Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Economic marginalisation“

Some long-term historical, economic and social circumstances leading to marginalisation of the British architectural profession are described. A mismatch between demand for architectural services and their supply is suggested to have contributed to marginalisation. Possible reasons are advanced for a restrained response to marginalisation by the profession. In particular, aspects of the professional culture connected with insularity and aversion to management are suggested to have been significant. However, while aspects of the professional culture hindered long-term adjustment to changing demand, they also may have helped to support design activity in the shorter term.

Ten years after the inauguration of the Constitution of Kenya 2010, the communities of Marsabit County are still living on the periphery of society. They remain systemically excluded from the nation’s mainstream social, political, economic, and cultural activities. Communities living within the North Frontier Districts (as it was known then) and within the Counties of Mandera, Wajir, Garissa, Isiolo and Marsabit are still considered ‘hostile tribes’ by the ruling elite since colonialisation and are treated as such. The colonial government enforced this isolation by enacting a series of Ordinances between the years 1901 to 1933 that systemically isolated and marginalised communities from this geographical area. The Ordinances largely criminalised the community’s main economic activity of pastoralism by allowing arbitral seizure and detainment as well as collective punishment for offences of members of the community. This negative and suspicious perception, systemic exclusion by the laws and policies, condensed economic activities limited to pastoralism, political under-representation, poverty, distance and inaccessibility have exacerbated the marginalisation of the communities living within Marsabit to date. Unfortunately, independence did not liberate these communities within the Northern Frontier Districts from systemic exclusion. They were still treated as a ‘special group’ within the context of section 19 of the Kenya Independence Order in Council. This section provides for the modification, qualifications and exceptions of laws and policies to be applied in respect of these communities. The state felt there was a need to subject these communities to screening, profiling, and overregulation in these areas in comparison to the rest of the nation. State institutions were further unable and unwilling to penetrate these areas. The application of different laws to these communities was carried forward during the post-independence where the Presidency was granted the power to govern these communities by decree. Despite the goodwill of the Constitution 2010 to reduce the levels of marginalisation within this county, there is a need to carry out a case study to assess whether the current legal, political, social and economic frameworks have reduced marginalisation within Marsabit which has been for a long time an ungoverned territory.

Many governments in the Global South are still vulnerable to poverty, hunger, civil wars, diseases and socioeconomic inequalities that may hinder them from fully embracing digital democracy, where citizens can participate digitally in national affairs. South Africa is one of the countries that are experiencing social ills and where data marginalisation has seen citizens being excluded from using the latest digital technologies ushered in the Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) to engage with others. To understand how data marginalisation affects the social and economic development in South Africa, the researchers employed a secondary data review approach, which allows for the use of expansive literature sources, documents and peer-reviewed articles on data marginalisation, digital economy and digital participation. The analysis of the aforementioned sources revealed several dangers that data marginalisation poses to social and economic development of South Africa. Due to poverty and unemployment in some South Africa provinces, data marginalisation widens the digital divide due to the absence of digital infrastructure, incompetent leadership, load-shedding and inflation. All these factors infringe on citizens' rights to participate in social and economic discourse using digital media. The research established that governments can address data marginalisation by harnessing their human, financial and technological capacity to embrace modern digital devices and information communication technologies (ICTs) to grow economies and create better living standards for the general citizenry. This research contributes to the growing body of knowledge on data marginalisation, digital democracy and digital participation, which are some of the expectations of human life in the digital age. The paper recommends that the South African government should provide digital solutions to mitigate the growing data marginalisation and digital divide, which affect the citizen's capacity to connect to the digital world and tap into some of the opportunities that are generated by the vast technological revolution.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to evaluate critically the “marginalisation” thesis, which holds that marginalised populations disproportionately participate in undeclared work. Until now, the evidence that participation in undeclared work is higher in marginalised areas (e.g. peripheral rural localities) and marginalised socio-economic groups (e.g. the unemployed, immigrant populations and women) has come from mostly small-scale surveys of particular localities and population groups. There have been no extensive quantitative surveys. Here, the intention is to fill this gap. Design/methodology/approach – To do this, we report a 2007 survey of participation in undeclared work involving 26,659 face-to-face interviews conducted in 27 European Union (EU) member states. Findings – The finding is that the marginalisation thesis is valid when discussing younger people and those living in peripheral rural areas; they are more likely to participate in undeclared work. However, there is no significant association between immigrant populations and participation in undeclared work. Moreover, a reinforcement thesis, which holds that the undeclared economy reinforces the spatial and socio-economic disparities produced by the declared economy, applies when considering those with fewer years in education, women, the unemployed and less affluent European regions; they have lower participation rates than higher educated people, men, the employed and affluent European regions. Research limitations/implications – The outcome is a call for a more nuanced understanding of the marginalisation thesis as valid for some marginalised populations but not others. Whether similar findings prevail at other spatial scales and in other global regions now needs investigating. Practical implications – This survey displays that although it is appropriate to target some marginalised populations when tackling undeclared work, this is not valid for others (e.g. immigrant populations, the unemployed, those living in less affluent EU regions). Originality/value – The first extensive evaluation of whether marginalised populations are more likely to participate in undeclared work.

This paper represents an attempt to analyse the labour involved in producing and reproducing caring relationships as a form of work. The term ‘solidary’ or ‘love labour’ is coined to differentiate this kind of work from other forms of human service work, domestic work and/or economic labour. We suggest that solidary labour cannot be understood as a structural necessity emanating from the political and economic requirements of the wider system. Yet, the tatter approach has been the modal one in both structural functionalist and Marxist analyses of caring. Caring and being cared for involve the construction of symbolic bonds regardless of the economic context in which they are embedded. The sociological understanding of these, demands that we take account of the situated meaning of solidary relations and not merely reduce them to by-products of structural forces. In the latter part of the paper we use time-budget studies and other surveys to show how solidary labour is being marginalised in our society. In particular, we argue that both domestic labour and productive material labour are in open competition with solidary labour for the use of time. Research to date would suggest that solidary labour is the loser in this competition.

Our study prepared as a brief version of National Report in the frame of EUROLAN Programme. We deal with the interpretation of some definitions (marginalisation of land use, multifunctionality of land use, marginalisation of agriculture, multifunctionality of agriculture), with sorting and reviewing indicators of marginalisation and finally with the analysis of functions of land use. We suggested a dynamic and a static approach of marginalisation. We can explore the dynamic process by time series and the static (regional) one by cross-section analyses.It is very hard to explain the perspective of the future of marginalisation of land and of agriculture in Hungary. The process of marginalisation seems faster in the agriculture in the coming years, but it depends on the utilisation of new possibilities given by the EU financial resources and by the Common Market. At this moment agriculture seems one of the big losers of the accession.In the long term we should face considerable challenges in the land use. It is necessary to take into account that there is a supply market of foods and traditional fibre production world-wide. There are limited possibilities to produce and to market for example biodiesel (fuel), bioethanol, or maybe biogas. Thus the environment and landscape preservation becomes more and more real land use alternatives.The environmental interpretation of the multifunctionality of land use: activities (functions) of environmental preservation and nature conservation in a certain area, which aim to preserve natural resources by the existing socio-economic conditions.Preservation of rural landscapes is the task mainly for land-users, who can be commanded by legal means and can be encouraged by economic measures to carry out the above activity. In the recent past measures of „command and control” type regulation were predominant, however nowadays, especially in the developed countries, the role of economic incentives increases.As a conclusion of our analysis we can state that as long as the main land-dependent activities (agriculture, forestry, housing, tourism, local mining) cease to be viable under an existing socio-economic structure, then it is hardly possible to sustain the rural landscape on an appropriate level by non-commodity products (such as environment preservation, cultural heritage, nature conservation, employment etc.).1 The study was prepared in the frame of EUROLAN (EU-5 Framework Project), QLK5-CT-2002-02346, as a compiled version of the Hungarian National Report, The national project co-ordinator: Prof. Dr. Gabor Szabo.A part of places with high ecological values coincides with the areas with unfavourable agricultural endowments and underdeveloped micro-regions. We think so that the marginalisation preserves the non-environmental-sound activities and hinders the development of multifunctional agriculture and this process can change only by joint utilisation of endogenous and exogenous resources and methods. Thus the successful programmes for agri-environmental protection and multifunctional land use can serve the moderation of negative effects of marginalisation or maybe the marginalisation process itself.

The exercise of a professional Journalistic ethos within large commercial news organisations is often perceived as a process that is subservient to organisational interests that prioritise profit or political objectives. The type of news that is produced in these circumstances is seen to be limited in scope and lacking the depth or array of perspectives required to significantly contribute to the public sphere in the public interest. The reporting of complex issues such as social marginalisation is particularly understood as compromised, as Journalists are overtly or covertly coerced into taking a least-cost approach to their news-story selection and production. The process is perceived to force Journalists to rely on high-profile entrenched powerful sources with vested interests in maintaining the status quo. The views and experiences of marginalised people are perceived as excluded from reporting, due to the difficulty and greater demand on organisational resources that is incurred in accessing them as sources. Contrary to this understanding, however, this case study finds a wide array of portrayals of marginalised people in news published by 'The Courier-Mail' newspaper, with the consistent inclusion of information that details the socio-structural circumstances of socially marginalised people. Despite the greater difficulty and organisational cost of researching and including this type of information, it was Journalists' expression of professional autonomy in the public interest that was seen to influence news production, and provide a more detailed array of information on issues of social marginalisation to the audience in the public interest.

This thesis presents an examination of the interplay between bamboo and institutions of resource management in China, India and internationally, highlighting the need for greater diversity and scope of Western dominated forestry institutions and associated mechanisms. Firstly, the thesis aims to explore the conceptual understanding of forests and the exclusion of bamboo from this construction. The key reason this question is important is that it changes the 'technological zones‘ of forestry. Growing resource scarcity has meant that bamboo is now an increasingly important input in the global forest products marketplace. Secondly, the thesis aims to examine how governance mechanisms and actors respond to the inclusion of this new input. The thesis adopts the 'paper route'; the first paper traces the socio-historical reasons why bamboo‘s potential is yet to be realised, particularly within international policy. It considers the challenges of forestry being predominantly conceptualised as treed lands and the implications for the limited efficacy of sustainable forestry, carbon and trade instruments when applied to bamboo. The second paper acts as an introduction to Western produced forest certification devices, focusing on their transformation within forestry institutions and perceived legitimacy within China. The third paper focuses on a case study of bamboo certification in India. The final paper analyses the controversy regarding the efficacy of forest certification for bamboo globally. The thesis aims to explore these topics through three lines of theory. First, it contributes to institutional framing theory by examining where the idea of a 'forest' originated from and the consequences this has had for the rise of bamboo as a 'timber' product. Second, the thesis aims to further legitimacy theory in two key ways, by examining how the Chinese government accommodates and facilitates the differing needs of both international and domestic markets, whilst ultimately assuming a legitimate form of (institutionalised) domestic governance, and how the perceived input (procedure) and output (efficacy) legitimacy influence the potential success of current and future forest certification for bamboo. Third, the thesis seeks to provide a dynamic analysis of the role of certification through the lens of performativity, which uncovers how certification can create different realities for different actors. This thesis is timely and important for a number of reasons. Firstly, China is gaining more prominence on the world stage, both as an economic and political power. With increased pressure on forestry resources, the forestry administration is determined to upscale sustainable forest management. This requires adhering to global notions of sustainability thorough market mechanisms and ensuring a degree of autonomy of forest management through localising processes. Secondly, China recently received Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) bamboo certification for some of the most intensively managed areas in the country. This has increased controversy amongst experts regarding the efficacy of the mechanism to truly bring about sustainable bamboo management. Thirdly, on a more global scale, one of the crucial issues with up-scaling bamboo management is the fact that there are over 1,200 species of bamboo, with three different rooting structures: monopodial (diffuse) sympodial (clumping), and amphodial (mixed) – which have distinct policy and management needs. Focusing purely on the large-scale, intensively managed, monopodial or treelike' stands in China would ignore the vast areas of small-scale, sympodial bamboo homesteads with issues regarding flowering and propagation of sterile species. Bamboo plantations in Africa, Latin America, and India are being developed, which require enabling policy and management mechanisms. With a global industry estimated at US$10bn, the implications of an inclusive and enabling frame for bamboo management could have wide ranging impacts for both natural resource management and livelihood development.

On t.p.: Master of Arts (International Studies)<br>Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study attempts to examine the chances that South Africa's President Thabo Mbeki has in changing the unbalanced relations between the powerful countries of the North and the marginalised developing world. In doing so, it investigates how the leaders of Northern countries received the New Africa Initiative which was launched by a group of African heads of states, including Mbeki, at the G-8 summit in Genoa in July 2001. Unlike preceding works, this study takes a systemic perspective. The power relations in international affairs are pointed out with specific consideration of South Africa's status as an emerging middle power in the international system. Special recognition is furthermore given to the question as to whether there is currently a global re-think under way about globalisation, the ideology of neo-liberalism and the interaction with poor countries in the global political economy. The study comes to the conclusion that despite the fact that South Africa as a middle power is subordinate to the powerful countries of the North when it comes to effecting global change, and despite the outcomes of Genoa that do not indicate that an equitable global order is close, there are considerable trends and developments visible which support what Mbeki is trying to achieve. As a consequence, it is contended that his "Global Initiative" has a much better chance of being successful than the plea for a New International Economic Order in the 1970s.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie poog om die volgende te ondersoek: die waarskynlikheid dat Suid-Afrika se President, Thabo Mbeki, die ongebalanseerde verhoudinge tussen die magtige lande van die Noorde en die gemarginaliseerde ontwikkelende wêreld kan verander. Gevolglik word gekyk in hoe die leiers van die Noordelike lande die "New Africa Inititiative", wat in Julie 2001 by die G-8 spitsberaad in Genoa deur 'n groep staatshoofde van verskeie Afrikalande (Mbeki ingesluit) bekend gestel is, ontvang het. Anders as in vorige studies, word 'n sistematiese benadering in hierdie studie gevolg. Spesiale aandag word verder geskenk aan die vraag of daar huidiglik 'n globale heroorweging onderweg is. met petrekking tot _globalisering, die ideologie van neo-liberalisme en die hantering van arm lande binne die globale politeke ekonomie. Die studie 'kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat daar merkbare neigings en ontwikkelinge is wat Mbeki se werk ondersteun. Dit is ten spyte van die feit dat Suid-Afrika, as middelrnag, ondergeskik is aan die Noordelike lande wanneer invloede op globale veranderinge ter sprake is, en nieteenstaande die gevolge van Genoa, wat geensins aandui dat 'n regverdige globale bedeling naby is nie. Gevolglik word geargumenteer dat hierdie "Globale Inisiatief' 'n beter kans het om suksesvol te wees as die pleidooi vir 'n "Nuwe Internasionale Ekonomiese Orde" tydens die 1970s.

Despite of a well-established welfare state in Sweden, socio-economic and residential segregation is increasing rapidly. This has for instance been related to the neo-liberalisation of the welfare state and housing system. One institutional tool for reducing systematic inequality is the housing allowance, which specifically targets low-income households with children as well as young households without children. However, recent studies show how these groups are becoming ever more excluded, despite of the financial aid. The aim of this thesis is thus to contribute with a situated understanding of the practical accomplishment of Swedish socio-economic marginalisation in relation to housing allowance and the welfare state. This is achieved by examining naturally occurring accounts socio-economic marginalisation in 366 audio recorded phone calls to the Swedish Social Insurance Agency about housing allowance, out of which I specifically focus on accounts made by single mothers. In order to make sense of the data, I apply and introduce an ethno-intersectional approach. This entails the synthesis of the applied ethnomethodological methods Conversation Analysis, Discursive Psychology and Membership Categorisation Analysis with intersectionality as one analytical device. The results demonstrate how single-mothers intersect financial troubles, single-motherhood and ill health while expressing situated marginalisation as part of doing legitimacy work. The study also sheds light on how the application of welfare policies could partake in the systematic (re)production of structural inequalities. At large, the introduction of the ethno-intersectional approach is grounded on the theoretical interest of encouraging further action-oriented and situated explorations of the ways in which categories of inequality such as class, ethnicity and gender operate in conjunction and contribute to the generation, reinforcement or alteration of structural intersections of socio-economic marginalisation and privilege.

Les grandes villes du Sud s’étalent dans leurs périphéries, en grande partie non réglementaires, notamment en conséquence de l’incapacité de l’Etat à procurer un logement à l’ensemble de la population. Cette thèse restitue l’analyse d’un de ces quartiers irréguliers aux marges de la ville : le quartier de Cherarba dans le Sud-est de l’agglomération algéroise, à la porte de la Mitidja. La réflexion porte sur les pratiques et les représentations des populations et la façon dont elles pèsent sur les dynamiques de dé-marginalisation et/ou d’intégration socio-spatiale de ces quartiers populaires à la ville. Les activités économiques générées par les populations s’avèrent un vecteur déterminant permettant à ces quartiers irréguliers périphériques de s’intégrer dans l’ensemble de la dynamique socio-spatiale de la ville. Trois axes structurent la recherche ; nous verrons d’abord comment les habitants "ordinaires" sont des acteurs à part-entière dans la production de l’espace urbain, en agissant au cœur même de ces transformations, à travers des stratégies résidentielles et économiques. Ensuite le regard se focalisera sur l'étude des interdépendances des territoires marginalisés avec la ville. L'examen des pratiques des populations devra permettre ici de mettre en évidence les modes d'effacement des frontières, d'imbrication et d'interactions à l'ensemble de la ville, particulièrement par le biais des dynamiques économiques. Le cœur de la réflexion concernera l'émergence d'une véritable polarité urbaine, formidable vecteur d'intégration. Enfin, l'analyse portera sur les pratiques et les représentations des populations, en mettant en évidence les formes de sociabilités et de solidarités, les ressources et les réseaux sociaux au sein et en dehors du quartier et les significations sociales qu'il recouvre. Le dévoilement de ces processus de recomposition urbaine bouscule les a priori entretenus sur ces périphéries stigmatisées et considérées comme des non-villes et conduit à une nouvelle approche de la réalité urbaine, modifiant les perceptions sociales négatives qui affectent cet « urbanisme d'émanation populaire »<br>The big cities of the South spread out in their peripheries, largely not statutory, in particular as a result of the incapacity of the State to get an accommodation to the whole population. This thesis restores the analysis of one of these irregular districts to the margins of the city: the district of Cherarba in the Southeast of the urban area from Algiers, in the door of Mitidja. The reflection concerns the practices and the representations of the populations and the way they weigh on the dynamics of die-marginalization and/or sociospatial integration of these popular districts in the city. Economic activities generated by the populations turn out a determining vector allowing these peripheral irregular districts to become integrated in the whole of the socio-spatial dynamics of the city. Three axes structure the search; we shall see at first how the "ordinary" inhabitants are actors to whole part in the production of the urban space, by acting in the heart of these transformations, through residential and economic strategies. Then the look will focus on the study of the interdependences of territories marginalized with the city. The examination of the practices of the populations will have to make it possible here to highlight the modes of obliteration of the borders, overlap and interactions to the town suit, particularly by the means as of economic dynamics. The heart of the reflection will relate to the emergence of a true urban polarity, formidable vector of integration. Finally, the analysis will concern the practices and the representations of the populations, by highlighting the forms of sociability and solidarities, the resources and the social networks in the breast and except the district and the social meanings which it recovers. The unveiling of these processes of urban reorganization pushes aside prejudice maintained on these peripheries stigmatized and considered non-cities and leads to a new approach of the urban reality, modifying the negative social perceptions which affect this « town planning of popular emanation »

In terms of Section 29 (1) of the Constitution, everyone has the right to basic education. This right is not subject to ‘reasonable legislative and other measures, available resources and progressive realisation.’ The right to basic, compulsory education is widely regarded as a fundamental human right. For example, this right is included in a number of international human rights treaties such as the ‘Universal Declaration of Human Rights’, the ‘International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights,’ the ‘African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child’, the ‘Convention on the Rights of the Child’, the ‘Dakar Framework for Action: Education for All’, and ‘UNESCO Convention against Discrimination in Education’. The South African Constitution, however, does not clarify the content and scope of the right to basic education. Consequently, the Constitution has given the state wide discretion to determine the scope, nature and content of this basic right. Apartheid left the South African education system fragmented and unequal. The South African educational system has gone through numerous curricula and institutional changes. The changes in the curriculum were part of the transformation process of the South African education system. In addition, the state has allocated substantial public funds towards basic education. However, the investment in basic education does not commensurate with the quality of teaching and learning in poor and marginalised schools. For example, several rural and farm schools in the Eastern Cape lacked toilet facilities; textbooks and other education support material; furniture; and other essential necessities. Education loses its transformative power when poor and marginalised schools continue to lack these essential services. Consequently, inequality is perpetuated and the poor and marginalised are unable to compete meaningfully in the social, economic and political life of South Africa. The mini dissertation concludes by recommending that the Department of Basic Education should ensure that all schools, especially those in rural communities and farms, have access to textbooks, qualified teachers, clean water and toilet facilities and other essential necessities needed for the delivery of quality basic education.

Aim: The principal aim of this qualitative research study is to gain a clearer understanding of oppression as experienced by People with Learning Disabilities (PWLD). In particular, this study investigated: 1) the nature of oppression - the typical kinds of oppression PWLD face during the course of their everyday lives; 2) the causes of their oppressive experiences: 3) the impact these oppressive experiences can have on their quality of life; and 4) their reaction - the strategies PWLD employ to prevent further oppression. Rationale: Despite policies of deinstitutionalisation since the 1980s, many PWLD have not found social integration easy and continue to endure oppressive experiences in community-based settings. The nature/extent of this social problem has often been overlooked by researchers and practitioners. Methods: This research was conducted using interpretive phenomenology as a methodology; an approach which influenced the study’s design, method of data collection and strategy for analysing the rich qualitative findings. Semi-structured interviews were carried out across two sample populations; a group of PWLD (N=11) and a group of community-based practitioners/carers (N=11). The participants were selected through purposive sampling and the qualitative data was analysed using a specific Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) process. Findings: PWLD remain a deeply oppressed social group. Respondents reported experiencing multiple forms of oppression, which seem to interact in complex ways and be present throughout the course of their lives. The two key super-ordinate themes (most dominant forms of oppression experienced by PWLD) emerging from the process of IPA appear to be: 1) The life-long effects of marginalisation (social exclusion, powerlessness and existing as a socio-economic underclass) and 2) Multiple forms of victimisation (coping with exploitation, intimidation and abuse, both overt and subtle, from the public, family members and at times practitioners). Respondents believe that the underlying cause of their oppressive experiences is society’s negative perception. Negative attitudes and beliefs arise from oppressive social forces such as: the use of diagnostic labels, segregated special needs education and limited opportunities for employment. These are experiences which respondents assert often do little more than spoil their social identity as human beings. Conclusion: The findings confirm that PWLD living in the community continue to encounter negative social experiences which are pervasive. This research attempts to draw together and make sense of these experiences in terms of the concept of oppression. Through gaining a clearer understanding of the marginalised and victimised status of PWLD policy makers will be more informed about how to respond to their social and economic needs, and in turn help alleviate their experiences of oppression.

Thesis (PhD) -- Stellenbosch University, 2002.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: During the last two decades of the twentieth century, the world economic order has passed through a transformation which can be characterised as a shift away from the idea of the "Keynesian compromise" to the idea or principle of greater openness and a revision of the role of the state in macroeconomic policy formulation. As a result, and to achieve the goal of global competitiveness, states have become more "outward" orientated. The last twenty years have also seen an increase in the levels of inequality within and between states, which means that the effect of economic growth on the reduction of poverty is much reduced. Critics of the "openness" principle point out that the policies of developing states should be more inwardly focused to ensure that economic openness contributes more directly to the alleviation of poverty and inequality. Southern Africa is a region where the problem of inequality (particularly within states) is prevalent. The Critical Theory ofRobert W Cox (CCT) suggests that one of the ways in which increasing levels in inequality can be observed and analysed is to determine how people are related to the dynamics (via their national economies) of the contemporary world economic order. Are they marginalised, in a precarious position, or integrated? Furthermore, Cox assumes that the marginalised are a social force which could bring about transformation "from below." Following on from this assumption a number of claims about the marginalised can be deduced from CCT: they are inclined to political protest, they are dissatisfied with the political economic system of their country, they are politically apathetic, they are prone to low levels of political efficacy, they have turned "their back on the state" and belong to self-help associations, they are more inclined to participate in the activities of civil society and they are critical of neoliberal economic policies. The study's primary empirical question investigates whether the attitudes which Cox attributes to the marginalised are accurate. This is done through a detailed exposition of his core theoretical framework and a thorough conceptualisationloperationalisation of the marginalised, precarious and integrated. The area which is focused on is southern Africa. The vast majority of people in the region belong to the marginalised and the precarious components of Cox's economic hierarchy. They derive little or no economic benefit from greater openness and outward orientated forms of state. The question is whether they can be mobilised into a "counter-hegemonic social movement" (as Cox foresees) and how they view the role of the state. The second question is theoretical and is concerned with the usefulness and strong points of Cox's explanatory framework compared to other approaches which either (1) ignore the state as a point of entry for analysis, (2) regard it as the primary actor in the international system, (3) or "bypass" it because they predict its demise in a future post-sovereign world. I argue that it is incorrect to associate Cox's approach with the work of Richard Ashley, Mark Hoffman, Andrew Linklater and Mark Neufeld and to group them into a Critical Theory of International Relations school. Two important differences between Cox and these scholars are his incorporation of the state in a flexible, multiple points of entry framework and his resourceful combination of a diverse number of sources. The theoretical question is addressed by a substantive literature review of Cox's major publications in English and a representative review of the contributions made by Ashley, Hoffman, Linklater and Neufeld. In the reading of Cox's work, I focused on the development of his thinking, his major influences and on the epistemology and ontology of his core theoretical framework. The empirical question was investigated through a nationally representative survey of seven southern African states (Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia and Zimbabwe) which was undertaken by a research consortium of the Institute for Democracy in South Africa's Public Opinion Service during 1999-2000. In terms of Cox's theoretical expectations ofthe marginalised the study found that, in southern Africa; their political protest potential is lower than the integrated, they participate less in politics and in civil society, they are not more inclined to belong to self-help associations, they are inclined to accord slightly more legitimacy to the state than the integrated, their economic values cannot be summarised as generally unsympathetic to "market" orientated policies, and that the majority (significantly more so than the integrated) think that the state should be the major provider of social services. The marginalised are more tolerant of authoritarian political alternatives, but are not significantly more dissatisfied (relatively) with the economy than the other groups. We cannot, therefore, uncritically accept Cox's assumption that the marginalised will act as a potential source of transformation "from below." Furthermore, in the countries which were part of the survey, the marginalised still regard the state as the primary source for development assistance and social services. There was, however, strong support for the claim that the marginalised are inclined to be more politically apathetic and less politically efficacious. A close reading of Cox's work and comparison with Ashley, Linklater, Hoffman and Neufeld revealed that they share some tenets with CCT. However, they cannot be grouped with Cox in a school of critical thought because their intellectual debt is mainly located in the work of Habermas and the Frankfurt School of Critical Theory, while CCT is influenced by a variety of sources (cf. Braudel, Carr, Gramsci, Khaldun, Marx, Sorel and Vico). This is an important and essential distinction to make because the empirical results of the survey data analysis validate Cox's focus on the mutual influence between social forces, forms of state and world orders. It is, therefore, more accurate to regard CCT as a "critical realist" theory of International Relations (cf. Richard Falk, 1997). It is recommended that, in a world order which is characterised by increasing inequality and the outward orientated form of state, public policy practitioners in developing states must reconsider the standard TINA (There is no Alternative) response to the critics of the openness principle. A more balanced approach to addressing inequality and poverty, which requires an outward/inward policy orientation is essential. What is needed, is a form of state which creates opportunities for the integrated but protects and assists those who are marginalised. This essential inward orientation remains one of the state's primary responsibilities, even in a postW estphalian world where there are other centres of authority.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Tydens die laatste twee dekades van die twintigste eeu het die wereld ekonomiese orde deur 'n verandering gegaan. Hierdie verandering is gekenmerk deur 'n verskuiwing vanaf die "Keynesiaanse kompromie" idee, na die idee of beginsel van meer oopheid en 'n hersiening van die rol van die staat in makroekonomiese beleidsformulering. Gevolglik, en om die doelwit van globale mededingendheid te bereik, het state meer "uitwaartsgeorienteerd" geword. Die laatste twintig jaar is ook gekenmerk deur 'n toename in ongelykheid binne en tussen state. Hierdie ongelykheid het die impak van ekonomiese groei op armoede baie verminder. Die kritici van die "oopheid" beginsel wys daarop dat die beleid van ontwikkelende state meer na binne gerig moet word ten einde te verseker dat ekonomiese oopheid meer direk hydra tot die vermindering van armoede en ongelykheid. In die Suider-Afrikaanse streek kom die ongelykheidsprobleem (spesifiek binne state) algemeen voor. Die Kritiese Teorie van Robert W Cox (CKT, Coxiaanse Kritiese Teorie) doen aan die hand dat een van die maniere waarvolgens toenemende vlakke van ongelykheid waargeneem en geanaliseer kan word, is om te bepaal wat die verhouding is tussen mense en die dinamika (via die nasionale ekonomie) van die hedendaagse wereld ekonomiese orde. Is hulle gemarginaliseerd, in 'n onsekere posisie, of gei'ntegreerd? Daarby, is dit 'n aanname van Cox dat die gemarginaliseerdes 'n sosiale mag is wat "van onder af' verandering sou kon teweegbring. Voortvloeiend uit hierdie aanname, kan 'n aantal beweringe oor die gemarginaliseerdes afgelei word uit CKT: hulle is geneig tot politieke protes, hulle is ontevrede met hulland se politiek-ekonomiese stelsel, hulle is polities apaties, hulle is geneig tot lae vlakke van politieke doeltreffendheid, hulle het hul "rug gedraai op die staat" en behoort aan selfhelp-organisasies, hulle is meer geneig om deel te neem aan burgerlike samelewing aktiwiteite en hulle staan krities teenoor neoliberale ekonomiese beleidsrigtings. Die primere empiriese vraag wat die studie ondersoek is om te bepaal of die houdings wat Cox toeskryf aan die gemarginaliseerdes akkuraat is. Dit word gedoen deur 'n breedvoerige uiteensetting van sy verklarende raamwerk en 'n deeglike konseptualisering/operasionalisering van die drie ekonomiese kategoriee (gemarginaliseerd, onseker, gei'ntegreerd). Die fokus-area is Suider-Afrika. Die oorgrote meerderheid mense in die streek behoort tot die gemarginaliseerde en onsekere komponente van Cox se ekonomiese hierargie. Hulle trek min of geen ekonomiese voordeel uit meer "oopheid" en uitwaartsgeorienteerde staatsvorme nie. Die vraag is of hulle gemobiliseer kan word in 'n "teen-hegemoniese sosiale beweging" (soo Cox in die vooruitsig stel) en hoe hulle die rol van die staat beskou. Die tweede vraag is teoreties van aard en is gerig op 'n evaluering van die bruikbaarheid en sterk punte van Cox se verklarende raamwerk, in vergelyking met ander benaderings wat of (1) die staat ignoreer as 'n vlak van analise, (2) die staat beskou as die belangrikste akteur in die intemasionale stelsel, (3) die staat "omseil" omdat hulle die ondergang daarvan voorspel in 'n toekomstige post-soewereine wereld. Ek argumenteer dat dit verkeerd is om Cox se benadering te assosieer met die bydraes van Richard Ashley, Mark Hoffman, Andrew Linklater en Mark Neufeld, en om hulle saam te voeg binne 'n Kritiese Teorie van Intemasionale Betrekkinge denkskool. Twee belangrike verskille tussen Cox en die ander bydraes is sy inkorporering van die staat in 'n buigsame, veelvoudige vlak-van-analise raamwerk en sy vindingryke samevoeging van 'n diverse aantal bronne. Die teoretiese vraag is ondersoek deur middel van 'n uitgebreide literatuuroorsig van Cox se belangrikste publikasies in Engels en 'n verteenwoordigende oorsig van Ashley, Hoffman, Linklater en Neufeld se bydraes. Die evaluering van Cox fokus op die ontwikkeling van sy denke, die identifisering van diegene wat horn beYnvloed het, en die kennisleer en ontologie van sy kem-teoretiese raamwerk. Die empiriese vraag is nagevors deur die analise van 'n verteenwoordigende nasionale opname in sewe Suider-Afrikaanse state (Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Namibie, Suid-Afrika, Zambie en Zimbabwe). Die opname is ondemeem deur 'n navorsingkonsortium van die Instituut vir Demokrasie in Suid-Afrika se Openbare Meningsdiens tydens 1999-2000. Aangaande Cox se teoretiese verwagtinge van die gemarginaliseerdes, het die empiriese analise van die Suider-Afrikaanse data-stel bevind dat hulle politieke protes potensiaal laer is as die van die geYntegreerdes, dat hulle minder deelneem aan die politiek en 'n minder aktiewe rol speel in die burgerlike samelewing, dat hulle nie geneig is om aan selfhelp-organisasies te behoort nie, dat hulle geneig is om die staat as ietwat meer legitiem te beskou as die geYntegreerdes, dat hulle ekonomiese waardes nie veralgemeen kan word as onsimpatiek tot mark-georienteerde beleidsopsies nie, en dat die meerderheid (betekenisvol meer as die geYntegreerdes) die staat beskou as die belangrikste verskaffer van sosiale dienste. Die gemarginaliseerdes is meer verdraagsaam ten opsigte van outoritere politieke altematiewe, maar is nie betekenisvol meer ontevrede (relatief gesproke) met die ekonomie as die ander groepe me. Ons kan dus nie Cox se aanname, dat die gemarginaliseerdes as 'n moontlike bron vir verandering "van onder af' sal optree, onkrities aanvaar nie. Daarby beskou die gemarginaliseerdes, in die lande wat deel was van die opname, steeds die staat as die primere bron vir ontwikkelingshulp en sosiale dienste. Daar was egter beduidende ondersteuning vir die bewering dat hulle meer geneig is tot politieke apatie en politieke ondoeltreffendheid. Die bestudering van Cox se benadering en die vergelyking daarvan met Ashley, Linklater, Hoffman en Neufeld, toon aan dat die vier skrywers sekere beginsels met CKT deel. Nietemin, kan hulle nie saam met Cox in 'n skool van kritiese denke gevoeg word nie, omdat hulle intellektuele inspirasie uit Habermas en die Frankfurt Skool van Kritiese Teorie geput word. Cox, daarenteen, is beYnvloed deur 'n verskeidenheid denkers (bv. Braudel, Carr, Gramsci, Khaldun, Marx, Sorel, en Vico). Hierdie onderskeid is belangrik en noodsaaklik omdat die empiriese resultate van die opname data-analise, Cox se fokus op die wedersydse invloed tussen sosiale magte, staatsvorme en wereldordes, ondersteun. Dit is dus meer korrek om CKT te beskou as 'n "krities-realistiese" teorie van Intemasionale Betrekkinge (bv. Richard Falk, 1997). Die studie beveel aan dat, in 'n wereld wat gekenmerk word deur toenemende ongelykheid en die voorkoms van die uitwaarts-georienteerde staat, openbare beleidmakers die standaard DIGA (Daar is geen Altematief) antwoord, in reaksie op diegene wat die "oopheid" beginsel kritiseer, in heroorweging moet neem. 'n Meer ewewigtige benadering tot die aanspreek van ongelykheid en armoede is noodsaaklik, en dit vereis 'n uitwaartslbinnewaartse beleidsherorientering. Wat benodig word is 'n staatsvorm wat geleenthede skep vir die ge'integreerdes maar wat ook die gemarginaliseerdes help en beskerm. Selfs in 'n post-W estphaliaanse wereld waar daar ander magsentra voorkom, bly hierdie noodsaaklike binnewaartse orientasie een van die staat se primere verantwoordelikhede.

In South Africa, gentrification has a huge impact on the makeup of city spaces where it has been used as a redevelopment tool in order to restore and enhance these spaces. However, socio-economic turmoil is created when development benefits mainly the elite minority whilst marginalising the poor majority, which occurs in many instances of gentrification. In the worst cases, gentrification creates a trickle-up affect whereby the benefits of such a process are felt predominantly by the urban elite. This is evident in this study, where gentrification at the Point Precinct in Durban led to the marginalisation of residents of the Ark, a Christian-run homeless shelter that was forced to shut down as its residents no longer fitted in with the image-conscious ideals of the redeveloping area. These residents were displaced and ultimately relocated to a severely under-developed area known as Welbedacht approximately 30km away. This study aimed to explore the negative socio-economic impacts of displacement as a result of this gentrification and found that these impacts are vast, severe and long-lasting, including the social implications of isolation and exclusion coupled with the economic loss of living along the periphery. The implications of displacement are severe primarily due to the following reasons: the community’s displacement from the core to the urban periphery, the lack of social justice in the area, and the high levels of social exclusion. Furthermore, the implications of the gentrification process itself has resulted in a cycle of impoverishment in which Welbedacht has become entrenched. Due to the neo-liberal policies favoured by developers and policy makers, the urban poor are pushed out of the core and into the periphery with little support from local government, thereby resulting in the further marginalisation of a vulnerable community. Developers and policy makers should therefore strive for development that is equitable for all parties. Furthermore, facilities such as homeless shelters which provide countless services to the urban poor should not be shut down, but rather local government should strive to either redevelop such facilities or relocate them to an area that offers the same characteristics for the continued successful socio-economic development of the urban poor.<br>Geography<br>M. Sc. (Geography)

AbstractRadicalisation scholarship has largely shunned the study of negative cases even though they might be far more enlightening for our understanding of radicalisation. This chapter explores and interprets the lack of religiously inspired violent radicalisation in Greece. Drawing from interviews with relevant stakeholders, it argues that Greece’s resilience is replete with contradictions and does not stem from a concrete strategy or tailored policies, but rather the lack thereof. Hence, its ‘immunity’ is not built on resilience-producing attributes; it is the hitherto absence of key precipitating factors that could ‘push’ Muslims in Greece towards violent extremism.

AbstractPerú has become the second largest recipient of Venezuelan migrants worldwide with more than 1.5 million arriving by December 2022. The country’s policies towards Venezuelan migrants changed sharply over the seven years of Venezuela’s forced migration crisis. In a first policy phase (2015–2018), Perú was openly accommodating to Venezuelans, providing a special work permit, and welcoming their socio-economic inclusion. The policy swerved sharply towards restriction and exclusion beginning with President Martin Vizcarra. Under Phase II (2018–March 2020), Perú restricted legal migration, erecting criteria that it knew were difficult to comply with. Perú’s restrictive policies are found in this chapter to be both ineffective in reducing forced migration flows and counterproductive by inducing the greater marginalisation of Venezuelan migrants that only accelerated during the third phase brought on by the COVID-19 health crisis. Perú’s restrictive policies, the chapter concludes, were increasingly misaligned with the dynamics of forced migration and ultimately undermined Perú’s own socio-economic and political development as a result.

The pandemic has caused the near collapse of the already weak Indian public education system. Prolonged school closures along with caste, gender, and economic marginalisation are forcing children to endure malnutrition, physical and mental health challenges, child labour, and early marriages, in addition to learning deprivation. The system’s response has not reached the grassroots. NGOs across the country provide services at the ground level, but national-level coordination is insufficient. This paper studies the National Coalition on the Education Emergency (NCEE), established by individuals and groups from across India, as a case of building macro-resilience, emphasising principles of equity, universal access, humane education, decentralised decision-making, and public investment. Through a critical examination of the work done by the NCEE on curating curricular resources (OERs), conducting and compiling research studies, developing policy tracking tools, networking with partners and collaborators, creating larger awareness, social mobilisation, advocacy and interacting with governments to inform their programs and policies, the paper will discuss challenges in the Indian education system and the attempts to address them within a federal state structure. It looks at why an integrated nationwide response to the crisis is necessary.

This paper explores how digital transformation can bridge the gender-based digital divide and empower women for civic engagement in a digital world. This is because, in recent times, women in developing countries such as South Africa have been marginalized due to the patriarchal sentiment prevalent in society. While gender equality is not only a universal human right, recognizing the importance of gender equality in ensuring the advancement of society will go a long way to reducing the existing gender gaps in digital inclusion. While it has been argued that digital transformation perpetuates gender-related inequality, empowering women has the potential to generate a new source of global economic growth that is more inclusive. In addition, the incorporation of computer-based technologies into an organization's products, processes, and strategies, often referred to as 'digital transformation' is capable of providing an avenue for more equal women participation in labour markets and entrepreneurship. However, despite the advantages of digital transformation for women’s empowerment, women’s marginalisation in digital technologies continues to be evident in South Africa and its education system. The present study, therefore, investigates how digital transformation can bridge the gender-based digital divide and empower women for civic engagement in a digital world by promoting gender equality in the digital communities. Underpinned by an Interpretivist paradigm, the study employs a qualitative research approach and a case study design. Thus, to investigate how digital transformation can bridge the gender-based digital divide and empower women for civic engagement in a digital world, data for the study was collected through interviews from ten female university students in a rural university in the Eastern Cape Province, South Africa. The findings from the study revealed that while there are several opportunities that the digital technologies present in the quest for women empowerment, the lack of skills and expertise, literacy gaps, traditional and social norms, and a lack of confidence in experimenting with technology, among many others are the key factors that widen the digital gender gap. Based on the findings, recommendations were made that universities and higher education institutions partners should promote women's empowerment by supporting women's meaningful and equal participation in decision making where digital technologies are concerned.

El treball proposat per a aquest Taller Vertical Social planteja el reconeixement d'un territori en expansió, que en la majoria dels casos creix sense la planificació adequada, en condicions d'autogestió que a poc a poc consoliden fragments de la ciutat que se sumen a la dinàmica econòmica , cultural i social.&#x0D; Alhora que els entorns d'aquestes zones frontera del que és urbà es consoliden en colònies de la taca urbana, sovint no tenen les dotacions apropiades de serveis i equipaments, connectivitat urbana, mobilitat, cohesió social, seguretat pública i ocupació.&#x0D; El canvi d'ús del sòl rural a urbà és un fenomen habitual en aquestesàrees perifèriques de la ciutat, generalment com a resultat de la migració de persones tant d'altres localitats com de la mateixa. Els assentaments humans fixen com a primera necessitat l'habitatge i els serveis que requereixen, inicien així un procés de transformació permanent on les persones es van adaptant a les condicions que a poc a poc succeeixen, moltes vegades d'una manera espontània, poc reflexiva cap a la meta d'habitabilitat requerida per a un desenvolupament sa.&#x0D; Recentment s'ha treballat des d'instàncies governamentals la idea de recerca de benestar per a les famílies menys afavorides, entenent que el concepte implica treballar en diverses dimensions, com allò social, cultural, econòmic, ambiental i humà. Implicant això darrer un procés participatiu de gestió on les persones que requereixen una millora substancial de vida siguin els agents més importants d'aquesta causa. Puerto Benestar és per això el concepte que dóna forma a aquest exercici acadèmic, on es planteja a partir d'una lectura del lloc, de la interacció amb habitants del lloc i la valoració tecniconormativa, realitzar propostes d'intervenció de l'espai públic que enforteixin i qualifiquin les condicions de les persones que hi habiten. De la mateixa manera cal destacar que la nostra Facultat proposa en el seu nou pla d'estudis, enfortir diferents habilitats i capacitats dels seus estudiants, entre les quals hi ha el comprendre les diferents problemàtiques de la societat, vincular el seu treball per a la seva atenció amb ple compromís de responsabilitat social, des d'una plataforma d'anàlisi crítica, capacitat creativa, treball en equip, autogestió del coneixement i destreses que avui dia demanen la professió de l'arquitecte.&#x0D; L'exercici planteja desenvolupar habilitats en quatre aspectes del procés: Anàlisi, Disseny, Comunicació, Enfocament Transversal. Alhora els objectius principals del taller van ser:&#x0D; Mostrar l'elaboració d'estudis socials i multidisciplinaris sobre el context i l'espai construït aplicables al procés de disseny.&#x0D; Demostrar habilitat i destresa en la comunicació escrita utilitzant la terminologia idònia en funció de l'objecte arquitectònic dissenyat o construït, inclusivament […], del context en diferents etapes de la història de l'arquitectura i de l'entorn cultural i urbà on està immers.&#x0D; Demostrar coneixements sobre responsabilitat social i principis ètics de la professió.L'exercici va tenir dues etapes de realització, la primera de caràcter teòric, amb anàlisi de barri, i mapeigs d'interaccions socioespacials. La segona realitzant una micro intervenció al lloc d'una manera molt senzilla, molt conceptual, molt a nivell de construcció de comunitatFinalment, de la valoració de 185 treballs que van ser pujats a la plataforma d'avaluació es poden identificar certs patrons que evidencien com els estudiants observen el territori de la vida pública, així com les interaccions entre les persones. The Vertical Social Workshop proposes the recognition of an expanding territory, which in most cases grows without adequate planning, in conditions of self-management that gradually consolidate fragments of the city that are added to the economic, cultural and social dynamics of the same. In the instrumental pedagogical part, the exercise is located within the academic programming of the 2022-22 school year of the undergraduate programme of the UMNSH Faculty of Architecture, with the objective of carrying out a short workshop in which all the students of the institution participated, organised in teams, carrying out an intervention project in the public space in areas of the city characterised by high marginalisation and which were considered within the support programme of the Ministry of Territorial Development (SEDATU). The academic results were very positive and in their materialisation they continued with the consolidation of neighbourhood improvement. El Taller Vertical Social plantea el reconocimiento de un territorio en expansión, que en la mayoría de los casos crece sin la planeación adecuada, en condiciones de autogestión que poco a poco consolidan fragmentos de la ciudad que se suman a la dinámica económica, cultural y social de la misma. En la parte instrumental pedagógica el ejercicio se ubica dentro de la programación académica del ciclo escolar 2022-22 del programa de licenciatura de la Facultad de Arquitectura UMNSH, teniendo como objetivo realizar un taller de corta duración donde participaran todos los estudiantes de la institución organizados en equipos realizando un proyecto de intervención en el espacio público en polígonos de la ciudad caracterizados por una alta marginación y que estuvieran considerados dentro del programa de apoyos de la Secretaria de Desarrollo Territorial (SEDATU). Los resultados académicos fueron muy positivos y en su materialización continuaron con la consolidad del mejoramiento barrial.

This Working Paper analyses how violent conflict can enhance or reduce pre-existing forms of marginalisation and second, how new forms of marginalisation emerge as a result of violent conflict. To do so, we focus on the province of Tanganyika in the DRC, where the so-called ‘Twa-Bantu’ violent conflict has been disrupting the education sector since 2012, and secondarily on the province of Ituri, which has been affected by repeated armed conflicts since the 1990s. We use a mixed methods approach, combining quantitative data collection methods and several months of qualitative fieldwork. The study shows that the political marginalisation of ethno-territorial groups is key in understanding marginalisation from education in contexts of protracted conflict. Our results show that the Twa minority of Tanganyika has not only been more exposed to violence during the Twa-Bantu conflict, but also that exposure to violence has more severe effects on the Twa in terms of educational outcomes. We analyse key mechanisms, in particular spatial segregation, and the social segregation of schools along ethnic/identity lines. We also analyse the interaction between ethno-cultural marginalisation and economic, social and gender-related marginalisation.

This Working Paper analyses how violent conflict can enhance or reduce pre-existing forms of marginalisation and second, how new forms of marginalisation emerge as a result of violent conflict. To do so, we focus on the province of Tanganyika in the DRC, where the so-called ‘Twa-Bantu’ violent conflict has been disrupting the education sector since 2012, and secondarily on the province of Ituri, which has been affected by repeated armed conflicts since the 1990s. We use a mixed methods approach, combining quantitative data collection methods and several months of qualitative fieldwork. The study shows that the political marginalisation of ethno-territorial groups is key in understanding marginalisation from education in contexts of protracted conflict. Our results show that the Twa minority of Tanganyika has not only been more exposed to violence during the Twa-Bantu conflict, but also that exposure to violence has more severe effects on the Twa in terms of educational outcomes. We analyse key mechanisms, in particular spatial segregation, and the social segregation of schools along ethnic/identity lines. We also analyse the interaction between ethno-cultural marginalisation and economic, social and gender-related marginalisation.

Women remain underrepresented in the labour market. In the EU, they earn 14,1% less than men, and they still experience barriers to access and remain at the labour market (Eurostat, 2021a). Currently, the COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated the gender dimension of social and economic inequalities, producing a severe gender impact and the risk of economic marginalisation of women. Why do we expect the social and solidarity economy to improve gender equality at work? Therefore, the paper will discuss the potential and limits of the SEEs in promoting gender equality and women's empowerment. The analysis has referenced existing literature and available information on the sector, including interviews with experts and illustrative cases within Diesis Network, one of the broadest European networks supporting the social economy and social enterprise development. The aim is to show impactful solutions of SEEs and bring social and solidarity economy closer to the gender perspective to increase their impact in supporting inclusive and sustainable growth.

The Adivasis or the Scheduled Tribes (STs) are a significant segment of the Indian population, not just because they form a sizeable proportion of it, but also as a group with rich and varied cultural heritage. Despite constitutional provisions for their welfare and development, and protection against violence to their languages and cultures, they are historically the most marginalised communities in the country and lag way behind in terms of various socio-economic indicators, including health and education. Ironically, the Indian education system has been a significant factor in the marginalisation and invisibilisation of Adivasi interests.

Non-governmental Organisations (NGOs) play an important role in addressing deep-rooted challenges such as marginalisation, that hamper the socio-economic progress of the tribal community in Palghar district of Maharashtra. They, in collaboration with the (state) government, serve as catalysts that can bring about systemic change. This study uses the multi-case study approach to examine NGOs working in the education sector and those that provide livelihood interventions in Palghar district (Maharashtra). Insights were drawn through semi-structured interviews, and a comprehensive analysis of documents and data mined by combing through relevant organisational websites. This paper has identified the significance of NGOs operating at the grassroots level, and that employ participatory approaches for tribal development. It also points out several key determinants—reach, accountability, transparency, management effectiveness, program efficacy, network proficiency, board competence, legality, and reputation—that shape their effectiveness, and suggests that these factors influence the overall impact and success of an NGO in addressing the challenges faced by the tribal population. This paper also strives to throw light on the intricate dynamics that contribute to the effectiveness of NGOs in promoting development and assuaging the socio-economic plight of the tribal communities in the region.

This rapid review examines evidence on the structural causes and drivers of gender inequalities in the Eastern Neighbourhood region and how these gender inequalities contribute to instability in the region. While the Eastern Neighbourhood region performs relatively well on gender equality compared with the rest of the world, women and girls continue to face systemic political and economic marginalisation and are vulnerable to gender-based violence. Research on Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Moldova identifies the key underlying cause to be a set of traditional patriarchal gender norms, intersecting with conservative religious identities and harmful customary practices. These norms do not operate in isolation: the literature highlights that gender inequalities are caused by the interplay of multiple factors (with women’s unequal economic resources having a critical effect), while overlapping disadvantages affect lived experiences of inequalities. Other key factors are the region’s protracted conflicts; legal reform gaps and implementation challenges; socio-economic factors (including the impact of COVID-19); and governance trends (systemic corruption, growing conservatism, and negative narratives influenced by regional geopolitics). Together these limit women and girls’ empowerment; men and boys are also affected negatively in different ways, while LGBT+ people have become a particular target for societal discrimination in the region. Global evidence – showing that more gender unequal societies correlate with increased instability – provides a frame of reference for the region’s persistent gender inequalities.

COVID-19 pandemic and associated national responses have had ramifications for societies around the world, including South Africa. The marginalisation of people with disabilities is well documented in pre-COVID times, and emerging evidence suggests that the crisis has made this worse, as well as presenting new challenges for people with disabilities. This paper presents a review of published research and grey literature of relevance to the proven or anticipated socio-economic, wellbeing and human right related impacts of COVID-19 on people with disabilities in South Africa and other contexts. Its purpose is to summarise evidence to inform a study on the experiences of South Africans with disabilities during the COVID-19 pandemic and the development of an improved inclusive framework for future management of such crises in South Africa. After a brief introduction, the paper is structured around four main sections. Context is provided by considering COVID-19 and disability both globally and in Africa. Then the literature focused on Humanitarian Disaster Risk Reduction and disability inclusion is discussed. Finally the South African policy and legislation environment on disability and humanitarian action is explored. The review finds that globally there is a limited but growing body of work on COVID-19 and disability. There is a particular dearth of evidence focusing specifically on Africa. The evidence that does exist tends either to be focused on a few particular countries or form part of large global surveys. Much of the global level grey literature published early in the pandemic and subsequently anticipates exacerbated negative experiences for people with disabilities, including exclusion from services, stigma and discrimination and lack of inclusive approaches to relief and support by governments and others. Advisory materials, sometimes focussed on specific subgroups, are generally in agreement about calling for a universally inclusive and disability aware approach to pandemic mitigation across settings and sectors. The limited primary research on COVID-19 and disability is mostly focussed on high income settings and or populations with particular health concerns.

The Covid-19 pandemic had ripple effects that extend beyond the domain of health risks into economic, social, and political domains. These effects were not evenly distributed and exacerbated existing societal inequalities and marginalisation (UNDRR and UNU-EHS 2022: 11). Informal and migrant workers, and those living in informal settlements, were disproportionately affected by the health and secondary impacts of the pandemic, which further impacted their livelihoods and ability to meet basic needs, and constrained their ability to recover given the coping mechanisms they had to adopt (Chen et al. 2022: 19). At the same time, successful disaster risk reduction (DRR) often depends on informal actors and networks (Boersma et al. 2019). Limitations of formal disaster governance mechanisms have been much discussed, with shortcomings being largely connected to the lack of (local) knowledge, contextual understanding, incentives, coordination mechanisms, or flexibility, as well as focusing on infrastructural and technocratic solutions over engaging with existing local resources (Duda , Kelman and Glick 2020: 375). Despite this, short-term, single-hazard disaster management approaches still dominate (Donoghoe et al. 2022). Research supported by the Covid-19 Responses for Equity (CORE) Programme – which is supported by the International Development Research Centre (IDRC) – points to the need for special provisions addressing current and future challenges of informal workers in disaster response (Pillai et al. 2022b). This requires not only including informal workers in Covid-19 recovery policies, but also centring them in economic, social, and disaster policy (Alfers et al. 2022). Certain actions need to be prioritised, including the need for better data, a rethinking of policies to ensure they encompass gender considerations and social protection measures that are inclusive of informal and migrant workers, and greater recognition of the important role that grass-roots organisations play in supporting marginalised groups in times of crisis.

The subject of carbon pricing is rising up the global policy agenda, as countries take action in the aftermath of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change’s Conference of the Parties 26 summit in November 2021. South Africa is the only country in sub-Saharan Africa to have enacted a carbon tax to date, and, globally speaking, was ahead of the curve when it started to consider its implementation at the start of 2010. With a historically energy-intensive and carbon-intensive economy as a core feature of its minerals-energy complex, South Africa is the world’s 14th largest emitter of greenhouse gases, and the largest emitter on the continent. Its electricity grid is the world’s most carbon-intensive, and its primary energy consumption is ranked 17th globally. While the country’s gross domestic product is the 30th highest in the world, it is also one of the most unequal. It has a legacy of socioeconomic and political exclusion, and marginalisation created by the apartheid history that has persisted in the decades since the democratic transition in 1994. This paper asks to what extent and in what way has South Africa’s political economy shaped the process and implementation of its carbon tax? In answering this question, the report explores and analyses the design and implementation of the tax; the key criticisms to which it has been subjected; the effectiveness of the tax, not least in light of the considerable allowances and exemptions that have been included in its design; the relationship between the carbon tax and other existing climate change policies; and the potential relevance of South Africa’s experience for other countries on the continent.

The experiences and marginalisation of international organisation employees with caring responsibilities has a direct negative impact on the type of security and justice being built in conflict-affected environments. This is in large part because international organisations fail to respond to the needs of those with caring responsibilities, which leads to their early departure from the field, and negatively affects their work while in post. In this toolkit we describe this problem, the exacerbating factors, and challenges to overcoming it. We offer a theory of change demonstrating how caring for carers can both improve the working conditions of employees of international organisations as well as the effectiveness, inclusivity and responsiveness of peace and justice interventions. This is important because it raises awareness among employers in the sector of the severity of the problem and its consequences. We also offer a guide for employers for how to take the caring responsibilities of their employees into account when developing human resource policies and practices, designing working conditions and planning interventions. Finally, we underscore the importance of conducting research on the gendered impacts of the marginalisation of employees with caring responsibilities, not least because of the breadth and depth of resultant individual, organisational and sectoral harms. In this regard, we also draw attention to the way in which gender stereotypes and gender biases not only inform and undermine peacebuilding efforts, but also permeate research in this field. Our toolkit is aimed at international organisation employees, employers and human resources personnel, as well as students and scholars of peacebuilding and international development. We see these communities of knowledge and action as overlapping, with insights to be brought to bear as well as challenges to be overcome in this area. The content of the toolkit is equally relevant across these knowledge communities as well as between different specialisms and disciplines. Peacebuilding and development draw in experts from economics, politics, anthropology, sociology and law, to name but a few. The authors of this toolkit have come together from gender studies, political science, and development studies to develop a theory of change informed by interdisciplinary insights. We hope, therefore, that this toolkit will be useful to an inclusive and interdisciplinary set of knowledge communities. Our core argument - that caring for carers benefits the individual, the sectors, and the intended beneficiaries of interventions - is relevant for students, researchers, policy makers and practitioners alike.