Thematische Bibliographien / Economics, 1929-1931

Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Economics, 1929-1931“

Autor: Grafiati

Veröffentlicht am 27. Juli 2024

Zuletzt aktualisiert am 29. Juli 2024

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Economics, 1929-1931"

Morra, Lucia. „Piero Sraffa and Raffaello Piccoli: Two Italian Scholars in Cambridge 1929–1932“. Contributions to Political Economy 40, Nr. 1 (19.04.2021): 53–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cpe/bzab003.

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Abstract Sraffa’s diaries report that from June 1929 until late 1932 he often met with the literary scholar, poet and philosopher Raffaello Piccoli, Professor of Italian in the University of Cambridge. After a brief biographical sketch of Piccoli, the paper reconstructs the story of their friendship, thus contributing to the reconstruction of Sraffa’s biography in 1929–1932. It also considers their meetings with Carlo Rosselli in 1929–1931, together with their common friendship with Ludwig Wittgenstein.

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Esbitt, Milton. „Bank Portfolios and Bank Failures During the Great Depression: Chicago“. Journal of Economic History 46, Nr. 2 (Juni 1986): 455–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700046258.

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Bank failures in Chicago during 1930–1932 are examined to determine whether failures were attributable to poor management practices or to worsening economic conditions. Non-Loop state-chartered banks were divided into those which did not fail and those which failed in 1930, 1931, and 1932. Portfolio variables which contemporary writers held were indicative of poor management practices are used in a multiple discriminant analysis. Using semiannual bank call reports from December 1927 through December 1929, support was found for the poor management hypothesis only for banks destined to fail in 1931

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Hatton, Timothy J., und Roy E. Bailey. „Natives and migrants in the London labour market, 1929–1931“. Journal of Population Economics 15, Nr. 1 (Januar 2002): 59–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/pl00003840.

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Park, Woohyun. „In the early days of the Great Depression, 'Joseon's Industrial Bond' Policies and Reduction of 'Public Work for Poor Relief'“. Critical Studies on Modern Korean History 49 (30.11.2022): 223–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.36432/csmkh.49.202211.6.

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Naumenko, Natalya. „The Political Economy of Famine: The Ukrainian Famine of 1933“. Journal of Economic History 81, Nr. 1 (März 2021): 156–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050720000625.

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The 1933 Ukrainian famine killed as many as 2.6 million people out of a population of 32 million. Historians offer three main explanations: weather, economic policies, genocide. This paper documents that (1) available data do not support weather as the main explanation: 1931 and 1932 weather predicts harvest roughly equal to the 1924–1929 average; weather explains up to 8.1 percent of excess deaths. (2) Policies (collectivization of agriculture and the lack of favored industries) significantly increased famine mortality; collectivization explains up to 52 percent of excess deaths. (3) There is some evidence that ethnic Ukrainians and Germans were discriminated against.

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Yáñez Andrade, Juan Carlos. „El Departamento de Turismo. Una institución precursora del fomento turístico en Chile (1929-1942)“. Apuntes: Revista de Ciencias Sociales 49, Nr. 91 (Mai 2022): 73–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.21678/apuntes.91.1405.

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Este artículo analiza los orígenes y desarrollo del Departamento de Turismo, creado durante la administración de Carlos Ibáñez del Campo (1927-1931). Dependiente del Ministerio de Fomento y originado en el marco de la Ley de Fomento al Turismo de 1929, sus competencias se orientaron a la promoción e inspección de las actividades turísticas. Se argumenta que la creación de dicho departamento se enmarca en una visión estratégica del Estado de Chile en cuanto a comprender el turismo como una actividad económica fundamental, vehículo de la modernización del país y fuente de ingresos para el fisco.

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Hagemann, Harald. „Leontief and his German period“. Russian Journal of Economics 7, Nr. 1 (31.03.2021): 67–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/j.ruje.7.58034.

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Wassily Leontief jun. (1905–1999) moved to Berlin in April 1925 after getting his first academic degree from the University of Leningrad. In Berlin he mainly studied with Werner Sombart and Ladislaus von Bortkiewicz who were the referees of his Ph.D. thesis “The economy as a circular flow” (1928). From spring 1927 until April 1931 Leontief was a member of the research staff at the Kiel Institute of World Economics, interrupted by the period from April 1929 to March 1930 when he was an advisor to the Chinese Ministry of Railroads. In the journal of the Kiel Institute, Weltwirtschaftliches Archiv, Leontief had already published his first article “Die Bilanz der russischen Volkswirtschaft. Eine methodologische Untersuchung” [The balance of the Russian economy. A methodological investigation] in 1925. In Kiel Leontief primarily worked on the statistical analysis of supply and demand curves. Leontief’s method triggered a fierce critique by Ragnar Frisch, which launched a heavy debate on “pitfalls” in the construction of supply and demand curves. The debate started in Germany but was continued in the USA where Leontief became a researcher at the National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER) in summer 1931. The Leontief–Frisch controversy culminated in the Quarterly Journal of Economics (1934), published by Harvard University, where Leontief made his subsequent career from 1932–1975. His later analysis of the employment consequences of technological change in the 1980s had some roots in his Kiel period.

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Farquet, Christophe. „In the Shadow of the Golden Calf.“ Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 63, Nr. 1 (01.05.2022): 233–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2022-0009.

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Abstract The article offers the first comprehensive account of relations between Germany and Switzerland in the years 1919 to 1931 based on archival sources from both countries. Emphasising the interaction between finance and diplomacy, it provides new insights into the role played by the Swiss offshore centre for the German Reich after the First World War. During the inflationist period of 1919‒1923, as well as in the crisis of 1929‒1931, Switzerland, like the Netherlands, welcomed a huge amount of wealth from Germany while at the same time becoming an important creditor of the Reich. These developments had a significant impact on German internal and foreign policies at the time. Nevertheless, the article article argues that, despite the intensity of financial flows, Switzerland pursued a diplomatic course that was more plurilateral than the Netherlands. Even during the second part of the 1920s, when Swiss capital was placed on the German market in massive dimensions, there was no German orientation in Swiss foreign policy similar to what had happened in the years before the First World War. Switzerland’s foreign relations became more neutral during the 1920s. This article consequently proposes a nuanced perspective on the role of the small European countries in German foreign policy, highlighting the need to differentiate between them in spite of their common features and to consider, in a non-deterministic way, the interaction between finance and diplomacy.

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Baines, Dudley, und Paul Johnson. „Did They Jump or Were They Pushed? The Exit of Older Men from the London Labor Market, 1929–1931“. Journal of Economic History 59, Nr. 4 (Dezember 1999): 949–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700024098.

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We examine the income of older men in London around 1930, based on a large sample. The income of nonworking older men was substantially below that of men still working. We find no evidence that retirement rates increased at the state-penionable—unsurprisingly, since pension paryments provided less than a povertyline income. Less demanding or part-time work was unavailable. Hence we conclude that the decision of older manual workers to leave the labor market was determined primarily by the absence of appropriate employment opportunities, rather than the presence of substantial assets or nonlabor income.

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Terrill, Thomas E. „“Like Fire in Broom Straw”: Southern Journalism and the Textile Strikes of 1929–1931. By Robert Weldon Whalen. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2001. Pp. xiv, 125. $62.00.“ Journal of Economic History 62, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2002): 1163–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050702001900.

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Bücher zum Thema "Economics, 1929-1931"

Milanović, Đorđe. Mome dragom narodu: Hronika o darovanom jugoslovenstvu i zbivanjima u Vojvodini 1929-1931. Novi Sad: Prometej, 2002.

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Mayer, Karl Ulrich. Lebensverläufe und Wohlfahrtsentwicklung: Konzeption, Design und Methodik der Erhebung von Lebensverläufen der Geburtsjahrgänge 1929-1931, 1939-1941, 1949-1951. Berlin: Max-Planck-Institut für Bildungsforschung, 1989.

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R, Wunder John, Kaye Frances W und Carstensen Vernon Rosco 1907-, Hrsg. Americans view their Dust Bowl experience. Niwot, Colo: University Press of Colorado, 1999.

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Meltzer, Milton. Driven from the land: The story of the Dust Bowl. New York: Benchmark Books, 2000.

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Cuomo, Mario Matthew. The Great Depression. [New York, NY]: A&E Television Networks, 2009.

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Worster, Donald. Dust Bowl: The southern Plains in the 1930s. 2. Aufl. New York: Oxford University Press, 2004.

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Hesse, Karen. Out of the dust. Yolobus: Scholastic Press, 1999.

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Hesse, Karen. Out of the dust. Waterville, Me: Thorndike Press, 2004.

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Colombia. Memoria de hacienda: 1929, 1931, 1946 (Historia y teoria economica). Banco de la Republica, 1990.

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Carstensen, Vernon, John R. Wunder und Frances W. Kaye. Americans View Their Dust Bowl Experience. University Press of Colorado, 2001.

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Buchteile zum Thema "Economics, 1929-1931"

Bini, Piero. „Gli economisti e il corporativismo nell’Italia fascista“. In Studi e saggi, 43–71. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-455-7.02.

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This paper focuses on the role and relevance of Corporatism in the Italian tradition of economic studies during the 1920s and 1930s. Historiography offers two different interpretations: Corporatism as a propaganda phenomenon and an economic doctrine limiting freedom; Corporatism as a series of policy measures devised to stabilize the Italian economy after WW1. To correctly assess the phenomenon of Corporatism, this paper chooses a different approach: an in depth analysis of the main theoretical answers proposed by Italian economists in regard to the most significant policy issues of the time. For example: corporatist wage and labor policy, the post-1929 relief measures, the bail out of some leading banks, the foundation of the Italian Financial Institute (IMI) in 1931 and of the Industrial Reconstruction Institute (IRI) in 1933, and finally the projected third way between a market economy and a command economy. One of the main conclusions of this research is that the energies and time spent into devising a Corporatist economic system and Corporatist policy measures hindered the advancement of economic studies in Italy.

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Ritschel, Daniel. „‘Socialist Realism’“. In Welfare and Social Policy in Britain Since 1870, 103–26. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198833048.003.0006.

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Though it is often suggested that the Labour Party did not think seriously about socialist economic policy until after the debacle of 1931, there was in fact a remarkably sophisticated body of innovative economic thought on the left of the Party late in the 1920s. Fashioned by prominent left-wing intellectuals, including G. D. H. Cole, H. N. Brailsford, and John Strachey, their ideas anticipated many of the policies that were to define Labour economics over the next two decades, including a proto-Keynesian reflationary strategy for expansion of the slumping post-war economy, centralized economic planning in a ‘mixed’ system of public and private enterprise, and even a detailed outline of the public corporation as a model for the management of socialized industries. Their contributions failed to make an impact in 1929–31 mainly because of the inflexible resistance to all socialist advice by the MacDonald–Snowden leadership, and then their own unfortunate association with Mosley’s ill-fated rebellion in 1930–1. However, their ideas would influence the new generation of Labour economists among the New Fabians of the 1930s.

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Cohen, Robert. „Dancing on the Edge of a Volcano“. In When the Old Left Was Young. Oxford University Press, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195060997.003.0006.

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Herbert Hoover’s America was a dismal place in 1931. The president had failed to end or even mitigate the economic crisis, which began with the stock market crash of 1929. Unemployment had spiraled out of control; the number of jobless Americans had soared from 429,000 in 1929 to more than nine million in 1931. The Hoover White House had undermined its credibility in 1929 and 1930 by erroneously predicting economic recovery. But by late summer 1931 even some of the president’s closest congressional allies were glumly admitting that the end of the Depression was not in sight. Breadlines and shantytowns—dubbed “Hoovervilles” to mock the impotent president—had spread across the nation, grim testimony to the hunger and homelessness wrought by the Great Depression. Municipalities and private charities could not keep pace with the need of millions of unemployed Americans for economic assistance. Relief workers, local officials, and liberals on Capitol Hill in August 1931 called for a special session of Congress to legislate aid for the unemployed; they warned that without federal relief dollars, the coming winter would bring widespread starvation. That same month, as their elders in Washington fretted over how to ready themselves for another year of Depression, students at the University of California at Berkeley also began to prepare for the coming year. But for Berkeley students that preparation did not include discussions of hunger, poverty, or other Depression-related problems. As the fall 1931 semester began, fraternities arid football, sororities and parties, were the talk of the campus. In its opening editorial of the semester, the Daily Californian, Berkeley’s student newspaper, gave advice to new students, making it sound as if their most serious problems would be chosing the proper Greek house and deciding whether to participate “in sports, in dramatics or publications.” The editor also informed the freshmen that they were “fortunate to have a classmate in [football] coach Bill Ingram . . . [who will] bring back another ‘Golden Era’ for California athletics.”

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Mckibbin, Ross. „The Economic Policy of the Second Labour Government, 1929-1931“. In The Ideologies of Class, 197–227. Oxford University PressOxford, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198221609.003.0007.

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Abstract THE second Labour government was once conventionally seen in terms of its fall. It came to office in 1929 after an election which gave no party a majority, and which left it dependent upon the support of the Liberals. It fell in August 1931 when its members were unable to agree upon a programme of budgetary economies that would satisfy both the Conservative and the Liberal Parties. The prime minister, Ramsay MacDonald, thereupon formed a ‘National’ government with representatives of the former opposition parties and three of his colleagues from the previous Labour ministry; the great bulk of the Labour Party opposed this new government. The ‘desertion’ of MacDonald caused great bitterness and generated a partisan history usually designed to justify the behaviour of one side or the other in the débâcle. The level of strictly economic content was usually not high. But with the release of public and private records on the one hand, and with the general acceptance of a developed Keynesianism on the other, historians have increasingly sought only to explain why the Labour government did not adopt economic policies which might appear to have been obviously the right ones. Why did it not, for example, attempt to reverse economic contraction by a programme of public works financed by budget deficits, or by tax-cuts, or—a policy less untypical of a socialist party—by a redistribution of income that might have raised demand? Why was the government apparently so inflexibly attached to existing monetary policies? Politically, the real contribution of Keynes was to suggest that governments did not have to stand helpless in the face of cyclical movements in a capitalist economy: thus the Labour government did not have to wait for ‘socialism’ — effective counter-cyclical techniques were available to them within the system.

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Tomlinson, Jim. „1925-1931: The Old World Restored and Found Wanting“. In Public Policy and the Economy since 1900, 70–97. Oxford University PressOxford, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198286585.003.0004.

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Abstract In 1925 the central economic policy objective of the previous five years was achieved, and Britain returned to gold. This restoration of the old framework of policy was ill-matched to the new conditions of both the British and the world economy. The hope that the restoration of gold would restore pre-war normality was urealized, and with the onset of the world slump from 1929 the policy became increasingly fragile. In 1931 Britain was forced off gold, never to return.

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Heinrichs, Waldo. „Prologue“. In Threshold of War, 3–12. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195061680.003.0001.

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Abstract Before war pounced on the United States on December 7, 1941, it crept up, stage by stage, over many years. First came the world economic crisis, beginning with the American stock market crash in 1929, undermining confidence in the world order, shaking the foundations of political power in every country, and promoting authoritarian rule. Japan’s conquest of Manchuria in 1931 was an isolated case, but aggression and pressure for territorial revisions dominated international politics from the mid-thirties onward, as the sad litany of Ethiopia, China, Austria, and Czechoslovakia attest.

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Crease, Stephanie Stein. „Ol’ Man Depression“. In Rhythm Man, 91—C8P65. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190055691.003.0009.

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Abstract In October 1929, the Wall Street stock market crash initiated widespread economic depression. The entertainment world in Harlem was not immediately impacted but would be in the early 1930s. Webb interacted with Baltimore musicians who came to New York: Blanche Calloway, who was a star singer in Chicago clubs, and her then-unknown younger brother Cab. In 1930, Cab’s breakthrough performance in New York led to fronting the Missourians; they appeared with Webb’s band at the Savoy and other places. In 1931, the Cotton Club’s gangster owners hired Cab Calloway and the Missourians to succeed Duke Ellington’s band. Chick Webb and His Orchestra were busy through most of 1931 after a few weeks at the Roseland Ballroom. Webb, Henderson, and other Harlem bandleaders traded musicians or raided each other’s bands. In one instance, dubbed “The Big Trade,” alto saxophonist Benny Carter and trombonist Jimmy Harrison were “traded” to Webb’s band from Henderson’s for alto saxophonist Russell Procope and trombonist Benny Morton. On March 31, 1931, Webb’s band recorded three tunes, arranged by Benny Carter for Vocalion, all of which got good reviews. In October 1931, Webb’s band and Blanche Calloway’s band went on tour with Bennie Moten’s band and two others for a five-band roving “Battle of Music.” Chick Webb and His Orchestra were now frequently covered by the Black press.

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Tomlinson, Jim. „1929-1939: Protection and Profits“. In Government and the Enterprise Since 1900, 113–36. Oxford University PressOxford, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198287490.003.0006.

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Abstract The economic history of the 1930s is dominated by the boom and the slump. From the peak in 1929 output fell until 1932 when a recovery began, fuelled after 1935 by rearmament. Table 5.1 shows the dimensions of this slump. Unemployment followed the same cyclical pattern, but, whilst falling in the recovery, remained well over the million mark into the beginnings of the war. In comparison with many other countries the slump was relatively mild, and the recovery rapid. Output also grew quite rapidly from cyclical peak to cyclical peak (1929 to 1937). For those with work and especially in the South and East of Britain these were prosperous years as rising real wages fuelled a considerable expansion of expenditure. This forms one reason why despite the slump Conservative governments won successive elections with ease after the collapse of Labour in 1931. Nevertheless economic policy did change radically in the 1930s. The gold standard broke up and free trade disappeared. In addition the political and social pressures arising from unemployment drew government into acts of intervention in industry. Britain could certainly not be called a country of laissez-faire by 1939, though the best term to describe government ‘s role in the economy by that date remains questionable.

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Mouré, Kenneth. „‘Rather a faith than a theory’: Central Bank Co-operation, 1916–1930“. In The Gold Standard Illusion, 145–79. Oxford University PressOxford, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199249046.003.0007.

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Abstract Central bank co-operation in the inter-war period has generally been either damned with faint praise or condemned as an outright failure with grave consequences. Stephen Clarke’s path-breaking study of central bank co-operation concluded that central banks achieved considerable success in stabilizing currents after the war. but that co-operation functioned as a ‘fair weather instrument’. After 1928, central bankers were overwhelmed by economic problems beyond their competence and capacit to control: Clarke judged their co-operation from mid-1928 to 1931 a clear failure.1 Kindleberger agreed. ‘Central bank cooperation, never deeply rooted, wilted even before the hot sun of 1929, and the torrid blasts of 1931,’2 and he doubted that co-operation could have done more to avert the Great Depression without strong leadership from one country.3 Temin has cauctioned that An operation was ‘not a good in and of itself’. Greater co-operation within the reigning gold standard orthodoxy in the early 1930s would have polished little: fidelity to the gold standard was the main problem, wok greater central bank co-operation to stay on gold would have prolonged.4

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Pókecz Kovács, Attila. „Great Theorists of Central European Integration in France“. In Great Theorists of Central European Integration, 463–73. Central European Academic Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.54171/2023.mg.gtocei_13.

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France played a key role in the negotiations on the peace treaties that ended the First World War, thus emerging as a major European power and key political player in the Central European region. In the period between the two world wars, French governments in Central Europe sought to preserve the status quo that they had established, and in the course of this process, developed several ideas to integrate the region into Europe. Among the French ideas for the integration of Central Europe, I will first analyse the Briand project. In a 1929 speech, French Prime Minister Aristide Briand proposed a new form of European cooperation. His idea was to create a European Union of 27 European countries, in which the Member States would retain their autonomy, and cooperation would be established primarily in the economic sphere. After a favourable reception, he put his plans into writing, publishing them in 1930. The Briand Plan placed political issues before economic ones, leading to Hungary’s and many other countries’ disappointment. A second idea was the Constructive Plan (‘Plan constructif ’), which was the antonym of the German-Austrian customs union of 1931, drawn up under the leadership of André François-Poncet, Deputy State Secretary, and published in a memorandum on 4 May 1931. In the document, the French government drew attention to four problems: the crisis in the cereals trade in Central and Eastern Europe; situation of the industrialised countries; question of capital and credit; and special situation of Austria. The plan with the most significance was submitted by the French Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, André Tardieu, to the British and Italian governments in the form of a memorandum on 2 March 1932. The Tardieu plan was to provide urgent aid to the five Danube states – Austria, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Romania and Yugoslavia – whose economic situation was close to collapse, mainly as a result of the difficulties caused by the agricultural crisis. However, the fate of the most detailed Central European plan was clearly sealed by the lack of agreement between the great powers, particularly German and Italian opposition, and the position of reluctance adopted by most of the Danube region countries. The Tardieu plan was conceived in February 1932, published in March, and in April it had practically failed. Therefore, none of the three plans developed between 1930 and 1932 was eventually implemented. Following this, no other comprehensive ideas for the integration of the Central European area in 20th Century France have been put forward.

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