people.
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Mandak, Rejhan. „THE LEGAL – POLITICAL POSITION OF THE ISLAMIC RELOGIOUS COMMUNITY IN THE KINGDOM OF SCS JUGOSLAVIA (1918-1935)“. Knowledge International Journal 28, Nr. 7 (10.12.2018): 2459–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij29082459r.
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The position and organization of the Islamic religious community of Muslims in the newly formed Kingdom of SCS in different parts of the country were set differently. The Islamic religion in the Kingdom of Serbia during the second half of the 19th century, up to the World War I, had the status of a recognized religion, but not equal to the Orthodox one. Up to the First Balkan War, Islam had the same status in Macedonia. After the Balkan Wars (1912–1913), the Ottoman rule ceased in Macedonia, Kosovo and Sandjak. The new territories were added to the Kingdom of Serbia and Montenegro. In these areas, the Muslim population was significant in numbers, so the question of their religious and civil-legal status was raised. These questions were also entered into the content of the Peace Treaty, signed between the Kingdom of Serbia and the Ottoman State on 14th March, 1914, in Istanbul. The Constantinople Agreement envisioned establishment of an entire religious organization of Muslims in the Kingdom of Serbia. The head of Muslims for the Kingdom of Serbia was the Supreme Mufti seated in Nis, and later in Belgrade, and in each Muslim-populated district there would be a mufti, which had local religious, administrative, educational and judicial power over the Muslim population. One of the characteristic of the Muslims in Vardar Macedonia, as well as in Kosovo and Sandjak, is that the religious and sharia-judicial functions were merged in one person – the mufti. With the Decree on the organization of courts and court proceedings in the incorporated areas in old Serbia, (referring to Macedonia, Kosovo and Sandjak) from 7th June, 1914, the jurisdiction of the mufti also included marital disputes of Muslims, disputes over support, guardianship and its obligations, as well as the emancipation of young people.
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Austin, Robert C. „A Word on Kosovo’s First Ten Years“. Südosteuropa 66, Nr. 2 (26.07.2018): 272–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2018-0019.
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Abstract Kosovo celebrated ten years of fraught independence in February. While there were some good reasons to celebrate, Kosovo still hovers between a failed and a functioning state. Its main economic indicators are extremely bad with no signs of improving. Unemployment, particularly among its youth, is feeding an ongoing brain drain. The legacy of the United Nations Mission (UNMIK) and now the European Union Mission (EULEX) is mixed, but neither was successful in creating the conditions for Kosovo to function as a normal state. Agreements between Belgrade and Prishtina to provide more rights to the Serb communities especially in the north have undermined Kosovo’s sovereignty. Now, the buzz in Prishtina speaks of a territorial swap between Serbia and Kosovo that would pave the way for mutual recognition. The domestic elite have proven more interested in short term survival and profit than in making historic progress. A stale consensus prevails that maybe this is the best that can be hoped for.
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Khoshev, Andrey Yu. „Situation in Kosovo and Metohija before the Kosovo crisis of 1998–1999: The attitude of the Russian Orthodox Church“. Issues of Theology 5, Nr. 3 (2023): 471–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu28.2023.308.
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Kosovo and Metohija is a territory in the south of modern Serbia, associated with the history of emergence and development Serbian statehood and the autocephalous Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC) in the 13th–15th centuries. Being the center of the sacred places of Serbian Orthodoxy, Kosovo and Metohija during the Ottoman yoke was turned into a hotbed of forced de-Christianization by ousting the Orthodox population and replacing it with Islamized Albanians. This strategy survived the Turkish era and was continued during the period of occupation in 1941–1945, as well as in the subsequent period of communism, culminating in the expulsion of Kosovo Serbs and the mass destruction of the SOC’s shrines with impunity under the so-called Kosovo crisis 1998–1999 and NATO aggression against Yugoslavia. The support of Russia and the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) for the Kosovo Serbs and the SOC in Kosovo and Metohija during the years of the Kosovo crisis is relatively well known and studied, including in the author’s monograph. This article, in turn, is devoted to Russian-Serbian interchurch relations in the previous period, starting from 1945 and with an emphasis on the 1980s. The visit of Patriarch Pimen of Moscow and All Russia in Kosovo and Metohija as part of his tour to Yugoslavia in 1984, as well as the subsequent development of contacts with the SOC on the Kosovo theme, is presented in detail. The article uses unpublished documents from the Archive of the Department for External Church Relations of the Moscow Patriarchate, the State Archive of the Russian Federation, the Archive of Yugoslavia, the Archive of Serbia, as well as materials published on the pages of the official periodicals of the Russian Orthodox Church and the SOC in noted historical period.
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Echimovich, Mariana, Svetozar Shchekich und Maksim Braјovich. „Features of Albanian separatism in Kosovo and Metohija“. Конфликтология / nota bene, Nr. 2 (Februar 2023): 12–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2023.2.40882.
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Authors examine the formation and development of Albanian separatism in the Serbian province of Kosovo and Metohija. The article deals with the main aspects of the history of creation and functioning of the first armed extremist groups of Kosovo Albanians, in particular the activities of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) during the hottest phases of the Kosovo crisis in the 1990s, including the role of international actors in the development of Albanian terrorism in the Serbian province. In the article, the authors conclude that Albanian separatism is not a spontaneously organized ethnic group with the aim of fighting against "terror" perpetrated by state power, but is instead the embodiment of the idea of a "Greater Albania", projected in the First and Second Prizer Leagues. Western countries also actively supported the formation, training, logistical support and funding of the KLA. The leader among Western states supporting Albanian separatism in Serbia was the United States, which provided Kosovo separatists with comprehensive support. With the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1244 and the arrival of the UN Military and Civil Mission in Kosovo and Metohija (KFOR and UMNIK), Albanian extremists and terrorists used all-out violence to expel the non-Albanian population from Kosovo and Metohija. The separation of Kosovo from Serbia, which took place under the careful guidance of the international community represented by the USA and the EU, as well as the recognition of the so-called Kosovo's "independence" by, above all, Western countries, grossly violated not only UNSC Resolution 1244 and international law in general, but also created an international legal precedent which gave other proponents of territorial secession an excuse and right to seek the same as that of the so-called Kosovo.