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1
Powell, Christopher. „Responding to marginalisation“. Architectural Research Quarterly 2, Nr. 3 (1997): 84–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1359135500001457.
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Some long-term historical, economic and social circumstances leading to marginalisation of the British architectural profession are described. A mismatch between demand for architectural services and their supply is suggested to have contributed to marginalisation. Possible reasons are advanced for a restrained response to marginalisation by the profession. In particular, aspects of the professional culture connected with insularity and aversion to management are suggested to have been significant. However, while aspects of the professional culture hindered long-term adjustment to changing demand, they also may have helped to support design activity in the shorter term.
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Nyuguto, Muthoni. „Insecurity and economic marginalisation in Marsabit County“. Africa Nazarene University Law Journal 8, Nr. 1 (2020): 199–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.47348/anulj/v8/i1a9.
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Ten years after the inauguration of the Constitution of Kenya 2010, the communities of Marsabit County are still living on the periphery of society. They remain systemically excluded from the nation’s mainstream social, political, economic, and cultural activities. Communities living within the North Frontier Districts (as it was known then) and within the Counties of Mandera, Wajir, Garissa, Isiolo and Marsabit are still considered ‘hostile tribes’ by the ruling elite since colonialisation and are treated as such. The colonial government enforced this isolation by enacting a series of Ordinances between the years 1901 to 1933 that systemically isolated and marginalised communities from this geographical area. The Ordinances largely criminalised the community’s main economic activity of pastoralism by allowing arbitral seizure and detainment as well as collective punishment for offences of members of the community. This negative and suspicious perception, systemic exclusion by the laws and policies, condensed economic activities limited to pastoralism, political under-representation, poverty, distance and inaccessibility have exacerbated the marginalisation of the communities living within Marsabit to date. Unfortunately, independence did not liberate these communities within the Northern Frontier Districts from systemic exclusion. They were still treated as a ‘special group’ within the context of section 19 of the Kenya Independence Order in Council. This section provides for the modification, qualifications and exceptions of laws and policies to be applied in respect of these communities. The state felt there was a need to subject these communities to screening, profiling, and overregulation in these areas in comparison to the rest of the nation. State institutions were further unable and unwilling to penetrate these areas. The application of different laws to these communities was carried forward during the post-independence where the Presidency was granted the power to govern these communities by decree. Despite the goodwill of the Constitution 2010 to reduce the levels of marginalisation within this county, there is a need to carry out a case study to assess whether the current legal, political, social and economic frameworks have reduced marginalisation within Marsabit which has been for a long time an ungoverned territory.
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Williams, Colin C., und Ioana Alexandra Horodnic. „Rethinking the marginalisation thesis“. Employee Relations 37, Nr. 1 (05.01.2015): 48–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/er-06-2014-0074.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to evaluate critically the “marginalisation” thesis, which holds that marginalised populations disproportionately participate in undeclared work. Until now, the evidence that participation in undeclared work is higher in marginalised areas (e.g. peripheral rural localities) and marginalised socio-economic groups (e.g. the unemployed, immigrant populations and women) has come from mostly small-scale surveys of particular localities and population groups. There have been no extensive quantitative surveys. Here, the intention is to fill this gap. Design/methodology/approach – To do this, we report a 2007 survey of participation in undeclared work involving 26,659 face-to-face interviews conducted in 27 European Union (EU) member states. Findings – The finding is that the marginalisation thesis is valid when discussing younger people and those living in peripheral rural areas; they are more likely to participate in undeclared work. However, there is no significant association between immigrant populations and participation in undeclared work. Moreover, a reinforcement thesis, which holds that the undeclared economy reinforces the spatial and socio-economic disparities produced by the declared economy, applies when considering those with fewer years in education, women, the unemployed and less affluent European regions; they have lower participation rates than higher educated people, men, the employed and affluent European regions. Research limitations/implications – The outcome is a call for a more nuanced understanding of the marginalisation thesis as valid for some marginalised populations but not others. Whether similar findings prevail at other spatial scales and in other global regions now needs investigating. Practical implications – This survey displays that although it is appropriate to target some marginalised populations when tackling undeclared work, this is not valid for others (e.g. immigrant populations, the unemployed, those living in less affluent EU regions). Originality/value – The first extensive evaluation of whether marginalised populations are more likely to participate in undeclared work.
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Lynch, Kathleen. „Solidary Labour: Its Nature and Marginalisation“. Sociological Review 37, Nr. 1 (Februar 1989): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.1989.tb00018.x.
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This paper represents an attempt to analyse the labour involved in producing and reproducing caring relationships as a form of work. The term ‘solidary’ or ‘love labour’ is coined to differentiate this kind of work from other forms of human service work, domestic work and/or economic labour. We suggest that solidary labour cannot be understood as a structural necessity emanating from the political and economic requirements of the wider system. Yet, the tatter approach has been the modal one in both structural functionalist and Marxist analyses of caring. Caring and being cared for involve the construction of symbolic bonds regardless of the economic context in which they are embedded. The sociological understanding of these, demands that we take account of the situated meaning of solidary relations and not merely reduce them to by-products of structural forces. In the latter part of the paper we use time-budget studies and other surveys to show how solidary labour is being marginalised in our society. In particular, we argue that both domestic labour and productive material labour are in open competition with solidary labour for the use of time. Research to date would suggest that solidary labour is the loser in this competition.
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Fee, Lian Kwen. „The political and economic marginalisation of Tamils in Malaysia“. Asian Studies Review 26, Nr. 3 (September 2002): 309–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357820208713348.
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Waldegrave, C., und C. Cunningham. „SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC INEQUALITIES: THE MARGINALISATION OF OLDER PEOPLE“. Innovation in Aging 1, suppl_1 (30.06.2017): 1312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igx004.4805.
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Fee, Lian Kwen. „The Political and Economic Marginalisation of Tamils in Malaysia“. Asian Studies Review 26, Nr. 3 (September 2002): 309–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8403.00132.
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Szabó, Gábor, und Alajos Fehér. „Marginalisation and Multifunctional Land Use in Hungary“. Acta Agraria Debreceniensis, Nr. 15 (14.12.2004): 50–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.34101/actaagrar/15/3358.
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Our study prepared as a brief version of National Report in the frame of EUROLAN Programme. We deal with the interpretation of some definitions (marginalisation of land use, multifunctionality of land use, marginalisation of agriculture, multifunctionality of agriculture), with sorting and reviewing indicators of marginalisation and finally with the analysis of functions of land use. We suggested a dynamic and a static approach of marginalisation. We can explore the dynamic process by time series and the static (regional) one by cross-section analyses.It is very hard to explain the perspective of the future of marginalisation of land and of agriculture in Hungary. The process of marginalisation seems faster in the agriculture in the coming years, but it depends on the utilisation of new possibilities given by the EU financial resources and by the Common Market. At this moment agriculture seems one of the big losers of the accession.In the long term we should face considerable challenges in the land use. It is necessary to take into account that there is a supply market of foods and traditional fibre production world-wide. There are limited possibilities to produce and to market for example biodiesel (fuel), bioethanol, or maybe biogas. Thus the environment and landscape preservation becomes more and more real land use alternatives.The environmental interpretation of the multifunctionality of land use: activities (functions) of environmental preservation and nature conservation in a certain area, which aim to preserve natural resources by the existing socio-economic conditions.Preservation of rural landscapes is the task mainly for land-users, who can be commanded by legal means and can be encouraged by economic measures to carry out the above activity. In the recent past measures of „command and control” type regulation were predominant, however nowadays, especially in the developed countries, the role of economic incentives increases.As a conclusion of our analysis we can state that as long as the main land-dependent activities (agriculture, forestry, housing, tourism, local mining) cease to be viable under an existing socio-economic structure, then it is hardly possible to sustain the rural landscape on an appropriate level by non-commodity products (such as environment preservation, cultural heritage, nature conservation, employment etc.).1 The study was prepared in the frame of EUROLAN (EU-5 Framework Project), QLK5-CT-2002-02346, as a compiled version of the Hungarian National Report, The national project co-ordinator: Prof. Dr. Gabor Szabo.A part of places with high ecological values coincides with the areas with unfavourable agricultural endowments and underdeveloped micro-regions. We think so that the marginalisation preserves the non-environmental-sound activities and hinders the development of multifunctional agriculture and this process can change only by joint utilisation of endogenous and exogenous resources and methods. Thus the successful programmes for agri-environmental protection and multifunctional land use can serve the moderation of negative effects of marginalisation or maybe the marginalisation process itself.
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du Toit, Andries. „Living on the margins: the social dynamics of economic marginalisation“. Development Southern Africa 25, Nr. 2 (Juni 2008): 135–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03768350802090493.
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Krasniqi, Judita, und Labinot Hajdari. „The impact of COVID-19 pandemic on double marginalisation of women in Kosovo“. Przegląd Europejski, Nr. 4-2021 (09.12.2021): 115–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.4.21.7.
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The COVID-19 pandemic worldwide has revealed the scale of social inequalities even in some of the most developed economies, exposing the existing vulnerabilities. Particularly, gender inequality and economic empowerment of women were a challenge even before the COVID-19 pandemic. This article investigates the “double marginalisation” effect of COVID-19 pandemic on women in Kosovo, through the analysis of gender implications of COVID-19 and participation of women in the labour market. Double marginalisation is analysed through the prism of the lack of institutional actions to prevent the further marginalisation of women during the pandemic crisis. Governmental preventive and recovery measures have particularly neglected women by failing to recognise the threats and vulnerabilities they are exposed to. Thus, the intentional negligence leads to the emergence and development of the phenomenon of double marginalisation of women. It is also a result of traditional vision of the role of women in society and cultural stereotypes combined with the COVID-19 pandemic crisis.
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K, Hemalatha, und Norvy K. „The Marginalisation of the Displaced of Kerala“. Artha - Journal of Social Sciences 18, Nr. 2 (01.04.2019): 81–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.12724/ajss.49.6.
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India implemented various projects for improving the quality of lives of its citizens. In Kerala, the Cochin International airport and ICTT of Vallarpadam are two major initiatives undertaken to boost the economy of the state; the cost of the initiative unfortunately includes displacement of people. The study aims to inquire into the marginalisation of displaced people of both these projects. The study identifies that the economic, social, psychological and political marginalisation faced by the displaced population could be avoided if measures are taken to address them prior to the displacement.
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Nayar, Baldev Raj. „The state and economic performance: Globalisation and marginalisation in India's shipping“. Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 35, Nr. 1 (März 1997): 20–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662049708447737.
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Shivam, Dr. „A Sociological Review of Peepli Live 2010“. Space and Culture, India 2, Nr. 4 (09.04.2015): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.20896/saci.v2i4.120.
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Marginalisation is a process of distancing (either by coercion or voluntarily) from the centre and relegate to the margin. In the social context, this marginalisation is lack of importance to certain socially disadvantaged groups. This disadvantage might be due to caste, class, gender or lack of political opportunities. However, within the same society there are privileged groups who are at the centre of all importance. This difference between advantaged groups at the centre and disadvantaged (marginalised) groups at the periphery has been problematised in popular media like cinema. The present paper shows that how marginalised sections are portrayed in Hindi cinema? For this, the cases of Peepli Live released in 2010 have been selected. The paper has been divided into two parts. The first part deals with the farmer’s suicide and the second part with the politics of suicide and the politics of marginalisation. These issues have been taken keeping in mind the recent problems of the marginalised sections in society, especially the problems faced by the farmers in contemporary times. Various studies and news reports show that farmers’ suicides are post 1990s phenomena inflated by the undertaking of measures to open Indian economy by the methods of liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation (LPG). This was the phase, which witnessed incredible growth of the industrial sector as compared to the agricultural sector. These facts were enough to break the myth of ‘developing’ India. In fact, the increasing number of farmers’ suicide rather depicted government’s bias towards economic growth neglecting socio-economic concerns of the farmers. At this juncture of bias and neglect, one can identify a breeding ground for politics of suicide from farmers’ side and politics of marginalisation from the politicians’ side. Sociologically, however, a multiple socio-economic factors are theorised to be responsible.
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Das, Soham. „Ethnic Conflict in the Indian Subcontinent: Assessing the Impact of Multiple Cleavages“. Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 6, Nr. 3 (Dezember 2019): 229–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797019886689.
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As majoritarian electoral politics and religious conservatism are rising in the major multi-ethnic South Asian countries, such as India and Pakistan, the events of mob lynching, ethnic clashes and targeting non-plural and minority communities are becoming more frequent. This article analyses which cleavages of marginalisation make some ethnic groups prone to violent social movements vis-a-vis others. Theoretically, through social constructivism and horizontal inequality, the study argues that socioeconomic condition, religion and language are the three broad cleavages that influence political behaviour of ethnic groups. Explicating the theory about underlying versus facilitating conditions of ethnic–civil conflicts, this article examines the prerequisites of ethnic conflicts. Thereafter, it evaluates which single cleavages and combinations of the aforementioned cleavages increase the probability of conflict occurrence in the Indian subcontinent. The argument is empirically evaluated on a sample of 60 ethnic groups of the Indian subcontinents over the period of 1947–2013. We find that groups affected by reinforcing cleavages of religious and economic marginalisation, and religious, economic and lingual marginalisation have engaged in active violence over the period of our study. Additionally, the reinforcing cleavages of language and economy, and language and religion are associated with sporadic violence. Apart from the combined effects, we find that the ethnic groups facing economic disadvantage alone can also engage in violence.
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Igbafe, E. C. „Exploring Ethnic Marginalisation and Indigene-Settler Problems in University Life in Nigeria“. Education Research International 2021 (19.01.2021): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2021/8826111.
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This study investigates ethnic marginalisation and indigene-settler problems at selected universities in Nigeria. Three universities and 12 participants were purposively selected for the study. Face-to-face, semistructured, and individual interviews were utilised to obtain information from the participants regarding their various universities. The data were uploaded on ATLAS.ti 8, qualitative data analysis software for proper management and grouping of transcribed data for further data analysis. Four themes emerged: (a) contextualising ethnic marginalisation and indigene-settler issues; (b) emotional bonds and determination to preserve ancestral land; (c) cultural bonds and determination to preserve traditional practices; and (d) effects of ethnic marginalisation and indigene-settler issues. Further interpretation of the themes revealed that attachment to cultural heritage such as landed properties, cultural life, and practices and economic and indigene dominance were factors driving ethnic marginalisation. The study further found that ethnic marginalisation and indigene-settler problems influenced the emotional and psychological wellbeing and functioning of university lecturers in the selected institutions. The findings also revealed that protests and problems among ethnic groups resulted from the activities of indigenes and settlers when placed in positions of authority (e.g., biased way of recruiting, removing, and promoting ethnic members). The study concludes that there is a need for an integration programme with a practical implementation strategy to ensure peaceful coexistence of ethnic groups within the universities.
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Henry, N., J. Pollard, P. Sissons, J. Ferreira und M. Coombes. „Banking on exclusion: Data disclosure and geographies of UK personal lending markets“. Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 49, Nr. 9 (12.06.2017): 2046–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308518x17713992.
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In 2013, the UK Government announced that seven of the nation’s largest banks had agreed to publish their lending data at the local level across Great Britain. The release of such area based lending data has been welcomed by advocacy groups and policy makers keen to better understand and remedy geographies of financial exclusion. This paper makes three contributions to debates about financial exclusion. First, it provides the first exploratory spatial analysis of the personal lending data made available; it scrutinises the parameters and robustness of the dataset and evaluates the extent to which the data increase transparency in UK personal lending markets. Second, it uses the data to provide a geographical overview of patterns of personal lending across Great Britain. Third, it uses this analysis to revisit the analytical and political limitations of ‘open data’ in addressing the relationship between access to finance and economic marginalisation. Although a binary policy imaginary of ‘inclusion-exclusion’ has historically driven advocacy for data disclosure, recent literatures on financial exclusion generate the need for more complex and variegated understandings of economic marginalisation. The paper questions the relationship between transparency and data disclosure, the policy push for financial inclusion, and patterns of indebtedness and economic marginalisation in a world where ‘fringe finance’ has become mainstream. Drawing on these literatures, this analysis suggests that data disclosure, and the transparency it affords, is a necessary but not sufficient tool in understanding the distributional implications of variegated access to credit.
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Sirovátka, Tomáš. „Social and Economic Factors of Labour-Market Marginalisation in the Czech Republic“. Czech Sociological Review 33, Nr. 2 (01.04.1997): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.13060/00380288.1997.33.2.06.
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Shtern, Marik. „Towards ‘ethno-national peripheralisation’? Economic dependency amidst political resistance in Palestinian East Jerusalem“. Urban Studies 56, Nr. 6 (19.04.2018): 1129–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098018763289.
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Recent studies discuss ‘peripheralisation’ as an uneven socio-spatial phenomenon driven by processes of economic centralisation and marginalisation (Kühn and Bernt, 2013) in capitalist (or capitalising) societies (Bernt and Colini, 2013). In this article, I utilise the concept of peripheralisation in the context of an ethno-national dispute in which spatial, economic and regional dynamics are largely determined by territorial policies of control and exclusion. I combine extant literature on the geopolitics and economy of Jerusalem with the Centre–Periphery framework in order to analyse the development and decline of East Jerusalem’s socio-economic status and political environment from 1967 to 2016. As I will show, since the beginning of the 1990s, Israeli national security policies have transformed East Jerusalem from a Palestinian metropolitan centre into a region on the socio-economic periphery of Israel. I term this particular type of marginalisation ‘ethno-national peripheralisation’, a process of socio-economic decline that is not a relational product of neoliberal centralisation, but an output of ethno-national policies of division and annexation. The radical shift in East Jerusalem’s regional socio-economic status, from a centre of one national realm to the periphery of another, transforms urban life and political spatial strategies in contemporary Jerusalem. The case of East Jerusalem’s peripheralisation demonstrates the ways in which ethno-national policies can create counter outcomes of ethno-national desegregation accelerated by physical entrapment, economic dependency and urban neoliberalism.
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de Montgomery, Christopher Jamil, Marie Norredam, Allan Krasnik, Jørgen Holm Petersen, Emma Björkenstam, Lisa Berg, Anders Hjern, Marit Sijbrandij, Peter Klimek und Ellenor Mittendorfer-Rutz. „Labour market marginalisation in young refugees and their majority peers in Denmark and Sweden: The role of common mental disorders and secondary school completion“. PLOS ONE 17, Nr. 2 (16.02.2022): e0263450. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0263450.
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Background Due to the circumstances of their early lives, young refugees are at risk of experiencing adverse labour market and health outcomes. The post-settlement environment is thought to play a decisive role in determining how this vulnerability plays out. This study compared trends in labour market marginalisation in young refugees and their majority peers during early adulthood in two national contexts, Denmark and Sweden, and explored the mediating role of common mental disorders and secondary school completions. Methods Using registry data, 13,390/45,687 refugees were included in Denmark/Sweden and 1:5 matched to majority peers. Inequalities in labour market marginalisation were investigated during 2012–2015 in each country using linear probability models and mediation analysis. Country trends were standardised to account for differences in observed population characteristics. Results The risk of marginalisation was 2.1–2.3 times higher among young refugees compared with their majority peers, but the risk decreased with age in Sweden and increased in Denmark for refugees. Birth-cohort differences drove the increase in Denmark, while trends were consistent across birth-cohorts in Sweden. Differences in population characteristics did not contribute to country differences. Common mental disorders did not mediate the inequality in either country, but secondary school completions did (77–85% of associations eliminated). Conclusions The findings document both the vulnerability of young refugees to labour market marginalisation and the variability in this vulnerability across post-settlement contexts. While the contrast in policy climates in Denmark and Sweden sharpened over time, the risk of marginalisation appeared more similar in younger cohorts, pointing to the importance of factors other than national immigration and integration policies. Institutional efforts to assist young refugees through secondary education are likely to have long-lasting consequences for their socio-economic trajectories.
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Derycke, Pierre-Henri, und Jean-Marie Huriot. „A brief history of spatial economics“. Recherches économiques de Louvain 64, Nr. 1 (1998): 3–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0770451800004127.
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The integration of time and of space into economic theory have been unequal processes. Economists have spontaneously and almost invariably viewed the economy with a temporal dimension: economic agents calculate within a particular time frame, economic activities are transformed by innovation, production resources are accumulated, and dynamic processes induce periods of steady growth, recession or economic cycles. Space, however, is neither a major nor a permanent feature of economic thought. Questions such as proximity, location, spatial competition, spatial interaction, urban structures and urban hierarchies, the role of regions and the formation of territories have been given sporadic treatment only. The history of spatial economics is an alternating pattern of attempts at integration and periods of oblivion or of varying degrees of marginalisation of space, which has at times been “a neglected topic in mainstream economics” as Thisse and Walliser put it below, p. 11. The present-day integration of space in economic theory is itself the result of a series of episodes of continuity and of change, as with the transition from New Urban Economics to agglomeration economics analysed hereafter by Baumont and Huriot.
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Pankhurst, Alula. „‘Caste’ in Africa: the evidence from south-western Ethiopia reconsidered“. Africa 69, Nr. 4 (Oktober 1999): 485–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1160872.
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AbstractThis article questions the prevalent use of the ‘caste’ concept to describe marginalised occupational minorities in the south-western Ethiopian context. Three types of objection are discussed: ideological, genetic and structural, relating to cultural, historical and social factors respectively. In ideological terms, marginalisation is generally not justified through a coherent religious philosophy; myths are often absent, are seldom elaborate and do not explain a differential ranking of occupational groups. Notions of pollution are prevalent and usually presented in the dominant idiom of food transgressions; but the farming majority is not considered pure. In genetic terms, none of the existing models explains the origins of all marginalised groups. Whereas the ‘remnants’ model is largely discredited, and the ‘internal differentiation’ model currently favoured, this article emphasises the importance of migration, which is intimately linked with non-farming occupations as well as with marginalised and minority statuses. The lack of a single cross-culturally valid model, combinations of explanations, and differences among various types of occupational groups within and between groups, all militate against a ‘caste’ interpretation of the origins of marginalised groups in south-western Ethiopia. In structural terms ‘caste’ is not used for the farming majority but only for minority craftsmen and hunters. However, the argument that relations between the marginalised and the dominant groups are based on dyadic patron-client relations does not invalidate the clear structural political, economic and social marginalisation. As for the argument that the marginalised form a single undifferentiated bloc, it is suggested that, though strict hierarchies are rare, endogamy makes for differentiation. Rather than a lack of ranking, spatial variations and changes over time deserve explanation; this suggests that one cannot speak of a coherent organisational principle such as one would expect to find in ‘caste’ societies. It is concluded that the lack of a uniform ideological cultural underpinning, the complex and varied origins and processes of marginalisation, and the specific structural relations between the majority and the dominated groups, all suggest that the ‘caste’ concept is of minimal analytical value and is therefore best left to the Indian context. A better understanding of marginalisation can start by analysing different local conceptions, and how endogamy structures differentiation and is related to occupation. A clearer analysis of marginalisation processes would mean tracing migrations, competition for resources and changing technological, economic, social and cultural relations between craft producers and dominant groups and interactions across ethnic boundaries.
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Kumar, Manoranjan. „The Impact of Economic Exclusion on the Constitutionally Guaranteed Entitlements of Economic Justice, Equality of Opportunity and Right to Live with Human Dignity of the Transgenders“. Journal of Law and Sustainable Development 11, Nr. 11 (20.11.2023): e1748. http://dx.doi.org/10.55908/sdgs.v11i11.1748.
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Objective: The objective of the paper is to examine and explain how the constitutionally guaranteed entitlements notably the various facets of right to equality, right to life and preambular assurance of justice: social, economic and political will remain unachievable and meaningless for the transgenders till their economic exclusion and marginalisation continues. The present paper shall examine the important aspects of legal provisions and economic policy which can ensure that the constitutional mandates enshrined under Articles 14, 15, 16 and 21 become a reality for transgender through their economic empowerment. Theoretical Framework: The Constitution of India recognises and rests firmly on the fundamental principles of liberty, equality, fraternity and justice. Transgender people have always been the part of every society, nation and culture since ages but unfortunately their very existence has been negated at every level of society. This marginalised section and highly disadvantaged group has consistently and continuously been subjected to social stigma, discrimination and exclusion from all kinds of socio-economic and political undertakings. The insensitivity and the apathy of the public at large are still the biggest challenges in mainstreaming the transgenders and eliminating all forms of socio-economic exclusion against them. The extreme discrimination and exclusionary practices against the transgender people at every level in the work place, from job rejection to privacy violation and even sexual harassment, disproportionately affects their physical and mental wellbeing. The socio-economic marginalisation and denial of any gainful employment opportunity puts them in depression, pessimism and forces them to engage in unlawful activities and become drug suppliers, sex workers and even low-income entertainers. Method: The present paper focuses on the constitutionally guaranteed entitlements namely “economic justice” and “equality of opportunity” of the transgender people while taking up the issue of their economic exclusion and marginalisation and intends to explore how the economic exclusion has adverse and severe implications on transgender rights. Results and Discussion: The cost of economic exclusion of transgender people in India cannot be undermined. Such discrimination and unaccepting environments are capable of psychologically depressing transgender people and adversely affecting their incentive to get training and education. This turns into a vicious circle that translates into low investment in human capital and suboptimal opportunities for them resulting in lower productivity of overall economy. Conclusion: With very limited employment opportunities, transgender’s education, health and living standard are abysmally low and therefore, in order to achieve the constitutional mandate enshrined under Articles 14, 15, 16 and 21 of the Constitution of India, the objectives of the government should be to allow reasonable participation of most of the transgender population in the national economy.
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Cherechés, Bianca. „Unveiling the Oppressed Body: Female Dalit Body Politics in India through Baburao Bagul and Yashica Dutt“. Humanities 12, Nr. 4 (12.07.2023): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h12040063.
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India’s complex social fabric is marked by a rigid caste system that has perpetuated discrimination and marginalisation for centuries. The caste structure not only establishes clear boundaries between castes through endogamous social relations, but also determines control over resources, productivity, and sexuality. Among the most vulnerable groups within this hierarchical structure are Dalit women, who face compounded forms of oppression due to their caste and gender, spanning economic, physical, and mental aspects. At the core of this oppression lies the Dalit woman’s body, a battleground where power dynamics intersect and the struggle for autonomy and dignity unfolds. This paper delves into the exploration of female Dalit body politics in India, with a particular focus on two influential literary works: Baburao Bagul’s When I Hid My Caste (2018) and Yashica Dutt’s Coming Out as Dalit (2019). The aim is to unveil, through these texts, the intersectionality of caste and gender, both past and present, revealing the violence, exploitation, and marginalisation that reflects on the Dalit female body, stemming from and affecting the economic, physical, and psychological dimension.
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O’Brien, Grace, Pey‐Chun Pan, Mustapha Sheikh und Simon Prideaux. „Indigenous Emancipation: The Fight Against Marginalisation, Criminalisation, and Oppression“. Social Inclusion 11, Nr. 2 (20.06.2023): 173–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v11i2.7164.
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This thematic issue addresses the challenges faced by Indigenous peoples in protecting their rights and maintaining their unique cultures and ways of life. Despite residing on all continents and possessing distinct social, cultural, economic, and political characteristics, Indigenous peoples have historically faced oppression and violation of their rights. Measures to protect Indigenous rights are gradually being recognized by the international community, but ongoing issues such as illegal deforestation, mining, and land clearances continue to desecrate sacred sites and oppress Indigenous peoples. Indigenous women and youth are particularly vulnerable, facing higher levels of gender‐based violence and overrepresentation in judicial sentencing statistics. Land rights continue to be threatened by natural resource extraction, infrastructure projects, large‐scale agricultural expansion, and conservation orders. There is also a heightened risk of statelessness for Indigenous peoples whose traditional lands cross national borders, leading to displacement, attacks, killings, and criminalization.
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Haas, Benjamin, Tobias Mönch und Lara Cervi. „Covid-19 and the marginalisation of indigenous groups in Argentina“. Race & Class 62, Nr. 4 (22.03.2021): 72–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396821996214.
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This article analyses how the Covid-19 pandemic has reinforced the stigmatisation and economic, social and cultural exclusion of indigenous groups in Argentina. Using the example of Qom/Toba in the northern province of Chaco and its capital Resistencia, the authors argue that the control of the pandemic regarding ‘space’ and ‘movement’ has considerably intensified practices of spatialised marginalisation of indigenous (non-white) persons, triggering also new strategies of self-empowerment and resistance. It shows how the ‘governance of Covid-19’ contributes to the perpetuation of power structures within the affective and geographical project of a ‘White Argentina’.
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Ciaian, Pavel, und D’Artis Kancs. „Marginalisation of Roma: Root Causes and Possible Policy Actions“. European Review 27, Nr. 1 (14.11.2018): 115–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s106279871800056x.
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The existing policy and academic debate on the social mobility of Roma have been focused almost entirely on entry barriers (the cost of entry into the mainstream society), whereas exit barriers (the cost of exit from the traditional Roma lifestyle) have been acknowledged and studied to a much lesser extent. In this study we advocate that from a policy perspective it is important to understand differences between the two types of social mobility barriers, as they have different causes and hence have to be addressed by different policy instruments. However, it is important that both types of social mobility barriers are addressed simultaneously, as they interact and reinforce each other mutually. Further, addressing social mobility barriers of Roma requires a change of both formal and informal institutions. Therefore, policy measures have to be implemented and sustained over a long period of time in order to have a sustainable impact on the social and economic integration of Roma.
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Emordi, Amaka Theresa Oriaku, Papia Sengupta und Hope A. Ikednma. „Women, marginalisation and politics in Africa and Asia“. Integrity Journal of Arts and Humanities 2, Nr. 2 (30.08.2021): 27–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31248/ijah2021.019.
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Across the world, women are on the fringes in all facets of life endeavours- economy, education, governance, and politics compared to their male counterparts. Irrespective of the geographical location, women are culturally and socially disadvantaged. They are systematically deprived of individual choices, economic opportunities, political rights, political power as well as intellectual recognition. Women are on the lower incomes ladder compare to their male counterparts. Feminists have argued that women’s fivefold role – mother, wife, home-manager, informal educator, and family nurse is responsible for women’s impediments in life. As a beast of burdens, women have obstructed them from pursuing their aspirations at the same speed as their male counterparts. Consequently, women are marginal in the scheme of mainstream issues of life as politics and economy. Using secondary data and applying the radical feminist theory, women marginalization in Nigeria and India was investigated. The paper revealed some forms of women marginalization in these countries and their similarities to show that women marginalization is a universal phenomenon, cutting across culture, race, and continent. While the concept of marginalization may vary according to the historical and socio-economical context of societies like Nigeria and India, its impact on the marginalized remains the same across cultures, peoples, and continents. To address this gender imbalance and disparity in opportunities between men and women, there is a need for a rotund education for a large majority of women in these continents to accelerate the empowerment of women in every aspect of life.
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Debnath, Kunal. „The Naths of Bengal and Their Marginalisation During the Early Medieval Period“. Studies in People's History 10, Nr. 1 (Juni 2023): 45–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23484489231157499.
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This article is about the Naths (also known as Yogi, Jogi and Jugi) of Bengal and the evidence about the depression of their status that occurred during the early medieval times. Today the householder Naths, who maintain a caste framework, are quite distinct from the ascetic branch of the Nath Sampradaya (community). The householder Naths were apparently degraded by the smarta-ruled Brahmanical society during the twelfth century, the marginalisation being multidimensional—social, political, economic and cultural. Because of their backwardness, the householder Naths were put among Other Backward Castes by the Central government and West Bengal state government in the 1990s. Thus, the householder Naths endure ambiguous identities—claiming high caste status themselves but placed in the Sudra varna by others. This article is an attempt to investigate the historical background of the marginalisation of the householder Naths in Bengal.
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Rao, C. Srinivasa. „THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF DROUGHT AND THE MARGINALISATION OF THE POOR“. International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 10, Nr. 9 (30.09.2022): 121–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v10.i9.2022.4738.
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The general theme of this paper is that drought, though an agro-climatic phenomenon, has phenomenon has far reaching socio-economic consequences. The adverse impact of drought on the poorer sections is devastating, while the richer classes may actually benefit from it. There actually may emerge a emerge, a new middle class consisting of the middle peasantry, rich families and traders in the countryside and a section engaged in urban based trading, industrial and services sector.
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Fodor, Eva, und Erika Kispeter. „Making the ‘reserve army’ invisible: Lengthy parental leave and women’s economic marginalisation in Hungary“. European Journal of Women's Studies 21, Nr. 4 (13.07.2014): 382–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350506814541796.
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Dewi, Yogi Paramitha. „Legal Mobilisation by Women with Disabilities in Indonesia“. Asia-Pacific Journal on Human Rights and the Law 24, Nr. 1 (15.02.2023): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718158-24010001.
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Abstract Women with disabilities have experienced double marginalisation. As women, they remain marginalised by patriarchal culture and religious conservatism, and as persons with disabilities, their participation in social, political, economic, and cultural life has been constrained by the state and society’s barriers. Even though Indonesia has ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women and the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, the marginalisation of women with disabilities remains an important issue. In this context, by applying a qualitative method, this article addresses the question of how women with disabilities mobilise existing legal and institutional resources to pursue empowerment. It finds that in the process of legal mobilisation, they employ three different strategies: advocacy from above, advocacy from within, and advocacy from below, through which a better condition has been achieved but the challenges for further empowerment remain in place.
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Walsh, John. „Language and socio-economic development“. Language Problems and Language Planning 30, Nr. 2 (11.08.2006): 127–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.30.2.03wal.
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This paper is about the debate over the role of language and culture in socio-economic development. Drawing on his experience of Ireland, the author examines the rich historical tradition of debate about the positive role which language can play in national development, and suggests a theoretical grounding for those arguments. The elaboration of such a theoretical basis is essential as a counterbalance to powerful and dominant global forces which engage in, as Stephen May puts it, “the denunciation of ethnicity”. Those pursuing these arguments have frequently used a form of economic Darwinism in order to justify the marginalisation or extermination of threatened languages or to oppose multilingualism generally. This paper lays out the foundations of an alternative approach which posits that all languages and cultures, regardless of their status or numerical size, can be integrated into processes of socio-economic development, and that none is inherently anti-development. It is hoped that the arguments presented here will also stimulate debate about the nature of the concept of development itself, and facilitate closer integration of the often distinct disciplines of language planning and policy and socio-economic development.
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Corvaglia, Maria Anna. „TTIP Negotiations and Public Procurement: Internal Federalist Tensions and External Risks of Marginalisation“. Journal of World Investment & Trade 19, Nr. 3 (03.05.2018): 392–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22119000-12340094.
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Abstract Government procurement is perhaps one of the most underexplored areas in the recent academic literature on transatlantic economic relations, yet it was also one of the most protected economic sectors addressed in the now derailed Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) negotiations. Even though the European Union (EU) and the United States have undertaken extensive reciprocal procurement commitments under the World Trade Organization’s Agreement on Government Procurement (GPA), as well as in their respective preferential trade agreements (PTAs), the liberalisation and harmonisation of the transatlantic procurement market could not be more ambiguous or controversial. This article aims to deepen our understanding of crucial aspects of the contemporary EU–United States procurement relationship. To this end, the article explores the TTIP negotiations as well as similar PTAs and underlines the potential implications in terms of the fragmentation of the international discipline of procurement regulation.
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Nümberger, K. „Is the human being a profit and pleasure maximiser?“ Religion and Theology 3, Nr. 3 (1996): 218–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430196x00211.
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AbstractLiberal economics is based on the concept of 'economic man', that is, the human being as a profit and utility maximiser. The pursuit of self-interest at the expense of one's competitors is deemed morally acceptable and socially desirable. These assumptions stand in stark contrast to the anthropology of traditionalist cultures which bind human avarice into communalist fetters. While traditionalism leads to economic stagnation, modernism leads to vast discrepancies in wealth and life chances, marginalisation of the least competitive, squandering of resources and ecological destruction. The mindset of the future must combine freedom with responsibility and gain comprehensive horizons in terms of time and space. A historical-theological survey shows that the inner dynamic of the biblical faith is capable of generating a vision of comprehensive wellbeing, the freedom to act redemptively and the motivation to achieve a more balanced and equitable future.
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Kassam, Aneesa, und Ali Balla Bashuna. „Marginalisation of the Waata Oromo Hunter–Gatherers of Kenya: Insider and Outsider Perspectives“. Africa 74, Nr. 2 (Mai 2004): 194–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2004.74.2.194.
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AbstractThis paper examines how the way of life of a little known group of hunter–gatherers, the Waata Oromo, was brought to an end through British colonial wildlife conservation laws and the creation of national parks in Kenya. Through this policy and that of the containment of ethnic groups to ‘tribal reserves’, the Waata lost their place in the regional economic system and suffered loss of cultural identity. It also meant that when Kenya gained independence, the Waata were not recognised as a distinct entity with rights to their own political representation. Instead, they became appendages of the dominant pastoral groups with which they had been associated. They were thus doubly marginalised, in both economic and political terms. The paper describes how this situation has led some Waata in northern Kenya to claim separate ethnic status. It discusses the problem from the point of view of a Waata social activist and of an anthropologist. These two perspectives raise further issues for the etic/emic debate in anthropology.
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Toqeer Ahmed. „Between Past and Present: Unravelling Colonialism’s Enduring Impact in The Wandering Falcon“. Journal of Contemporary Poetics 7, Nr. 1 (01.06.2023): 15–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.54487/jcp.v7i1.3103.
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In my exploration of the profound and enduring impacts of colonialism on the nomadic tribes of Baluchistan and the tribal areas of Pakistan, I draw from Jamil Ahmad’s The Wandering Falcon and insights from postcolonial theorists. My study illuminates the tribes’ persistent struggles for recognition, representation, and basic rights. These tribes, once proud custodians of their distinct cultural heritage, now confront challenges from modern encroachments, political marginalisation, and economic hardships, all deeply rooted in colonial legacies. The imposition of foreign legal systems, combined with the pervasive influence of modern media, has led to a noticeable erosion of their traditional social structures and values. The economic consequences of colonialism in the region are stark, with aggressive resource extraction and the demarcation of artificial borders disrupting their economic foundations. My research underscores the tribes’ enduring struggles, emphasising the contemporary relevance of these colonial legacies. As these tribes grapple with modern challenges, I stress the importance for policymakers to recognise and address these colonial legacies, advocating for a more inclusive and equitable future. In conclusion, my research suggests the need for additional exploration into the intersections of colonialism, gender dynamics, and identity within the nomadic tribes of Baluchistan and the tribal areas of Pakistan, while advocating for the formulation and implementation of strategies that empower these tribes, ensuring that their concerns are met with both empathy and efficacy.Keywords: Colonialism, nomadic tribes, marginalisation, Baluchistan, traditional lifestyles
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Gilchrist, Heidi, Glennys Howarth und Gerard Sullivan. „The Cultural Context of Youth Suicide in Australia: Unemployment, Identity and Gender“. Social Policy and Society 6, Nr. 2 (12.03.2007): 151–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746406003423.
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This article considers the impact, in terms of life and death choices, of the economic exclusion of young people in Australia, where suicide is the leading cause of death by injury. In the two decades from 1980 there was a dramatic increase in suicide rates for young males. Research demonstrates a correlation between youth suicide and unemployment but the complex relationship between the two has not been fully investigated. This article explores the perceptions of young people, parents and service providers of the cultural context of suicide and how it comes to be constructed as an option for young people experiencing economic marginalisation.
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Dawson, Mark. „New governance and the displacement of Social Europe: the case of the European Semester“. European Constitutional Law Review 14, Nr. 1 (März 2018): 191–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019618000081.
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Has the European Semester led to a displacement of Social Europe, or to the development of social policy through fiscal processes and actors? – Potential for Semester to increase soft law’s binding effects or ‘socialise’ EU policy-making – Positive effects severely limited by the Semester’s overall goals: fiscal stabilisation and the creation of increasingly uniform economic policies – Dilemma for Social Europe: how can an autonomous EU social policy be (re) established without risking marginalisation?
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Akindola, Rufus B., und Christopher O. Ehinomen. „Military Incursion, Tribalism and Poor Governance: The Consequences for Development in Nigeria“. Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 8, Nr. 5 (01.09.2017): 151–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mjss-2017-0033.
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AbstractNigeria continues to face difficult challenges as a country comprising many ethnic groups with different socio-cultural, religious and economic backgrounds. This paper critically reviewed literature and found that these challenges have shaped Nigeria’s leadership and created unhealthy rivalry including, in particular, a deep sense of exploitation, marginalisation and oppression among certain ethnic groups. Despite Nigeria’s abundant natural resources, the early politicians became self-centred and failed to make good use of these resources to improve the well-being of poor Nigerians, especially those in the rural areas. Instead, it was found that the politicians were engaged in economic vandalism and political opportunism, which precipitated a premature military takeover of government.
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Bophela, Mduduzi Justice Kennedy, und Njabulo Khumalo. „The economic contribution factors of stokvels in the local economy of eThekwini Municipality“. Technium Social Sciences Journal 29 (09.03.2022): 343–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v29i1.5815.
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The absence marginalisation and lack of recognition of the role of stokvels in the official economic plans and policies of the municipality was therefore the problem that this paper sought to explore. Simple random method was adopted on 395 stokvel group’s members who were administered with a questionnaire and the purposive sampling method on 6 MC members of eThekwini Municipality that participated in the interviews. The qualitative data was analysed using N-VIVO (version 11.0). The quantitative data was analysed using inferential and descriptive statistics. Money saving & investment, job creation and promoting business opportunities are the most prevalent of the economic contribution factors of stokvels. EM needs to pioneer the amendment of the current policy inclusive of the informal economy.
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Luke, David Fashole, und Stephen P. Riley. „The Politics of Economic Decline in Sierra Leone“. Journal of Modern African Studies 27, Nr. 1 (März 1989): 133–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00015676.
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The fact that Sierra Leone is one of Africa's little-known states is an acknowledgement of its marginalisation and reversal of fortunes since independence from Britain in 1961. But this observation is also a reminder that under colonial rule, Sierra Leone had received considerable notoriety for several reasons: an important naval base, commercial centre, and seaport; a hot-bed of political agitation and perennial challenge to British authority; and a centre of education – the so-called ‘Athens of West Africa’.1 In more recent times, however, Sierra Leone jas not caught the attention of international commentators and the world press. It has not achieved the strategic or international political significance of such major African states as Algeria, Côte d'Ivoire, Egypt, Nigeria, Zambia, or Zimbabwe. And looking back to the 1950s and 1960s, it was not led to independence by the charismatic persona of a Kwame Nkrumah, who hoped to achieve the rapid transformation of Ghana to a modern industrial economy and society, ot by a romantic like Julius Nyerere, who hoped to turn Tanzanian peasants into citizens of modern communes.
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Markuszewska, Iwona. „Rural area marginalisation: searching for tendencies. Case study: the Western fringes of Poland“. Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series 29, Nr. 29 (01.09.2015): 75–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bog-2015-0026.
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Abstract The aim of this paper was to evaluate the intensity of rural area marginalisation. As a study region, Western periphery of Poland has been chosen. The spatial scope of the research covers three border voivodeships: Dolnośląskie, Lubuskie and Zachodniopomorskie, however, the study was conducted at the local level, including 310 rural and rural-urban gminas (administrative region of the 3rd order in Poland). The statistical data were derived from the Central Statistical Office from the period of last two decades. Results revealed the differences in the level of rural area marginalization and were analysed in terms of agricultural and socio-economic aspects.
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MEDHI, SHAPNA. „Conservation Induced Marginalisation: The Case of Two Tribal Communities of Assam, India“. International Review of Social Research 9, Nr. 2 (30.10.2020): 200–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.48154/irsr.2019.0019.
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In India, the indigenous people designated as the scheduled tribes (STs) by the Indian constitution have been dependent on forests for their survival. However, with the declaration of protected areas, the conservation plans have mostly overlooked the dependence of these tribes on nature. This paper looks into the adverse impact of conservation on two tribes, the Karbi and Mising, residing on the areas adjacent to the Kaziranga National Park (KNP) of Assam, India. It points out that the case of KNP shows a marked deviation regarding support for conservation by the marginalised communities inspite of hardships. It shows how conservation efforts have further aggravated their conditions. The study was conducted through in-depth interviews with respondents of two villages – a Karbi village and Mising village located on the fringes of the KNP. This paper also takes a cursory glance on the community related initiatives undertaken on the fringes of the KNP for the betterment of the socio-economic conditions.
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MEDHI, SHAPNA. „Conservation Induced Marginalisation: The Case of Two Tribal Communities of Assam, India“. International Review of Social Research 9, Nr. 2 (30.10.2020): 200–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.48154/irsr.2019.0019.
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In India, the indigenous people designated as the scheduled tribes (STs) by the Indian constitution have been dependent on forests for their survival. However, with the declaration of protected areas, the conservation plans have mostly overlooked the dependence of these tribes on nature. This paper looks into the adverse impact of conservation on two tribes, the Karbi and Mising, residing on the areas adjacent to the Kaziranga National Park (KNP) of Assam, India. It points out that the case of KNP shows a marked deviation regarding support for conservation by the marginalised communities inspite of hardships. It shows how conservation efforts have further aggravated their conditions. The study was conducted through in-depth interviews with respondents of two villages – a Karbi village and Mising village located on the fringes of the KNP. This paper also takes a cursory glance on the community related initiatives undertaken on the fringes of the KNP for the betterment of the socio-economic conditions.
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Kohl, Christoph. „The Praça of Geba - Marginalisation Past and Present as Resource“. Mande Studies 11, Nr. 1 (2009): 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/mnd.2009.a873530.
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Abstract: This article is about the former trading post of Geba, located in present-day Guinea-Bissau. Formerly Portugal's easternmost, biggest trading post and principal centre for the Afro-Atlantic encounter for almost four centuries in West Africa, it used to link the Empire of Kaabú with both the Americas and Europe. Following the Fula wars in the second half of the nineteenth century, Geba sank into decline and oblivion, now merely resembling - at least at first glance - an "ordinary", isolated village like so many others in the region. However, a closer examination of contemporary Geba, its inhabitants, and migrants, reveals how this marginality in various spheres (political, economic, cultural) is narratively transformed. As a spiritual and historical location, Geba is transformed into a powerful resource that facilitates interethnic and interreligious integration at the grass-roots level, creating and enhancing the self-respect of people linked to it. Cet article traite de l'ancien comptoir de Geba, en Guinée Bissau actuelle. Celui-ci est, jusqu'à la seconde moitié du XlXè siècle, le plus grand comptoir portugais - et celui situé le plus à l'est - ce qui le plaçait au centre des échanges entre l'Afrique et l'Atlantique. De plus, Geba permettait de relier l'empire de Kaabú, tout autant aux Amériques qu'à l'Europe. A la suite des guerres peuhls de la deuxième moitié du XIXème s, Geba décline, sort des mémoires et perd en importance jusqu'à n'être - du moins en apparence - qu'un village ordinaire et isolé comme tant d'autres dans la région. Cependant, une étude plus poussée de Geba aujourd'hui, de ses habitants et de ses migrants, révèle que cette marginalité, aussi bien au niveau politique qu'économique ou culturel, est transformée par les récits. En effet, en tant que lieu spirituel et historique, Geba est une importante ressource et favorise l'intégration ethnique et religieuse à la base, créant et renforçant l'estime que les populations tirent du passé de Geba.
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GAIBAZZI, PAOLO. „THE RANK EFFECT: POST-EMANCIPATION IMMOBILITY IN A SONINKE VILLAGE“. Journal of African History 53, Nr. 2 (Juli 2012): 215–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853712000382.
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ABSTRACTThe end of internal slavery in West Africa is generally associated with an increase in labour mobility. This article complicates this picture by showing that the effects of status – the rank effect – on people's ability to migrate often outlasted emancipation. In Sabi, a Soninke village in Upper River Gambia, economic migration intensified and globalised from the 1950s onwards. Although they have since been free to move, the descendants of slaves have migrated less than those of the freeborn. The article attributes this relative immobility to the enduring dynamics of socioeconomic marginalisation based on slave descent.
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Laruffa, Francesco. „Social investment: Diffusing ideas for redesigning citizenship after neo-liberalism?“ Critical Social Policy 38, Nr. 4 (31.12.2017): 688–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261018317749438.
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Social investment has become the dominant approach to welfare reform in Europe and elsewhere. Scholars supporting this perspective have argued that it represents a paradigm shift from neo-liberalism – defined as the ideology of the minimal state and welfare retrenchment. This article challenges this claim, arguing that this definition of neo-liberalism is simplistic and empirically weak. It states that under a more accurate definition, social investment reflects four characteristics of neo-liberalism: the de-politicisation of the economy and of welfare reform; the economic understanding of the state; the extension of economic rationale to non-economic domains; and the anthropology of human capital. Taking this view, while social investment is preferable to welfare retrenchment, it promotes the same kind of citizenship as neo-liberalism, especially in terms of the marginalisation of the role of democracy in regulating the economy.
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Sharma, Seema. „Vulnerabilities and Social Responsibility in India: Possibilities, Opportunities and Limits“. Think India 16, Nr. 1 (19.04.2013): 25–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/think-india.v16i1.7826.
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India’s economic growth post liberalisation has seen tremendous increase. At the same time, the polarisation of Indian society on economic and social parameters has never been sharper. The inability of vast sections of Indian society to take advantage of the economic opportunities on account of their multiple vulnerabilities has developed a context within which poverty and hunger are likely to become the norm rather than exception. The present paper argues that the CSR efforts of the corporate are likely to remain cosmetic in nature unless there is a focus and definite direction to these initiatives. While the prevailing texture and flavour of CSR in India is heavily influenced by CSR in the West, the CSR in India will have to be rooted in the realities of social life and deal with issues of vulnerabilities and marginalisation.
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Campbell-Barr, Verity. „Contextual Issues in Assessing Value for Money in Early Years Education“. National Institute Economic Review 207 (Januar 2009): 90–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0027950109103690.
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Early years education has been attributed as having benefits for the public good, avoiding social stratification and acquiring human capital. Although these outcomes appear social, the focus on value for money highlights their economic undertones. However, an assessment of value for money in early years education has a number of tensions, not only in relation to how and for whom value is assessed, but also with regard to the marginalisation of the economic position of early years education providers and emerging evidence of both hidden and masked costs within the sector. Drawing on interviews with a range of stakeholders, it will be demonstrated, therefore, that there is a need to acknowledge wider contextual issues when making an assessment of value for money in early years education.
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Galluzzo, N. „AN EXPLORATION OF THE AGRO-TOWN IN THE ITALIAN COUNTRYSIDE AND RURAL DISTRICT“. Trakia Journal of Sciences 20, Nr. 3 (2022): 181–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.15547//tjs.2022.03.003.
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The primary sector has been completely reshaped by the assignation of specific functions to farmers over the last 25 years, since legislators noted the importance of quality food productions to the rural and agro-industrial sectors and formally established rural and agri-food districts as legal entities. Agro-towns and rural districts in Italy, despite their peculiarities, represent an element of continuity in the path of social and economic development of the Italian countryside, contrasting the risk of marginalisation in rural areas through a propulsive growth of social capital and human interactions. The main purpose of this research was to assess the development of rural districts in some Italian regions as a consequence of the diffusion of agro-towns. The method of investigation has been a theoretical approach aimed at assessing the diffusion of the rural districts from 2016 to 2019 and by a comparison among Italian regions using some maps. Drawing some final remarks, agro-towns represent a fundamental pillar for the growth of the rural district in Italy due to their specificities in terms of social capital and local development, which are able to give a special connotation to the surrounding rural territory in a process of economic growth. In conclusion, the model of the rural district represents a spearhead for the countryside, emphasising all the peculiarities of rural areas where the impact of agro-towns has been significant in the past. The main consequence has been a transition of agro-towns from being degraded structures, where the incidence of agricultural underemployment was high, to structures where, despite the diffusion of large estates, there is an advanced social and economic development able to create a cohesive space that works to contrast the marginalisation of the Italian countryside.