Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Diplomatic and consular service in the Netherlands“

A small country with a big international footprint, the Netherlands depends on the world around it for its future security, prosperity and well-being. Its wide diplomatic network is managed by the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which is responsible for policy in the areas of foreign relations and trade, European cooperation, development cooperation and consular services provided to Dutch nationals abroad. Responsibility for foreign trade was added to the ministry’s core tasks when the present Dutch government was formed in 2012. This article looks at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ major programme of reforms and spending cuts—‘Modernizing the Diplomatic Service’—which was started three years ago to ensure that the diplomatic service remains well placed to fulfil its roles. The article discusses the rationale behind the programme, the approach taken, and discusses the reforms that have been introduced and the lessons learned. Finally, the article considers elements for future reform.

The article deals with the content of the first draft regulations for the institution of honorary consuls in Ukraine in 1918-1923, and the circumstances of founding the first missions of honorary consuls. The research was conducted on the basis of archival information from the documents stored in the Central State Archives of Higher Futhorities and Government of Ukraine. The question of establishing the special positions of honorary consuls was raised during the compilation of the Ukrainian State Consular Statute. During the period of the Central Rada there were no concepts regards these positions in the draft regulations related to the establishment of consular service as a public institution. The actual steps to institute the posts of honorary consuls were done in the time of the Directory of the UNR. Firstly the question was put at a meeting of ambassadors and heads of diplomatic missions of UNR in Vienna, 18 – August 20, 1920. From January 1921, the Honorary consulates were established in Sweden, the Netherlands, Switzerland, Denmark. Leaders of honorary consulates were searched among the local business elites. Information about candidate was carefully studied before taking a decision on the appointment. The first persons, appointed as a honorary consuls of Ukraine, were the foreigners Harold Simsonen, Simon Kuoni, Johann Hausschild, Wilhelm Christiansen and the Ukrainian Alex Bogolyubskii.

<p>In order to improve the quality of international cooperation, the Indonesian nation must be able to improve the quality and performance of foreign officials so that they are able to carry out proactive diplomacy in all fields to build a positive image of Indonesia in the international world. Through this article, the diplomatic relations between Indonesia and the Netherlands will be analyzed specifically, both diplomatic and consular relations. The result,diplomatic relations between the governments of Indonesia and the Netherlands have been in accordance with Law Number 37 of 1999, but in practice it has not been implemented properly in accordance with the applicable laws and regulations, so on this occasion I will discuss further about diplomatic relations between Indonesia and the Netherlands which had temporarily interrupted by several influencing factors including the revocation of the Dutch embassy in Indonesia named Rob Swartbol due to protests against the execution by the Indonesian government against a Dutch citizen named Ang Kim Soe or vice versa the revocation of the Indonesian embassy in the Netherlands because it will be held consultations by their respective countries, both the Netherlands and Indonesia, on their embassies.</p>

The author presents the specifi c elements of diplomatic and consular work in the South Pacifi c region from the perspective of a career diplomat. He shows the main geographical and political characteristics of Australia which infl uence consular activity and also the characteristics of the benefi ciaries of consular services who need to be served by the consular infrastructure. The study presents several models for undertaking Hungarian consular work and for organizing the Hungarian consular network in Australia. The author also outlines current inconsistencies in the regulations applicable to consular activity in Australia under domestic, international, and Hungarian norms as well as functional issues and the possible ways to correct them. In his conclusions, the author formulates proposals for the redesign of consular organization in Australia.

The institutional predecessors of the recent Diplomatic Academy in Vienna took a significant impact on the civil service of the Habsburg Monarchy. The Oriental Academy was founded by empress Maria Theresia in 1754 to train dragomans for the eastern relations. The Academy stood under Jesuit influence and became a secular institution in the middle of the 19th century. By this time the political and legal studies had been dominated on behalf of human and natural sciences and the Academy had been turning to a special institution for training professionals for the foreign service (central service, diplomatic service, consular service). In 1898 the Oriental Academy was transformed into the Imperial and Royal Consular-Academy by Minister Gołuchowski. This reform affected the educational structure as well and the institution focused on the consular branch. The quota of political and economical courses increased as a reflection to the intensive global trade, but on the other hand Austrian and Hungarian Constitutional Law were also set in the new educational system due to the public legal transformation of the Monarchy in 1867 (Austro-Hungarian Compromise). This study aims to present the brief institutional history of the Oriental and Consular Academy and the way the educational system of the Academy had evolved. At last, it is going to be observed to what extent constitutional legal studies were represented in the courses of the institution and how they interpreted the disputed legal nature of the dualistic Austro-Hungarian Monarchy.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the formation of the legal framework that made possible the existence and functioning of the US foreign service. The purpose of the article is to clarify the preface and the course of formation of the professional foreign service of the United States, which was reflected in the adoption of the Rogers Act. The methodological basis of the study. The study was based on the principle of historicism, which contributed to the consideration of the phenomenon under study in its development and made it possible to identify periods in the formation of a professional diplomatic service. The use of the problem-chronological method contributed to the preservation of the historical heredity and integrity of the picture; the application of the comparative method made it possible to identify significant changes that occurred after the adoption of Rogers’ Law, which was considered through the use of the method of analysis. A historiographical description of the main scientific works devoted to the research topic is given. Analyzed works A. Evans, T. Lay, I. Stewart etc., which became the basis for the study. The scientific novelty lies in the systematization of ideas about qualitative and quantitative changes in the diplomatic service after the adoption of the relevant law. The author concludes that before the adoption of the Rogers Act there was no control over the selection of diplomatic and consular staff and the negative consequences of such a decision were especially evident during the First World War. Therefore, the historical conditions in which America found itself at that time became a challenge for the continued existence of the consular and diplomatic services, and therefore the issue of restructuring and modernization of these services in the United States and its transfer to another, qualitatively new level. In general, the author emphasizes the change in the status of foreign service, which was introduced by relevant legislation, namely the Rogers Act, the need for which was caused by certain historical conditions of the American state and its place on the world stage. Prior to the enactment of the Diplomatic Service Act, there was virtually no control over the selection of diplomatic and consular personnel representing the United States on the world stage. After the First World War, it became clear that the diplomatic service needed to be restructured. That is why Rogers’ law was passed, which, in fact, was the first legislative attempt to resolve this issue.

Digital diplomacy? E-diplomacy? Cyber diplomacy? Same concepts, right? For a person who is not familiar with international law, these terms may sound deceptively similar, but by the time the article reaches the end, the dear Reader will be aware of the meaning of these terms. Technological changes have not spared the second most ancient craft, diplomacy. In my thesis, I examine how digital changes appear on the diplomatic stage. that is why I am dividing the article into two larger parts. In the first chapter, I examine the effects of technology on diplomacy. In doing so, I will touch on the three concepts already mentioned above, and I will also try to touch on the individual diplomatic developments taking into account the case law. In the second part, I present the latest technological challenges affecting consular relations, focusing on the presentation of the Consular Service and the digitalization of consular relations. When presenting the above, I mainly use descriptive and comparative methods.

The purpose of the research paper is to highlight the history of repatriation missions and consular institutions of Poland, Albania, Germany, Italy, Turkey, Japan and Spain in Odesa during 1922-1938, analysis of the main areas of activity within the consular district and the consular staff’s characteristics. The scientific novelty. The general picture of the foreign diplomatic presence in Odesa, represented by the repatriation missions of Turkey, Albania and Poland, as well as five consulates, has been reconstructed. Their personnel composition and key areas of activity are shown. Conclusions. With the creation of Soviet Ukraine, Odesa continued to remain a strategically important city for both European and Asian countries, which, having restored diplomatic and consular relations with the USSR, opened their consulates here. During the 1920s and 1930s, the repatriation missions of Poland, Albania, and Turkey operated in the city first (during 1922-1925), and later the consular offices of three European countries – Germany, Italy, Spain, and two Asian countries – Turkey and Japan. The foreign consular institutions’ diplomatic staff consisted exclusively of representatives of the countries they represented and were career diplomats. In turn, among the representatives of the administrative and technical staff were citizens of these countries and Soviet Ukraine, and the service staff consisted with local residents. Since its establishment, foreign consular representatives have contributed to the development of trade, economic, cultural and scientific relations of their countries with the UkrSSR. Important spheres of consulates’ activity were protection of the citizens’ interests of their countries, organization of material assistance for them and promotion of their departure to their homeland. In the process of gathering information about the socio-political situation in the USSR, the consuls recorded the unfolding of the Holodomor, pointing out its culprits, noted the negative consequences of collectivization and industrialization, etc. But, despite the constantly emphasized friendship in relations between the USSR and the countries listed above, their consulates and employees found themselves under the Soviet special services close supervision, which considered any consulates representatives’ actions as espionage. In order to be fully effective, the special services recruited representatives from both consulate employees and persons who were in contact with the consul. And after the consulates were closed, they began the process of “cleaning” them. In 1937-1938, the USSR’s relations with Italy, Germany, Turkey, Japan, and Spain became strained, which led to the closure of the consular network in Odesa.

The article is regarding issues of the scope of the immunity of the honorary consul in the treaty particular situation, when the double-sided consular convention being in force between the sending but assuming state isn't distinguishing between professional but honorable consular officers, at the simultaneous sweep the immunity of the consul. In such a situation a fundamental problem is arising - how to treat the honourable consular officer sending you under the immunity account. Theoretically the host country has two possibilities. He can acknowledge that the silence of the bilateral convention on separating the honorable consular service means that the bilateral convention under the immunity account refers only to professional consuls. He/she will be marking it, that honorary consuls will be treated according to standards of the Vienna Convention on consular relationships from 1963 He can however accept, that sometimes very strong jurisdictional immunity guaranteed by the bilateral convention (answering as for of one's scope for diplomatic immunity) will concern both consular categories in the identical scope. Presenting arguments starting to speak is a purpose of the present text too both with interpretations without ultimate determining the correctness one or of second interpretation of norms.

The EU does not aim to harmonize the public administration of Member States, although, in recent years, there have been several examples which prove that EU legislation in whatever policy inevitably and unavoidably results in some standardization. In 2015 the EU replaced its former decision with a directive to enhance Member States to co-ordinate consular assistance in third States. Every EU citizen has the right to enjoy, in the territory of a third State in which the Member State of which they are nationals is not represented, the protection of the diplomatic and consular authorities of any Member State on the same conditions as the nationals of that State. This provision of Article 23 of TFEU not solely requires the cooperation of administrative authorities of foreign service but implicitly means a kind of harmonization of substantive law, leads to organizational changes and affects administrative procedural rules of Member States.

The article discusses a significantly modified regulation within administrative law applied in the consular service. There seems to be a need for a voice in the discussion regarding the legal status of a Consul of the Republic of Poland (as well as the other members of the diplomatic corpus) as seen from an administrative law point of view. In the background of two regimes of administrative and consular law, it is also undoubtedly necessary to indicate the basic procedural border problems. A very typical example are the modified administrative procedures provided for diplomacy, with particular emphasis put on the importance of jurisdictional administrative proceedings lead by the consul. The administrative procedure constructed in this way by the legislature differs in many points from the general administrative procedure performed by other Polish authorities. Therefore, to some extent, it can be perceived as a specific administrative consular law. The aim of this article is to signal the typical procedural differences and to point out their sources. “Consular administrative law” can be perceived as a special administrative procedure, which does not constitute part of the general administrative procedure applicable to all national authorities and citizens in Poland, but which still is a sub-branch of Polish consular law which applies to the Polish citizens and foreigners in a specific administrative situations. The existence of so-called “consular administrative law”, however, presupposes one fundamental condition, which is having and maintaining foreign relations in the first place.

Ukrainian-Romanian relations have in fact become the main subject of my professional life. I started as a historian during the Soviet Union times and later as a diplomat of Independent Ukraine from December of 1992. For almost 14 years out of 24 of my diplomatic service I worked first as political adviser at the Embassy of Ukraine in Romania (1994–1999), and then twice as Consul General of Ukraine in Romanian city of Suceava in 2001-2005 and in 2010–2014. I had the honour to open the Ukrainian consular office in Romania in 2001, which was unfortunately closed in 2014! It was a combination of pleasant moments with sad feelings. Due to a certain aggravation of relations between Ukraine and Romania in the middle of 1994, in particular the Transnistrian crisis, I was urgently appointed as a Counsellor at our Embassy in Bucharest. Thus, after a year and a half of joining the staff of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in July 1994 I left for a long-term diplomatic appointment to Romania. After the end of this assignment in November 1999, I was appointed as a deputy Head of the Secretariat of the new Minister for Foreign Affairs Borys I. Tarasiuk. In December 2001 I was appointed as the first Consul General of Ukraine in Suceava city. At that time, the Ukrainian-Romanian political relations were rather complicated. Occasionally, the Romanian side officially accused Ukraine of “non-fulfilment” of the basic bi-lateral political agreement, especially with regard to ensuring the cultural and educational rights of the Romanian minority in Ukraine, although the real situation was completely different. The first Consulate General of Ukraine in Romania which I had the honour to open, performed all the functions stipulated by our national Consular Statute. Our first concern was the provision of necessary support to citizens of Ukraine who visited Romania or lived in this country. My first Consular mission to Romania ended in 2005 and from September 2010 to November of 2014 I again represented Ukraine in Suceava. However, this time my working mood was not so uplifted. Then I remembered an advice of B. I. Tarasiuk, then already the deputy at our Verkhovna Rada, who said to me, “You have to serve Ukraine”. The distinctive thing about consular work is that its main aim is to protect the rights of Ukrainian citizens living or temporarily staying in the territory of a country of one’s appointment. Therefore, I paid special attention to this working direction. After returning from Romania, I worked for some time again as the Ambassador at large and reaching the retirement age in January 2016 I discontinued my diplomatic service by my own will, as I believed that young Ukrainian diplomats should have “space” for their career and professional growth. Keywords: Embassy of Ukraine in Romania, Consulate General of Ukraine in the Romanian city of Suceava, reminiscences, biography, diplomatic service of Ukraine.

ABSTRACTDuring the nineteenth century the British consular service was often dismissed as an organization with purely commercial responsibilities. A succession of governments and diplomats insisted upon this notion, despite the fact that at certain times both relied very much on consular officials for information on foreign affairs. This dependence was especially evident in Italy during the decade after 1860, when British leaders had lent their moral and diplomatic support to the creation of the modern Italian state against considerable international opposition. During this period their desire not to see the achievement undone led them to maintain a close watch on Italian affairs. The contribution made in this area by the consular service, and the manner in which it was reorganized in response to Italian unification, show how such a role could take priority over its other functions. Although this state of affairs was no doubt exceptional on account of the remarkable level of British interest in the Unification of Italy, it nonetheless provides a clear demonstration of how the organization could be used under certain circumstances. The extent to which British consuls were used to monitor affairs in post-unification Italy also encourages reflection upon the widespread view that British foreign policy rejected interventionism in favour of isolation from European affairs during the 1860s.

The paper provides an overview of the current digital diplomacy (DD) practices being implemented by the Ministries of Foreign Affairs (MFA) of Ukraine and Kuwait. Given the fact that digital diplomacy is becoming an integral part of the foreign policy in numerous countries, it appears reasonable to analyze the latest experience of Ukraine and Kuwait which represent a fast implementation of digital instruments in their diplomatic practices. Both states are considered as long-time partners which enjoy a fruitful experience of mutual cooperation and have certain peculiarities in the use of digital diplomacy. At the same time, high technologies transform the traditional diplomacy, dramatically increasing the digital impact on the practice and priorities of international relations. Such challenges as digital diplomatic management, targeting of widening key audiences and increasing transparency of diplomatic actions have already become a new reality for modern diplomats. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to clarify the goals, tool-kit and challenges of digital diplomacy of Ukraine and Kuwait. The paper also presents a comparative analysis of existing positive practices of Ukraine and Kuwait in digital diplomacy. This research made it possible to trace the key areas of the digitalization processes in the diplomatic services of Ukraine and Kuwait including consular online services, digitalization of diplomats’ training, the use of digital instruments in the routine diplomatic procedures etc. The author elaborated a comparative table outlining the similarities and differences of digital diplomacy of the mentioned countries. The study confirms that digital diplomacy can be helpful in a range of issues, from internal communication between government bodies to security challenges (e.g. countering information threats and disinformation in the online network). Thus, the coordinated and comprehensive digitalization of diplomatic practice is no longer a subject of discussions on feasibility but a priority on the diplomatic agendas.

The specifics of the functioning of foreign diplomatic institutions of Ukraine in the conditions of digital transformation have been studied. It was determined that the practice of maintaining pages in social networks, organizing online lectures and online briefings of diplomats, creating chatbots, information platforms, mobile applications, or various distance courses aimed at popularizing one's country in the world is currently widespread. In the activities of foreign diplomatic institutions of Ukraine, not only various forms and methods of digital transformation are actively pursued, but certain achievements are already available, which are embodied in real indicators. First of all, digital transformation in foreign diplomatic institutions of Ukraine is aimed at transferring most services to an online format, simplifying the procedures for obtaining them, minimizing bureaucratic formalities, increasing the efficiency of decision-making and providing assistance, optimizing financial costs for maintaining institutions, making information available and reducing the burden on employees diplomatic institutions. The main aspects of digital transformation, which is currently taking place in the system of diplomatic service bodies in general, and in foreign diplomatic institutions in particular, are revealed. The main achievements of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine in the direction of digital transformation were characterized, in particular the following: implementation of the project "DRUG" (Voluntary registration of Ukrainian citizens)" introduction of electronic queues in all foreign diplomatic institutions of Ukraine; provision of access to 2 million hard of hearing and deaf Ukrainians to the services of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs thanks to new software; reducing the deadline for issuing Ukrainian e-visas for foreigners; creation of a chatbot platform for round-the-clock advisory support of citizens; a new information resource "Advice to travelers from the consular service of Ukraine" was introduced; the formation of the regulatory and legal framework necessary for keeping consular records in electronic form (e-Accounting) has been completed; The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine is connected to the "Trembit" electronic interaction system, which will speed up the receipt of information from the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine for prompt confirmation of the validity of a driver's license and the issuance of a criminal record certificate. Further directions of digital transformation, which directly affect the functioning of foreign diplomatic institutions of Ukraine, are outlined, namely: joining the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine to the registers of other bodies, primarily the Ministry of Justice; launch of the "e-Notary", "e-Legalization", "e-Apostille" modules by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine with the assistance of the Ministry of Digital Transformation of Ukraine and jointly with the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine and the State Tax Service of Ukraine.

The article covers the activities of the German mission in Kyiv as a cultural, political, and administrative centre of the Ukrainian SSR in 1924–38 in the status of a consulate and consulate-general. The data about the following heads of the consular institution is provided: Siegfried Hey, Werner Stephanie, Rudolf Sommer, Andor Hencke, and Georg-Wilhelm Grosskopf. The legal basis for the establishment of consular relations between the Ukrainian SSR and Germany was the Treaty on Application of the Treaty of Rapallo signed on 16 April 1922 between the RSFSR and Germany to the Allied Republics of the RSFSR. The consular district of the first German mission covered Kyiv, Chernihiv, Podillia, and Volyn governorates. The mission of the consulate was to inform the government about the internal situation in the Ukrainian SSR, promote trade relations and cultural cooperation, and protect the interests of German citizens. The head of the consulate immediately came under close surveillance of the ODPU (United State Political Department) of the Ukrainian SSR on suspicion of conducting intelligence activities as well as collecting information about the economy, industry, and agriculture in the territory of his consular district. Subsequently, the ODPU increasingly introduced its own agents to the staff of foreign missions as service personnel, and NKVD agents in civilian clothing set up surveillance on the consulate’s premises. They accompanied the consul, the consulate staff, and even some visitors on their way out of the premises. Thus, the secret service collected compromising materials that gave grounds for accusing German diplomats of anti-Soviet activities and espionage. The consul’s correspondence was also under control. When A. Hitler came to power in Germany, the information confrontation between the USSR and the Third Reich began, but official diplomatic and consular relations continued. In his reports, the consul in Kyiv recorded the horrors of the Holodomor, the growing process of party ‘purges’, secret executions and suicides, coupled, from January 1937, with daily reprisals against intellectuals and workers in his consular district. The consulate-general in Kyiv ceased its operation in 1938, the official reason being the streamlining of the number of consular offices of the Third Reich and the USSR. Keywords: German Consulate, Werner Stephanie, Rudolph Sommer, Andor Hencke.

This article asks the question what relevance do Article 19 (Government Service) and Article 28 (Members of diplomatic missions and consular posts) have in today's bilateral tax treaty system. Borne out of international courtesy, and codified in the Vienna Conventions, the fiscal immunity of governments in their foreign affairs is a well-established principle in international taxation. Articles 19 and 28 of the OECD Model Tax Convention on Income and Capital are a representation of this principle in the framework of the double taxation convention (DTC). The article focuses on the extension of these provisions in this context, and assesses the substantive value, history and recent practical trends in support thereof.

Los uniformes han servido siempre para distinguir grupos de profesionales. La carrera diplomática española es uno de esos grupos que tienen en esta tipo de prenda una de sus señas de identidad. Son ya muy pocos los servicios diplomáticos –los de ciertas monarquías- que todavía disponen de uniforme. Su uso casi siempre se ha limitado, también en el caso de esos otros países, a las ocasiones de gala. Apenas ha evolucionado desde sus orígenes en el siglo XIX. Además los de todos esos países son similares, con una casaca de paño azul marino, y unos bordados dorados. Desde que en 1928 se unificaron en España las carreras diplomática y consular, el uniforme es único para estos profesionales. Los símbolos que les identifican y la tradición establecida al respecto fueron recogidos en el Reglamento Orgánico de la Carrera Diplomática, de 15 de julio de 1955. Teniendo en cuenta los cambios ocurridos desde sus orígenes se presenta una breve historia del origen y evolución del uniforme hasta el modelo actual.________________________________Uniforms have always served to distinguish groups of professionals. The Spanish Diplomatic Service counts itself among those groups that have in this garment one of their distinguishing feature. It is one of the last Services, most of them belonging to European monarchies, to have a uniform. Its use has nearly always been restricted to gala occasions. The garment has scarcely changed since its origins in the nineteenth century. Since 1928, the year when the unification of the Spanish Diplomatic and Consular Services occurred, there is only one model of uniform. Its identification symbols and the tradition laid down in this matter, where included in the Organic Regulations of the Diplomatic Service, dated July 15, 1955. Taking into account the changes that have affected this garment since then, a brief history of the origin and evolution of the uniform up to the current model is presented.

As opposed to the overwhelming majority of researches within the so called “Diplomatic studies” that focus on an institutional design of external services (which appears to be “the form” of diplomacy per se), this article deals with “the substance” of the matter in question, paying special attention to the means and ways of educating and integrating young diplomats into the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia. Unlike the State Department (the USA), Foreign Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO, the UK), le Quais d’Orsay (the MFA of France) or Das Ausw&#228;rtige Amt (the MFA of Germany), that are influenced by the so-called “political appointees”, the Russian diplomatic service is renowned for its “career diplomats”, who generation after generation are recruited into the Ministry to form (by means of different vertical and horizontal ties) a close-knit team that promotes the country’s national interests on the world stage. Thus, the authors explore the process of renewal of the Russian diplomatic service, whereby young diplomats are being purposefully groomed in several national Universities (namely, MGIMO-University or Diplomatic Academy) to subsequently rise through the ranks of the Ministry by taking disparate career trajectories (for example, depending on or, conversely, irrespective of the foreign languages they acquired), occupying different job families (desk work, protocol, interpretation, consular service, public relations, etc.), taking part in a diplomatic rotation that will bring them to various home (in Headquarters) and overseas (Embassies, Permanent Missions and Consulate- Generals) postings and acquiring new ranks as a prerequisite to promotion from junior to senior positions. As a result, Russia’s diplomatic service has come to be seen as a full-fledged system, the key to understanding of which lies not in depicting the existing institutional framework (which appears to be the focus of the overwhelming majority of works on the matter), but in scrutinizing main recruitment principles and the MFA’s personnel policy, thoroughly analyzed in this article.

In their article, author considers previously little-studied aspects of the activities of Russian diplomatic missions in China in the late XIX - early XX century in order to explore the features of the daily life of the consular offices of the Russian Empire in China. The study is based on the copies of the answers of the Russian consular office employees in Manchuria to the questionnaire compiled by a special Commission for the Reorganization of the Foreign Service under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1907. These documents are stored in the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Empire of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, and have been introduced used publicly for scientific use for the first time here. From the available material, it is apparent that in addition to the difficult living conditions in unusual climate, Foreign Ministry officials in China faced a large number of domestic difficulties, a lack of working materials, and funding. Disagreements over the delimitation of consular districts and the powers of diplomats led to inconsistency in the activities of Russian consuls in China. Nevertheless, despite the difficulties, under any circumstances Russian diplomats remained committed to their duty and did their best in the interests of their state, at the same time striving to establish friendly and equal relations with their Chinese counter-parts.

Problem setting. In the XXI century almost all aspects of human life are covered by the processes of scientific and technological progress. The sphere of law has not been spared from these processes: thanks to information technologies, certain legal services have become more accessible and convenient. In Ukraine, this was manifested not only in the creation of electronic versions of national legislation and various electronic registers, but also in the provision of administrative services through the relevant services. Consular activities involve the provision of services. Amendments to the procedure for the provision of such administrative services and the provision of such services in electronic form can accelerate the process of digitalization of Ukraine, as well as unload the work of diplomatic institutions and reduce corruption risks. Analysis of recent researches and publications. In the national legal literature in recent years, much attention has been paid to e-government (Kravets R., Kuzhda T., Romaniv T.), while almost no attention is paid to the analysis of the state of implementation of electronic services (Solomko Y.), in particular electronic visa services (Kolomiets G., Makhoniuk O., Mulska O.), which determines the relevance and practical significance of this study. Target of research is to investigate the introduction of electronic services for foreign citizens to obtain a visa to enter or transit through the territory of Ukraine, as well as forecasting the prospects of using electronic visas in Ukraine based on the analysis of foreign experience of using this type of visa. Article’s main body. For the implementation of visa services, the Internet acts as a special platform for submitting, processing and, in some cases, providing a ready-made document granting the right to enter the country. This may be a special government website designed to process visa applications of foreigners or a special web application for migration issues. The use of the e-visa concept has been successfully tested in foreign countries and in the EU. It is mainly used by the states with strict immigration policies in order to facilitate and systematize the work of their diplomatic, consular and migration institutions, an electronic authorization system was created. Conclusions and prospects for the development. As a result of the study of the phenomenon of e-diplomacy, analysis of the practice of using electronic services for the provision of administrative services by diplomatic and consular institutions, analysis of the legislation of the countries with advanced e-visas, the state of implementation of e-visas in Ukraine was assessed and the prospects for their development were determined. The steps of the state in this direction are part of a large reform of digitalization of the country, the implementation of which will improve the image of Ukraine in the world, make our country attractive for tourists, as well as optimize the visa issuance procedure, relieving the workload of diplomatic and consular missions, authorized persons for processing visa applications and the Migration Service of Ukraine. The introduction of the e-visa institute as an element of digital diplomacy provides an opportunity for quick bilateral contact and communication, and thus contributes to the achievement of the goals set in the Strategy of State Migration Policy of Ukraine until 2025.

The present study reveals the activities of the Austrian vice-consulate in Rousse along the Danubian coastline in the wake of the Hungarian Revolution (1848 – 1849). The Austrian vice-consul in the city, Emmanuel von Rössler, developed diligent intelligence and public service activities in Rousse, Vidin and Shumen, with which he privileged Habsburg loyalists and hindered the activity of separatist defectors in the Ottoman Empire. In the spirit of “new” diplomatic history, the contribution pays particular attention to the relationship between the vice-consul and the many disaffected soldiers and emigrants who relied on his instructions and resources in the tense political situation after the revolutionary 1848. Also, the article rethinks the place of consular institutions in the world of international relations through the lens of transnational history, emphasizing their relative independence and presenting a more accurate picture of the active interactions between different consular missions and units. Last but not least, the study uses the methodology of “entangled” history to rethink the role of local events in the Ottoman lands between Stara Planina and the Danube in the context of the global Age of Revolutions, analyzing the processes in this region as an integral part of revolutionary and counter-revolutionary dynamics in the middle of the “long” XIX century.

The article deals with influence of the Serbian elite in the scope of the Yugoslav Foreign Service during 1918–1939. The influence of the elite circles was particularly prominent in the Yugoslav Army and in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, as was the case in Serbia until 1918. As non-institutional factors had great influence on the work of state institutions, the first aim of this paper is to examine the main aspect for selection, career development and obstacles in the life of Yugoslav Diplomats, derived from the power struggle among elite circles. The second aim is to compare Serbian and Yugoslav experiences in order to establish similarities and differences in the characteristics of the pre-War and Interwar Diplomatic-Consular personnel. The analysis is based on Yugoslav archival materials, as well as on foreign published documents, memorial literature and relevant Yugoslav/Serbian and foreign historiography.

In 1816, Charles Davenport Coxe, anxious to leave his New Jersey home and return to his diplomatic career, sought a consular appointment to France with the support of his former superior in North Africa, Tobias Lear, who praised Coxe’s arduous service in Tunis at a time when the United States had no warships in the Mediterranean to protect its commerce. However, Coxe’s application was not successful nor was his later bid to return to the Marine Corps as its commandant. Finally, in 1824, Coxe’s efforts were rewarded with an appointment as consul at Tunis. The following year, he was transferred to another North African capital, Tripoli, where he became awkwardly entangled in the local fallout of big-power rivalries and Tripolitan politics. Coxe died in Tripoli in 1830, his legacy one of involvement in two of his country’s most challenging and distant outposts as it began to emerge on the world stage.

In his essay on the “Uniting for Peace” resolution, Larry Johnson suggests that the General Assembly can recommend non-use of force collective measures when the Security Council is blocked because of a permanent member casting a veto. He rightly points out that today there is no longer any need to use Uniting for Peace for such recommendations. The General Assembly can and has recommended so-called “voluntary sanctions” in cases where it found a threat to international peace and security to exist. For example, in resolution 2107 (XX) of December 21, 1965 concerning the Question of Territories under Portuguese Administration, the Assembly, making no reference to Uniting for Peace, urged “Member States to take the following measures, separately or collectively:(a)To break off diplomatic and consular relations with the Government of Portugal or refrain from establishing such relations;(b)To close their ports to all vessels flying the Portuguese flag or in the service of Portugal;(c)To prohibit their ships from entering any ports in Portugal and its colonial territories;(d)To refuse landing and transit facilities to all aircraft belonging to or in the service of the Government of Portugal and to companies registered under the laws of Portugal;(e)To boycott all trade with Portugal.”

The purpose of the study is to clarify the source potential of the Ukrainian Diplomatic Archive for studying the specifics of the activities of the Japanese Consulate in Odesa in the interwar period. The research methodology is based on the principles of scientificity, historicism, systematicity and general scientific and special scientific methods, in particular archival heuristics and source criticism. The scientific novelty of the research results lies in the reconstruction of the Ukrainian component of the source base of the activity of the Japanese consulate in Odesa in the interwar period. Conclusions: The main array of documents related to the activities of the Japanese consular institution in Odesa in the interwar period was not preserved in Ukrainian archives. At that time, Ukraine was part of the USSR, was deprived of the right to engage in foreign policy activities and interacted with foreign missions within the framework of all-Union instructions. Soviet special services also supervised foreign missions. The Branch State Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine holds a relevant documentary complex, which includes three thematic groups: reports on the results of supervising the heads of the Consulate of Japan in Odesa; reports on the results of supervising consulate staff; copies of intercepted consul reports on the economic and social policy of the USSR, the state of industry and agriculture. The source base for the study of the activities of the Japanese Consulate in Odesa is wider than the documents of the special services and is part of the Ukrainian Diplomatic Archive in the segment of Ukrainian-Japanese relations. Despite the fact that the activity of the consulate can be considered only as a diplomatic presence of Japan on the territory of the Ukrainian SSR, documentary information indicates direct contacts of Japanese diplomats with Ukrainian state bodies, plans to start trade relations with the Ukrainian SSR, etc. Documents on this topic are also in the Central State Archive of Supreme Authorities of Ukraine, state archives of Odesa and Mykolaiv regions. The creation of the Diplomatic e-archive will help expand access to documents about the activities of foreign missions in Ukraine and Ukrainian-Japanese relations

This study aims to evaluate the phenomenon of accrual-based recognition and measurement using the date point of the Consular Function official memorandum document on non-tax state revenue (PNBP) of service type at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia based on public accountability framework and cost benefit analysis and. Accrual-based recognition and measurement using these documents causes the value of revenue-LO presented in the Financial Statements to be over or understated as it consists of 5 (five) frequencies or periods of recognition and measurement, namely every day, every week, every two weeks, every month, and every three months. The unit of analysis is in the form of multiple units of analysis in five work units of the Indonesia Representative Diplomatic Mission which represent each period of recognition and measurement. This research is descriptive qualitative research. Data were obtained through interviews and documentation. The data analysis method uses qualitative descriptive techniques and content analysis. The results show that accrual-based recognition and measurement of PNBP type services not only pay attention to the occurrence but also the completion of the service process. In addition, the recognition and measurement treatment carried out so far has considered the aspects of costs and benefits so that there are five recognition and measurement periods. In the future, it is hoped that there will be an integrated system so that the frequency of recognition and measurement can be uniform.

The article is devoted to the activities of the Russian Imperial Consulate in Yingkou (Niuzhuang) in the period from 1899 to 1909. Promoting Russian interests in South Manchuria, Russia paid great attention to the acquisition of real estate in this open Chinese port on the banks of the Liaohe River. At the initial stage, one of the main issues of the foreign mission was to assist in the acquisition of land for the construction of the Russian concession, as well as in the construction of the Yingkou station of the Yingkou — Dashiqiao branch of the CER. During the period of the Provisional Russian Administration, the building of the Russian Imperial Consulate, a doctor’s house and a bacteriological station were built here, the construction of the Mayor’s House began, and at the same time land plots were acquired for various household needs. The successful expansion of Russia in this region was disrupted by the Russian-Japanese War (1904–1905) and its results. Starting from the end of July 1904 to the end of November 1905, only one Russian citizen lived in Yingkou. The Russian Imperial Consulate which was reopened in December 1905 actively dealt with the issues of returning consular real estates and private property of its citizens. The Japanese military authorities, who were in charge of Yingkou until November 23, 1906, interfered in every possible way with this process. After the return of the city to the Chinese authorities, the Russian buildings were occupied by Chinese officials. However, thanks to the professional and well-coordinated actions of Russian diplomats in China and Japan, in particular the employees of the consulate in Yingkou A. T. Belchenko, V. K. Nikitin, Ambassador to Japan Y. (G.) P. Bakhmetev, delegate to China D. D. Pokotilov, the Russian consular property in Yingkou was returned to its rightful owners. Of course, the main role in this complex matter was played by Consul A. T. Belchenko, who, after solving the tasks assigned to him in Yingkou, was transferred to the consulate in Fuzhou. The choice of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was determined by the high assessment of his diplomatic service.

POLITICAL AND GEOPOLITICAL REFLECTIONS BY AUGUSTYN MIDDLETON (1790–1792) The article presents personality and activities of Augustyn Middleton, nobleman from Kaunas powiat, with the main focus on assessing this person in the light of political events in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the geopolitical situation. At the centre of this research is the period from the reinstatement of the diplomatic mission of the Commonwealth in The Hague on 14 April 1790 to the end of activities of the Four-Year Sejm. The article reveals that Augustyn Middleton, assigned by Stanislaw August to the diplomatic mission of the Commonwealth in the United Provinces of the Netherlands, was the agent of the King, who had to inform the King’s cabinet on activities of Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary Mihał Kleofas Ogiński and to promote the reforms by the Four-Year Sejm in the foreign press thus shaping a positive public opinion in Western Europe regarding changes in Poland and Lithuania. Due to benevolent circumstances A. Middleton was able to reach the rank of embassy resident, however the horizons of his diplomatic career were limited by available finances. Political views of A. Middleton reflected aims declared by the fraction of Stanislaw August’s court: to create a strong and prospering monarchy, hoping that the state will be able to regain its glorious past. A. Middleton promoted constitutional monarchy, inheritable throne, regulation of activities of the Sejm and the dietines (sejmiki), granting of political rights to townspeople, and economic development of the country. While supporting the idea of a centralized state, A. Middleton did not reflect on the rights of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania or the topic of a binary state. In assessing economic changes in Europe A. Middleton opposed the physiocrats, emphasizing that the most powerful form of capital comes not from agriculture but from banking. However, he was not afraid to admit that his knowledge of economics was not sufficient to explain the processes of financial capital. Ideas of religious tolerance, promoted by A. Middleton, his cosmopolite view of collaboration between states and nations, active interest in political and social transformations in Europe through anonymous polemical publications in foreign press on the topics of revolution allow for bringing the nobleman from Kaunas powiat A. Middleton into the circle of yet unknown people of the Enlightenment. Keywords: reforms of the Four-Year Sejm (1788–1792), diplomatic service, international relations, diplomatic mission of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Augustyn Middleton.

On April 14-15 the International scientific and practical conference Digital international relations 2022 took place at MGIMO University. The event was organized by MGIMO University in cooperation with Ivannikov Institute for System Programming of the RAS under the aegis of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Plenary session International Relations in the Context of Digitalization of Public Life was opened with the speeches of the Rector of MGIMO University A. Torkunov, the Minister of Foreign Affairs S. Lavrov, the Minister of Science and Higher Education V. Falkov, the President of the Russian Academy of Sciences A. Sergeyev, the Deputy Minister of Digital Development, Communications and Mass Media A. Shoytov, the Director of the Institute for System Programming A. Avetisyan and the President of the Russian association for public relations Ye. Minchenko. Distinguished guests noted the growing role of digital technologies in world politics, public administration, economics, education, and science. There were lots of sessions, panel discussions and round tables, such as Digital public diplomacy: new rules of international politics; Digital transformation of ASEAN and Russia: points of convergence; Legal support for the development of the digital economy in Russia and abroad; Diplomatic and consular service in the era of digitalization of international relations; Digital technologies and new media; Digital youth: what awaits the employer in the 21st century; Data analysis and international processes dynamics; Business models and business processes’ digital transformation; Regional experience of the economy and social sphere digitalization: best practices. The conference was attended by more than 750 professionals from different countries and regions – scientists, researchers and entrepreneurs working in IT, social science, and humanities. This variety helped to hold lively and open discussions on the most relevant and significant topics and to establish interaction between highly qualified specialists who have absolutely different but equally deep understanding of digital technologies.

Aleksandr Gavrilovich Golovkin (1688–1760) is a famous Russian diplomat of the first half of the XVIII century. His name is associated with a number of prominent pages in the history of bilateral relations of Russia with Prussia, France and most important – with the Republic of United Provinces, to which A. Golovkin was Ambassador Plenipotentiary for almost thirty years. However, today both Russian and foreign historiography is lacking substantial pieces of research dedicated to A. Golovkin. Up to the present moment biography, compiled by the diplomat himself in 1756 for a questionnaire of high-ranking state officials ordered by the Emperor’s decree, and a short section in the Memoireswritten by A. Golovkin’s grandson are the only scarce available pieces of information to build upon. The Ambassador perished in the Netherlands. Thus, family archive documents for a period encompassing more than two centuries ended up scattered among numerous private collections of his descendants settled abroad. The ambassador’s wife was Catherine Henriette von Dona of an ancient Saxon family. This article strives to enrich A. Golovkin’s biography with yet unknown facts about his family ties with aristocratic houses of Europe, in particular with the Orange-Nassau dynasty, as well as to show the diplomat’s status among high-ranking officials of Russia in the middle of the XVIII century, what property he owned and what contributed to his long and successful service in the system of the Collegium of Foreign Affairs foreign missions. The look into Ambassador A. Golovkin’s personality is, first of all, designed to encourage the interest of researchers in his invaluable legacy – diplomatic correspondence stored in the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire.

For some weeks last past this Government has been alarmed by Reports of hostilities intended by the Algerines and Tunisines against this Place. These are supposed to be the consequence of the Indignation of the Grand Seignior at the Remissness of this Bashaw in affording assistance during the last war of the Porte against the Two Imperial Crowns. Tho’ there is great reason to doubt as yet the authenticity of the Report in question I think it my duty to acquaint you Sir with it, since here it has been thought serious enough to cause measures of defence being taken, and preparations made. The internal disturbances which continue, and the excessive dearness of Provisions contribute to distress us much and leave me no other satisfaction than that of being able to assure you Sir that His Majesty's Service, and the increase of the British Subjects do not suffer the least Detriment by these Calamities.

Carner was a renowned writer when he started his diplomatic career in 1920. He was considered the most eminent living Catalan poet and had an important presence in the social and cultural scene in Barcelona. His joining the Spanish consular service came as a bombshell. From then on he never again lived permanently in Catalonia, although he kept in touch and came back frequently until the Civil War. This article provides a detailed description of Carner’s diplomatic endeavours (and biography) based on his file at the Spanish Foreign Affairs Ministry’s archive, and it includes a final table that summarises all the jobs, postings and dates of his diplomatic career.

Энэхүү өгүүлэлд Их Монгол Улс, 1911 оны үндэсний эрх чөлөөний хувьсгалын үр дүнд байгуулсан Богд Хаант Монгол Улс, 1921 оны Ардын хувъсгал, Монгол Улс ардчилал, зах зээлийн эдийн засагт шилжсэн өнөөг хүртэлх Монгол Улсын дипломат албаны түүхэн онцлог, гадаад харилцааны төв байгууллага болох Гадаад харилцааны яамны бүтэц, зохион байгуулалт, холбогдох газар, хэлтсийн чиг, үүрэг, эрх зүйн үндэслэл, элчин, консулын харилцаа, ДТГ-ууд, хүний нөөцийн бодлого зэргийг маш товчоор тусгав. Commencement and development of Mongolian diplomatic service The article aims to briefly describe the particulars of the diplomatic service of Mongolia throughout the historic stages of the Great Mongol State, Bogdo Khaan’s Mongolia after the 1911 national freedom revolution, Mongolia after the 1921 people’s revolution, and transition to democracy and market economy until today. It also describes the structure, organization, functions of departments and divisions, as well as the legal status of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the central authority in charge of foreign relations, ambassadorial and consular relations, diplomatic representations and human resource policy.

Abstract As a young, but ambitious state that aspired to acquire a respected position in the nineteenth-century European concert, one of the institutions Belgium relied on was its diplomatic corps. Whereas the capitals of Europe quickly became the new home of career diplomats, Belgium gradually developed a consular apparatus that was staffed by locally recruited agents in more faraway areas. In the Eastern Mediterranean, the position of dragoman, who served as translator to the diplomatic representatives, was especially relevant in a setting where language barriers hindered the expansion of Belgium’s diplomatic and commercial interests. This essay unravels the history of the Belgian dragomanate in Egypt and focusses on one dragoman in particular: Jean Eïd. Addressing his term in Belgian service from the perspective of subalternity, I will demonstrate how the social, professional and legal status of these actors who roamed the increasingly entangled Levantine sphere in this period, is particularly challenging to grasp, while also recognizing the potential his position had for the next generations that succeeded him.

Abstract As a young, but ambitious state that aspired to acquire a respected position in the nineteenth-century European concert, one of the institutions Belgium relied on was its diplomatic corps. Whereas the capitals of Europe quickly became the new home of career diplomats, Belgium gradually developed a consular apparatus that was staffed by locally recruited agents in more faraway areas. In the Eastern Mediterranean, the position of dragoman, who served as translator to the diplomatic representatives, was especially relevant in a setting where language barriers hindered the expansion of Belgium’s diplomatic and commercial interests. This essay unravels the history of the Belgian dragomanate in Egypt and focusses on one dragoman in particular: Jean Eïd. Addressing his term in Belgian service from the perspective of subalternity, I will demonstrate how the social, professional and legal status of these actors who roamed the increasingly entangled Levantine sphere in this period, is particularly challenging to grasp, while also recognizing the potential his position had for the next generations that succeeded him.

Abstract In the autumn of 1927, Zheng Hongnian appointed Shi Jiong as a professor and established the Department of Law, setting the educational goal of “cultivating useful judicial talents for national service and national glory”. He actively pursued legal education and pioneered a specialized course in Diplomatic Consular Affairs. The legal systems of the countries where overseas Chinese from Nanyang resided were predominantly based on the “Anglo-American Law” system. The “Anglo-American Law” education at Jinan University was distinctively emphasized, and the continuous refinement of the “Six Law” system led to a shift towards a “Comparative Law” model. As Jinan University’s legal education was flourishing, it faced dual calamities of war and educational crises, ultimately leading to its closure.

April 1, 2023 marked the 31st anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Kingdom of the Netherlands. In recent years, great attention is paid to the development of interstate political and economic relations. Azerbaijan's participation in the energy security of Europe for thirty long years plays an important role in bilateral relations. Currently, the relations established by the State Migration Service of the Republic of Azerbaijan with specialized institutions in the area of migration of the Netherlands are relevant in the development of diplomatic relations. The positive experience of both countries can be studied when studying labor migration and migration processes in general, which creates new perspectives for cooperation in the global world. In the article, the object of research was the importance of the migration factor in the development of Azerbaijani-Dutch relations. The positive moments of the model of the Netherlands in migration management are analyzed.

The main purpose of this article is to present some major aspects of the personnel policy pursued by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs starting from 1918. The starting point is marked by Poland’s regaining independence and the establishment of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. It is significant that the year1926 closes a certain stage in the history of Polish diplomacy, during which the most functional organisational shape of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was sought, a network of foreign diplomatic and consular posts was created, and basic normative acts were drafted. The assessment of the personnel policy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the first years of its operation is difficult because of the fluidity of personnel, frequent changes of ministers, and constant reorganization of the structure. From the very beginning of the

Early modern composite monarchies functioned by maintaining local rights and traditions and the successful accommodation of noble elites in the army, diplomatic corps, and regional governments. Scholars commonly focus on the integration of nobles from the core lands in order to implement a faithful civil service and reliable institutions for government. Yet noble families from peripheries or border regions have been disregarded either as supporters or as opponents of royal power. This article explores the differing strategies of the Carrettos from Imperial Italy and the Arenbergs from the Southern Netherlands, two noble families from the border regions of the Habsburg realms and how they responded to integrative measures offered by the Spanish and Austrian Habsburgs. It analyses four important aspects of noble family strategies. First, the article examines how vassalage, loyalty, and sovereignty created important bonds between noble families in the western border regions of the Holy Roman Empire and the emperor or sovereign. Second, it establishes how families became members of competitive Habsburg court societies via court honours, titles, and interregional marriage alliances. Third, the article looks at how these families supported the early modern state with successful performances of state service and how they utilized the vast career possibilities of composite monarchies. Fourth and finally, it analyses how the failed integration of noble elites from border regions resulted in governmental crisis and uprisings. This article demonstrates how nobles in the border regions could be integral to state power.

В отечественной историографии К.Д. Петкович представлен как выдающийся дипломат и исследователь Ближнего Востока. Привлечение документов Российского государственного исторического архива, Архива внешней политики Российской империи, Российского государственного военно-исторического архива, Отдела рукописей РНБ, хронологически охватывающих весь период службы К.Д. Петковича в Бейруте (1869–1896), позволяет существенно дополнить эту характеристику, осветив основные проблемы российской консульской службы в Большой Сирии. К.Д. Петкович происходил из богатого болгарского рода, что предопределило его взгляд на греко-арабский конфликт. Он не имел востоковедной подготовки, но при этом за 27 лет пребывания на своем посту не проявил интереса к изучению арабского языка. На протяжении долгого времени К.Д. Петкович не посещал внутренние районы страны, проводя практически все время в Бейруте и Ливане. С течением времени генеральный консул полностью оказался в руках своих драгоманов из семьи Шахаде. Социальное положение действительного статского советника выражалось в надменном характере отношений к русским подданным и дистанцированию от местного населения. Дипломатическая деятельность К.Д. Петковича носила на себе отпечаток этнического и социального происхождения, а также была подвержена негативному влиянию института драгоманов. In Russian historiography K.D. Petkovich is presented as an outstanding diplomat and explorer of the Middle East. Involvement of The Russian State Historical Archive, The Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Empire, The Russian State Military Historical Archive, The Department of Manuscripts of the National Library of Russia documents chronologically covering the entire K.D. Petkovich period of service in Beirut (1869-1896) whichmakes it possible to significantly supplement this characterization by highlighting the main problems of the Russian consular service in Greater Syria. K.D. Petkovich came from a wealthy Bulgarian family, which predetermined his view of the Greco-Arab conflict. He had no training in oriental studies, but at the same time, during his 27 years in office, he showed no interest in learning the Arabic language. For a long time K.D. Petkovich did not visit the interior of the country, spending almost all his time in Beirut and Lebanon. Over time, the Consul General found himself completely in the hands of his dragomans from the Shahade family. The social position of a real state councilor was expressed in the arrogant nature of relations with Russian subjects and distancing from the local population. K.D. Petkovich diplomatic activity bore the imprint of the ethnic and social origin, and was also subject to the negative influence of the institute of the dragomanate.

The emergence of diplomatic protocol service within the structure of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) of Estonia (1918–40) is a subject that has hitherto not been researched. This is illustrated by the fact that even the complete list of chiefs of protocol (chef du protocole) of the MFA of Estonia has been missing until now. The strengthening of Estonia’s statehood by its international recognition, the accreditation of foreign envoys, and the first state visits brought about the need for a thorough understanding of all nuances of diplomatic protocol and ceremonial. Nevertheless, the office of a separate chief of protocol was created in the structure of the MFA of Estonia only according to the new Foreign Service Act, decreed by the Head of State Konstantin Päts on 13 March 1936; i.e. more than 18 years after the declaration of Estonia’s independence. Prior to 1936, the functions of protocol officers were usually fulfilled by the head of the MFA’s administrative or political department. This article focuses on three core issues: 1) who were the chiefs of protocol? 2) their functions and how diplomatic protocol was regulated in the MFA; 3) the reason why a separate office of the chief of protocol was not created earlier than 1936. The key source for this research is the MFA collection in the Estonian National Archives (RA, ERA.957). There are no clear sources regarding the functions of the chief of protocol before 1922. The field was most probably shaped and shared by several officials, including the head of the political department Hermann Karl Hellat (1872–1953) and William Tomingas (1895–1972), the junior private secretary of Foreign Minister Jaan Tõnisson (1868–1941?). Everything connected to international practices was probably influenced by the most experienced diplomats of the young state, namely the members of Estonia’s foreign delegation, which had already been created in 1917. Another major influence was Foreign Minister Jaan Poska (1866–1920), who as a former mayor of Tallinn, the former governor of the autonomous Governorate of Estonia, and the head of Estonia’s delegation at the peace talks with Soviet Russia, had extensive experience in protocol-related matters. Hans Johannes (Johan) Ernst Markus (1884–1969) can be deemed the first chief of protocol to be mentioned in the hitherto known sources of the MFA. According to an MFA report to the Estonian government from July of 1922, Markus was the head of the MFA’s Western political department and performed the duties of ‘master of ceremonies’ as well. In January of 1923, Markus was appointed head of the MFA’s administrative department. He remained in this office until April of 1927, coordinating the state visits of the President of Latvia Jānis Čakste (February of 1924), the Secretary General of the League of Nations Eric Drummond (February of 1924), and the President of Finland Lauri Kristian Relander (May of 1925), as well as the state visits of Estonia’s Head of State, the presentation of credentials, and day-to-day work regarding diplomatic privileges and immunities. Since the chief of protocol was responsible for organising ceremonies connected to the Head of State (Riigivanem), Markus could be considered not only as a coordinator of the MFA’s protocol matters, but as the chief of state protocol. Markus certainly did not work alone. He could rely on the administrative department and basically the whole MFA in fulfilling his functions, while also counting on the support of the aide-de-camp to the Head of State. Nevertheless, it was Markus who laid the ’cornerstone’ for the best practices that could be systematised and used by his successors. In April of 1927, the functions of the chief of protocol were taken over by Johan Leppik (1894–1965), the former Envoy to Poland and Romania, and Chargé d’Affaires in Czechoslovakia. In August of 1927, Leppik was appointed head of the MFA’s political department. According to the MFA’s working arrangement, Leppik retained the functions of chef du protocole in his new office starting from January of 1928. Since the grand, first-ever state visit of a monarch to Estonia, by King Gustaf V of Sweden in June of 1929, and the visit of the President of Poland Ignacy Mościcki in August of 1930 (which were preceded by the state visits of Estonia’s Head of State to those countries) required extensive preparations, Leppik could rely on the work of his subordinate, the head of the political bureau and deputy chief of protocol Elmar-Johann Kirotar (1899–1985). In June of 1931, Leppik was succeeded by the director of the bureau of law Artur Haman (Tuldava) (1897–1942) in his office as chief of protocol. Haman (Tuldava) put great effort into systematising existing practices related to protocol (incl. Presentation of credentials, and receptions) into a comprehensive compendium, which has been preserved to this day. The efficient work of Kirotar and Tuldava was probably noted by Estonia’s leadership, since once the separaate office of the chief of protocol had been created within the structure of the MFA, the position was filled first by Kirotar (1936–9) and then by Tuldava (1939–40). The quest for stability was most probably connected to the strong presidential power that shaped Estonia’s political life in the latter half of the 1930s. The personal influence of the head of state became more important in filling high-ranking positions in the state structure. According to the Foreign Service Act adopted by Parliament (Riigikogu) on 30 May 1930, departmental directors were appointed by the Foreign Minister. The Foreign Service Act decreed by the Head of State on 13 March 1936 changed this procedure. According to the latter, departmental directors (incl. the chief of protocol) were appointed and dismissed by the Head of State (upon taking into consideration proposals from the Foreign Minister). There is no clear answer to the question of why there was no separate office of the chief of protocol in the 1920s, since these functions needed to be fulfilled anyway. This was most probably connected to budgetary restrictions i.e. the need to avoid all kinds of ’unnecessary’ expenses. In the 1930s, the director of the administrative department Jaan Mölder (1880–1942, in office 1935–6) and the head of the consular bureau August Koern (1900–89, in office 1936) also briefly fulfilled the functions of the chief of protocol. The latter was especially involved in systematising the rules and regulations of diplomatic practices. Like his predecessors and successors, he sent numerous inquiries to Estonia’s representations abroad to collect information on matters connected to privileges and immunities, decorations, preseance, organisation of state funerals, etc. According to sources at the Estonian National Archives, Estonia’s MFA collected information on international diplomatic practice everywhere that it was represented by its missions abroad. Already during the first years of Estonia’s independence, the MFA possessed the popular Guide to Diplomatic Practice by Sir Ernest Mason Satow (first issued in 1917) and several protocol-related compendiums from Finland, the United States of America, Great Britain, etc. It can be concluded that without a rich heritage of diplomatic practice of its own, Estonia was quickly able to successfully adapt to the international environment in matters of diplomatic protocol.

Along with the increasing migrant workers abroad, many of them going on violations committed by migrant workers, such as migrant workers exceeded the limit of stay (overstayed), with the position of migrant workers overstayed thus vulnerable to violations of the rights of migrant workers and abuse, because with these positions is considered more beneficial for the users of services of migrant workers / employers to hire migrant workers and do anything improper, such as paying low wages, hours of work beyond normal working hours and so on, hence the need for protection in order to fulfill the fundamental rights of migrant workers is concerned. Therefore the issue of how the legal protection of Indonesian workers that exceed the limit of stay (overstayed) and how the responsibilities of service users migrant workers / employers against workers who exceed the limit of stay (overstayed) be an interesting issue to be discussed. This paper is the result of normative legal research that examines the issues, based on the literature and legislation relating to the problems examined. Therefore, the approach used that approach to law (Statute Approach) and Conceptual Approach (conceptual approach). Based on the research that the protection of workers who exceed the limit of stay (overstayed) is not strictly regulated by Law No. 39 Year 2004 concerning the Placement and Protection of Indonesian Migrant Workers Abroad and implementing regulations, but overstayed the problem is a problem during the placement of migrant workers abroad, the protection refers to the period of placement that is as described in Article 17 to Article 23 PP. No. 3 In 2013 on the Protection of Migrant Workers Abroad in the form of guidance and supervision, assistance and consular protection, the provision of legal aid, defense and fulfillment of the rights of migrant workers, diplomatic efforts and so on, as well as in Law No. 6 Year 2012 on the Ratification of the International Convention on the Protection of All Workers and Members of Their Families also ensure the protection of migrant workers as well to TKI overstayed in terms of providing protection during arrest, detention, deportation and the rights of migrant workers who obtained a residence permit due to violation. In terms of the responsibility of the service user TKI / employer memnyebabkan TKI overstayed due to the attitude and actions of irresponsible form of detention document the service users migrant workers / employers should bear the risk and fulfill the rights of migrant workers who violated such as taking care of a residence permit / work a new one if workers will be work and take care of the return of migrant workers. However, if migrant workers overstayed not due to the employer's attitude and actions TKI service user / employer was not responsible. Therefore, the need for the parties in the placement of workers abroad, especially the representative of Indonesia to disseminate and efforts to raise awareness of the law for the perpetrators overstayed.

IntroductionFirmly located within the discourse of visible culture as the lofty preserve of art exhibitions and museum artefacts, the noun “curate” has gradually transformed into the verb “to curate”. Williams writes that “curate” has become a fashionable code word among the aesthetically minded to describe a creative activity. Designers no longer simply sell clothes; they “curate” merchandise. Chefs no longer only make food; they also “curate” meals. Chosen for their keen eye for a particular style or a precise shade, it is their knowledge of their craft, their reputation, and their sheer ability to choose among countless objects which make the creative process a creative activity in itself. Writing from within the framework of “curate” as a creative process, this article discusses how the state banquet for Queen Elizabeth II, hosted by Irish President Mary McAleese at Dublin Castle in May 2011, was carefully curated to represent Ireland’s diplomatic, cultural, and culinary identity. The paper will focus in particular on how the menu for the banquet was created and how the banquet’s brief, “Ireland on a Plate”, was fulfilled.History and BackgroundFood has been used by nations for centuries to display wealth, cement alliances, and impress foreign visitors. Since the feasts of the Numidian kings (circa 340 BC), culinary staging and presentation has belonged to “a long, multifaceted and multicultural history of diplomatic practices” (IEHCA 5). According to the works of Baughman, Young, and Albala, food has defined the social, cultural, and political position of a nation’s leaders throughout history.In early 2011, Ross Lewis, Chef Patron of Chapter One Restaurant in Dublin, was asked by the Irish Food Board, Bord Bía, if he would be available to create a menu for a high-profile banquet (Mahon 112). The name of the guest of honour was divulged several weeks later after vetting by the protocol and security divisions of the Department of the Taoiseach (Prime Minister) and the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. Lewis was informed that the menu was for the state banquet to be hosted by President Mary McAleese at Dublin Castle in honour of Queen Elizabeth II’s visit to Ireland the following May.Hosting a formal banquet for a visiting head of state is a key feature in the statecraft of international and diplomatic relations. Food is the societal common denominator that links all human beings, regardless of culture (Pliner and Rozin 19). When world leaders publicly share a meal, that meal is laden with symbolism, illuminating each diner’s position “in social networks and social systems” (Sobal, Bove, and Rauschenbach 378). The public nature of the meal signifies status and symbolic kinship and that “guest and host are on par in terms of their personal or official attributes” (Morgan 149). While the field of academic scholarship on diplomatic dining might be young, there is little doubt of the value ascribed to the semiotics of diplomatic gastronomy in modern power structures (Morgan 150; De Vooght and Scholliers 12; Chapple-Sokol 162), for, as Firth explains, symbols are malleable and perfectly suited to exploitation by all parties (427).Political DiplomacyWhen Ireland gained independence in December 1921, it marked the end of eight centuries of British rule. The outbreak of “The Troubles” in 1969 in Northern Ireland upset the gradually improving environment of British–Irish relations, and it would be some time before a state visit became a possibility. Beginning with the peace process in the 1990s, the IRA ceasefire of 1994, and the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, a state visit was firmly set in motion by the visit of Irish President Mary Robinson to Buckingham Palace in 1993, followed by the unofficial visit of the Prince of Wales to Ireland in 1995, and the visit of Irish President Mary McAleese to Buckingham Palace in 1999. An official invitation to Queen Elizabeth from President Mary McAleese in March 2011 was accepted, and the visit was scheduled for mid-May of the same year.The visit was a highly performative occasion, orchestrated and ordained in great detail, displaying all the necessary protocol associated with the state visit of one head of state to another: inspection of the military, a courtesy visit to the nation’s head of state on arrival, the laying of a wreath at the nation’s war memorial, and a state banquet.These aspects of protocol between Britain and Ireland were particularly symbolic. By inspecting the military on arrival, the existence of which is a key indicator of independence, Queen Elizabeth effectively demonstrated her recognition of Ireland’s national sovereignty. On making the customary courtesy call to the head of state, the Queen was received by President McAleese at her official residence Áras an Uachtaráin (The President’s House), which had formerly been the residence of the British monarch’s representative in Ireland (Robbins 66). The state banquet was held in Dublin Castle, once the headquarters of British rule where the Viceroy, the representative of Britain’s Court of St James, had maintained court (McDowell 1).Cultural DiplomacyThe state banquet provided an exceptional showcase of Irish culture and design and generated a level of preparation previously unseen among Dublin Castle staff, who described it as “the most stage managed state event” they had ever witnessed (Mahon 129).The castle was cleaned from top to bottom, and inventories were taken of the furniture and fittings. The Waterford Crystal chandeliers were painstakingly taken down, cleaned, and reassembled; the Killybegs carpets and rugs of Irish lamb’s wool were cleaned and repaired. A special edition Newbridge Silverware pen was commissioned for Queen Elizabeth and Prince Philip to sign the newly ordered Irish leather-bound visitors’ book. A new set of state tableware was ordered for the President’s table. Irish manufacturers of household goods necessary for the guest rooms, such as towels and soaps, hand creams and body lotions, candle holders and scent diffusers, were sought. Members of Her Majesty’s staff conducted a “walk-through” several weeks in advance of the visit to ensure that the Queen’s wardrobe would not clash with the surroundings (Mahon 129–32).The promotion of Irish manufacture is a constant thread throughout history. Irish linen, writes Kane, enjoyed a reputation as far afield as the Netherlands and Italy in the 15th century, and archival documents from the Vaucluse attest to the purchase of Irish cloth in Avignon in 1432 (249–50). Support for Irish-made goods was raised in 1720 by Jonathan Swift, and by the 18th century, writes Foster, Dublin had become an important centre for luxury goods (44–51).It has been Irish government policy since the late 1940s to use Irish-manufactured goods for state entertaining, so the material culture of the banquet was distinctly Irish: Arklow Pottery plates, Newbridge Silverware cutlery, Waterford Crystal glassware, and Irish linen tablecloths. In order to decide upon the table setting for the banquet, four tables were laid in the King’s Bedroom in Dublin Castle. The Executive Chef responsible for the banquet menu, and certain key personnel, helped determine which setting would facilitate serving the food within the time schedule allowed (Mahon 128–29). The style of service would be service à la russe, so widespread in restaurants today as to seem unremarkable. Each plate is prepared in the kitchen by the chef and then served to each individual guest at table. In the mid-19th century, this style of service replaced service à la française, in which guests typically entered the dining room after the first course had been laid on the table and selected food from the choice of dishes displayed around them (Kaufman 126).The guest list was compiled by government and embassy officials on both sides and was a roll call of Irish and British life. At the President’s table, 10 guests would be served by a team of 10 staff in Dorchester livery. The remaining tables would each seat 12 guests, served by 12 liveried staff. The staff practiced for several days prior to the banquet to make sure that service would proceed smoothly within the time frame allowed. The team of waiters, each carrying a plate, would emerge from the kitchen in single file. They would then take up positions around the table, each waiter standing to the left of the guest they would serve. On receipt of a discreet signal, each plate would be laid in front of each guest at precisely the same moment, after which the waiters would then about foot and return to the kitchen in single file (Mahon 130).Post-prandial entertainment featured distinctive styles of performance and instruments associated with Irish traditional music. These included reels, hornpipes, and slipjigs, voice and harp, sean-nόs (old style) singing, and performances by established Irish artists on the fiddle, bouzouki, flute, and uilleann pipes (Office of Public Works).Culinary Diplomacy: Ireland on a PlateLewis was given the following brief: the menu had to be Irish, the main course must be beef, and the meal should represent the very best of Irish ingredients. There were no restrictions on menu design. There were no dietary requirements or specific requests from the Queen’s representatives, although Lewis was informed that shellfish is excluded de facto from Irish state banquets as a precautionary measure. The meal was to be four courses long and had to be served to 170 diners within exactly 1 hour and 10 minutes (Mahon 112). A small army of 16 chefs and 4 kitchen porters would prepare the food in the kitchen of Dublin Castle under tight security. The dishes would be served on state tableware by 40 waiters, 6 restaurant managers, a banqueting manager and a sommélier. Lewis would be at the helm of the operation as Executive Chef (Mahon 112–13).Lewis started by drawing up “a patchwork quilt” of the products he most wanted to use and built the menu around it. The choice of suppliers was based on experience but also on a supplier’s ability to deliver perfectly ripe goods in mid-May, a typically black spot in the Irish fruit and vegetable growing calendar as it sits between the end of one season and the beginning of another. Lewis consulted the Queen’s itinerary and the menus to be served so as to avoid repetitions. He had to discard his initial plan to feature lobster in the starter and rhubarb in the dessert—the former for the precautionary reasons mentioned above, and the latter because it featured on the Queen’s lunch menu on the day of the banquet (Mahon 112–13).Once the ingredients had been selected, the menu design focused on creating tastes, flavours and textures. Several draft menus were drawn up and myriad dishes were tasted and discussed in the kitchen of Lewis’s own restaurant. Various wines were paired and tasted with the different courses, the final choice being a Château Lynch-Bages 1998 red and a Château de Fieuzal 2005 white, both from French Bordeaux estates with an Irish connection (Kellaghan 3). Two months and two menu sittings later, the final menu was confirmed and signed off by state and embassy officials (Mahon 112–16).The StarterThe banquet’s starter featured organic Clare Island salmon cured in a sweet brine, laid on top of a salmon cream combining wild smoked salmon from the Burren and Cork’s Glenilen Farm crème fraîche, set over a lemon balm jelly from the Tannery Cookery School Gardens, Waterford. Garnished with horseradish cream, wild watercress, and chive flowers from Wicklow, the dish was finished with rapeseed oil from Kilkenny and a little sea salt from West Cork (Mahon 114). Main CourseA main course of Irish beef featured as the pièce de résistance of the menu. A rib of beef from Wexford’s Slaney Valley was provided by Kettyle Irish Foods in Fermanagh and served with ox cheek and tongue from Rathcoole, County Dublin. From along the eastern coastline came the ingredients for the traditional Irish dish of smoked champ: cabbage from Wicklow combined with potatoes and spring onions grown in Dublin. The new season’s broad beans and carrots were served with wild garlic leaf, which adorned the dish (Mahon 113). Cheese CourseThe cheese course was made up of Knockdrinna, a Tomme style goat’s milk cheese from Kilkenny; Milleens, a Munster style cow’s milk cheese produced in Cork; Cashel Blue, a cow’s milk blue cheese from Tipperary; and Glebe Brethan, a Comté style cheese from raw cow’s milk from Louth. Ditty’s Oatmeal Biscuits from Belfast accompanied the course.DessertLewis chose to feature Irish strawberries in the dessert. Pat Clarke guaranteed delivery of ripe strawberries on the day of the banquet. They married perfectly with cream and yoghurt from Glenilen Farm in Cork. The cream was set with Irish Carrageen moss, overlaid with strawberry jelly and sauce, and garnished with meringues made with Irish apple balsamic vinegar from Lusk in North Dublin, yoghurt mousse, and Irish soda bread tuiles made with wholemeal flour from the Mosse family mill in Kilkenny (Mahon 113).The following day, President McAleese telephoned Lewis, saying of the banquet “Ní hé go raibh sé go maith, ach go raibh sé míle uair níos fearr ná sin” (“It’s not that it was good but that it was a thousand times better”). The President observed that the menu was not only delicious but that it was “amazingly articulate in terms of the story that it told about Ireland and Irish food.” The Queen had particularly enjoyed the stuffed cabbage leaf of tongue, cheek and smoked colcannon (a traditional Irish dish of mashed potatoes with curly kale or green cabbage) and had noted the diverse selection of Irish ingredients from Irish artisans (Mahon 116). Irish CuisineWhen the topic of food is explored in Irish historiography, the focus tends to be on the consequences of the Great Famine (1845–49) which left the country “socially and emotionally scarred for well over a century” (Mac Con Iomaire and Gallagher 161). Some commentators consider the term “Irish cuisine” oxymoronic, according to Mac Con Iomaire and Maher (3). As Goldstein observes, Ireland has suffered twice—once from its food deprivation and second because these deprivations present an obstacle for the exploration of Irish foodways (xii). Writing about Italian, Irish, and Jewish migration to America, Diner states that the Irish did not have a food culture to speak of and that Irish writers “rarely included the details of food in describing daily life” (85). Mac Con Iomaire and Maher note that Diner’s methodology overlooks a centuries-long tradition of hospitality in Ireland such as that described by Simms (68) and shows an unfamiliarity with the wealth of food related sources in the Irish language, as highlighted by Mac Con Iomaire (“Exploring” 1–23).Recent scholarship on Ireland’s culinary past is unearthing a fascinating story of a much more nuanced culinary heritage than has been previously understood. This is clearly demonstrated in the research of Cullen, Cashman, Deleuze, Kellaghan, Kelly, Kennedy, Legg, Mac Con Iomaire, Mahon, O’Sullivan, Richman Kenneally, Sexton, and Stanley, Danaher, and Eogan.In 1996 Ireland was described by McKenna as having the most dynamic cuisine in any European country, a place where in the last decade “a vibrant almost unlikely style of cooking has emerged” (qtd. in Mac Con Iomaire “Jammet’s” 136). By 2014, there were nine restaurants in Dublin which had been awarded Michelin stars or Red Ms (Mac Con Iomaire “Jammet’s” 137). Ross Lewis, Chef Patron of Chapter One Restaurant, who would be chosen to create the menu for the state banquet for Queen Elizabeth II, has maintained a Michelin star since 2008 (Mac Con Iomaire, “Jammet’s” 138). Most recently the current strength of Irish gastronomy is globally apparent in Mark Moriarty’s award as San Pellegrino Young Chef 2015 (McQuillan). As Deleuze succinctly states: “Ireland has gone mad about food” (143).This article is part of a research project into Irish diplomatic dining, and the author is part of a research cluster into Ireland’s culinary heritage within the Dublin Institute of Technology. The aim of the research is to add to the growing body of scholarship on Irish gastronomic history and, ultimately, to contribute to the discourse on the existence of a national cuisine. If, as Zubaida says, “a nation’s cuisine is its court’s cuisine,” then it is time for Ireland to “research the feasts as well as the famines” (Mac Con Iomaire and Cashman 97).ConclusionThe Irish state banquet for Queen Elizabeth II in May 2011 was a highly orchestrated and formalised process. From the menu, material culture, entertainment, and level of consultation in the creative content, it is evident that the banquet was carefully curated to represent Ireland’s diplomatic, cultural, and culinary identity.The effects of the visit appear to have been felt in the years which have followed. Hennessy wrote in the Irish Times newspaper that Queen Elizabeth is privately said to regard her visit to Ireland as the most significant of the trips she has made during her 60-year reign. British Prime Minister David Cameron is noted to mention the visit before every Irish audience he encounters, and British Foreign Secretary William Hague has spoken in particular of the impact the state banquet in Dublin Castle made upon him. Hennessy points out that one of the most significant indicators of the peaceful relationship which exists between the two countries nowadays was the subsequent state visit by Irish President Michael D. Higgins to Britain in 2013. This was the first state visit to the United Kingdom by a President of Ireland and would have been unimaginable 25 years ago. The fact that the President and his wife stayed at Windsor Castle and that the attendant state banquet was held there instead of Buckingham Palace were both deemed to be marks of special favour and directly attributed to the success of Her Majesty’s 2011 visit to Ireland.As the research demonstrates, eating together unites rather than separates, gathers rather than divides, diffuses political tensions, and confirms alliances. It might be said then that the 2011 state banquet hosted by President Mary McAleese in honour of Queen Elizabeth II, curated by Ross Lewis, gives particular meaning to the axiom “to eat together is to eat in peace” (Taliano des Garets 160).AcknowledgementsSupervisors: Dr Máirtín Mac Con Iomaire (Dublin Institute of Technology) and Dr Michael Kennedy (Royal Irish Academy)Fáilte IrelandPhotos of the banquet dishes supplied and permission to reproduce them for this article kindly granted by Ross Lewis, Chef Patron, Chapter One Restaurant ‹http://www.chapteronerestaurant.com/›.Illustration ‘Ireland on a Plate’ © Jesse Campbell BrownRemerciementsThe author would like to thank the anonymous reviewers for their feedback and suggestions on an earlier draft of this article.ReferencesAlbala, Ken. The Banquet: Dining in the Great Courts of Late Renaissance Europe. 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The secession from Russia, the declaration of independence, and the request to recognise the independent state of Lithuania were the three steps which had to be made by the Council of Lithuania (in Vilnius) in order to bring Lithuania back into the international community after 120 years of occupation. The first two steps were made after all members of the Council of Lithuania signed the Statement of 11 December 1917, but it was not made public anywhere. Part I of the Statement was the Declaration of Independence, which declared the termination of all state ties which formerly bound the state to other nations and proclaimed the re-establishment of the independent state of Lithuania. Another step that ensued the secession and the declaration of independence had to be a request for the recognition of the independent state of Lithuania for it to become a full-fledged member of the international community. However, first and foremost, it had to be announced publicly. The article publishes the note handed over by the Lithuanian National Council (in Lausanne) to the German envoy on 8 February 1918 and to the envoys of the Entente Powers and neutral states on 9 February 1918 and analyses its text and context. The text of the note in French is identical. The note includes the first request to recognise the independence of the Lithuanian state based on the modified text of Part I of the Statement of 11 December 1917 signed by the Council of Lithuania (in Vilnius). The note dated 7 February 1918 was submitted to the German envoy in Bern and the note dated 9 February 1918 was handed over to the diplomatic and consular representatives of the Entente Powers (France, Great Britain, the USA, Italy) and neutral states (the Netherlands, Denmark, Norway, Sweden) in Switzerland and the Swiss Political Department. Historiography includes no mention of the note delivered to Gisbert von Romberg, the German envoy in Bern, on 8 February 1918. The démarche made by Pranciškus Karevičius and Konstantinas Olšauskas at the same time, on 7–9 February 1918, to Gen. Erich Ludendorff and the German Chancellor Georg von Hertling in Berlin is not mentioned either. Both démarches, one by the Lithuanian National Council (in Lausanne) in Bern and the other by the two Lithuanian priests in Berlin, were, in fact, coordinated. The reaction to the note and the evaluations of the démarches found in historiography are similar, but the fact that on 10 February 1918, in the aftermath of the said démarches, the Chancellery of the German Chancellor prepared the draft document on the recognition of Lithuania’s independence has not been known before. The aim of the research is to investigate the context and the text of the first request to recognise Lithuania’s independence expressed on 8–9 February 1918, to reveal the reaction towards it and the results achieved. The chronological boundaries of the research cover the period from the sitting of the Lithuanian National Council (in Lausanne) of 25 January 1918, which put forward the idea to issue a memorandum with annexes, to 25 February 1918, when the German Military Administration completed the investigation into the circumstances of authorising the Lithuanian National Council (in Lausanne) to represent Lithuanian affairs abroad. The research employed the logical-analytical method (the notional analysis of the content of the note and the information provided by the sources in German, French, Norwegian, English languages was conducted), synthesis (the new material of the sources was supplemented with the information circulating in historiography), comparison (the facts from Lithuanian, German and Norwegian archives and the Lithuanian, German and Swiss press were compared), comparative analysis (the texts of documents in different languages were compared), descriptive, inductive, and interpretive methods (the idea and meaning of the content of the sources was reconstructed with regard to the question wording). The research consists of three parts. The first part analyses the context of the origin of the note (25 January 1918–7 February 1918) and concludes that: (1) the uncoordinated efforts of the Lithuanian National Council (in Lausanne), the Council of Lithuania (in Vilnius), and the Supreme Lithuanian Council in Russia to send Lithuanian delegates to the negotiations in Brest-Litovsk clearly demonstrated the equal rights of all three councils in representing the interests of the Lithuanian nation without any of them being more superior than the others; (2) the Lithuanian National Council (in Lausanne) and the Council of Lithuania (in Vilnius) sought to declare the independence of Lithuania and to obtain the recognition of Lithuania’s independence first from Germany and then from the Entente Powers and neutral states on the basis of the Statement of 11 December 1917; only the (non)presentation of the parts of the text in the documents of the notification of the Lithuanian National Council (in Lausanne) and the Council of Lithuania (in Vilnius) and the wording of different text parts differed; (3) to obtain as prompt recognition of Lithuania’s independence as possible, the Lithuanian National Council (in Lausanne) and the Council of Lithuania (in Vilnius) exerted pressure on the German Government in Berlin, and the Lithuanian National Council (in Lausanne) did the same in the Swiss capital Bern; (4) the Lithuanian National Council (in Lausanne) actively sought to participate in the formation of the Provisional Government of Lithuania and its work in taking up the posts of ministers and gradually taking over the competences in both foreign and domestic affairs from the Council of Lithuania (in Vilnius) by reducing its functions to the function of approval only; the publication of Part I of the Statement of 11 December 1917 before the same was done by the Council of Lithuania (in Vilnius) had to ensure that the leadership was in the hands of the Lithuanian National Council (in Lausanne). The second part of the study analyses the structure, content, and the essence of the note and the chronology of its submission. It is revealed that the introductory part of the note substantiates the powers exercised by the Lithuanian National Council (in Lausanne) and its function. Its first part contains the first-ever publication of the modified text of Part I of the Statement of 11 December 1917 signed by the Council of Lithuania (in Vilnius), i.e., the Declaration of Independence. The second part provides the justification for the declaration of independence; the third part specifies and describes the elements of Lithuania as a state; the fourth part repeats the Declaration on the Secession from Russia adopted by the Lithuanian National Council (in Lausanne) on 25 December 1917. The fifth part expresses the request to recognise the independent state and justifies such a request, and the final part expresses respect for the Government of the foreign state to which the note is addressed. It was ascertained that the purpose of the text of the note was to obtain the recognition of Lithuania’s independence from the belligerent and neutral states, to accelerate the procrastinated recognition from Germany, to initiate the formation of the Provisional Government of Lithuania, and to create preconditions for re-orienting Lithuanian foreign policy from Germany towards the Entente Powers. The third part of the article addresses the reaction of Germany, the Entente Powers, and neutral states towards the note and the results of the démarche made by the Lithuanian National Council (in Lausanne) in Bern and by the two Lithuanian priests in Berlin. It appeared that the German Foreign Office and the Military Administration believed that the Lithuanian National Council (in Lausanne) sought to take over the competence of the Council of Lithuania (in Vilnius), to put Germany in front of a fait accompli or perhaps even abandon Part II of the Statement of the Council of Lithuania of 11 December 1917, and to change the Lithuanian foreign policy orientation towards the Entente Powers. The reaction of the German Military Administration and the German Chancellor towards the visit of Bishop Karevičius and prelate Olšauskas in Berlin was positive, helping to dot the i’s and cross the t’s in the history of Lithuania’s recognition. As a result, on 10 February 1918, the Chancellery of the German Chancellor drafted the document on the recognition of Lithuania’s independence. The investigation into the competence of the Lithuanian National Council (in Lausanne) by the German Foreign Office and the General Staff revealed the immense influence made by Juozas Gabrys and Friedrich von Ropp and the confidence in the information provided by them. On receipt of the note, the Entente Powers and the neutral states showed different, yet reserved, reactions: some refrained from any specific statements and did not reply (Switzerland, Norway), others limited themselves to the expression of their sympathies (France), or briefly informed that the final decisions would be made by the peace conference (Great Britain). To sum up the findings of the research, the text of the note and the context of its submission are significant for several essential aspects: (1) the foreign press, the diplomats of the Entente Powers and neutral states learnt about Part I of the Statement of the Council of Lithuania of 11 December 1917, i.e., the Declaration of Independence, which could not be published before; (2) the text of the note included all (published and unpublished) declarations by the Lithuanians in Lithuania and abroad about the secession from Russia, the declaration of independence, and the re-establishment of the Lithuanian state, which demonstrated the unanimous aim of all Lithuanians; (3) three steps were made by a single text: the secession from Russia was declared, the independence was proclaimed, and the request was expressed to recognise the Lithuanian state, bringing it back into the international community.