Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Diplomatia“
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1
Lalaki, Despina. „Techni kai psychropolemiki diplomatia: Diethneis eikastikes ektheseis stin Athina (1950–1967) (‘Art and Cold War diplomacy: International art exhibitions in Athens [1950–1967]’), Areti Adamopoulou (2019)“. Journal of Greek Media & Culture 9, Nr. 1 (01.06.2023): 107–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jgmc_00071_5.
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Review of: Techni kai psychropolemiki diplomatia: Diethneis eikastikes ektheseis stin Athina (1950–1967) (‘Art and Cold War diplomacy: International art exhibitions in Athens [1950–1967]’), Areti Adamopoulou (2019) Thessaloniki: University Studio Press, 420 pp., ISBN 978-9-60122-444-2, p/bk, €32.00
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Elo, Mika. „Stengersin kosmopolitiikka ja taiteellisen tutkimuksen tiedolliset sitoumukset“. Tiede & edistys, Nr. 4 (07.02.2022): 266–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.51809/te.114365.
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Tieteenfilosofi Isabelle Stengersin ajattelu on saanut enenevässä määrin huomiota osakseen myös taiteiden alueella. Tämä artikkeli suhteuttaa Stengersin kosmopolitiikan ydinkysymyksiä taiteelliseen tutkimukseen ja tarkastelee tätä osana laajempaa taidetutkimuksen ekologiaa. Artikkeli erittelee erilaisten tutkimusjärjestelyjen reunaehtoja ja niiden keskinäisiä suhteita Stengersin käytänteiden ekologian valossa. Erityisen huomion kohteena on kysymys taiteiden yhteiskunnallisen aseman transformaatiosta, jota ruokkivat taiteellisen toiminaan tiedollisiin ulottuvuuksiin liittyvät pohdinnat, kokeilut ja institutionaaliset järjestelyt. Artikkeli osoittaa, että Stengersin kosmopolitiikka haastaa kysymään, miten taiteellinen tutkimus voisi entistä paremmin asemoida itsensä ei ainoastaan taidemaailman ja yliopistomaailman rajapinnalle vaan myös suhteessa muihin yhteiskunnallisiin konteksteihin. Stengersin ajattelun innoittamana artikkeli hahmottelee taiteiden alueelle moniarvoista tutkimuskulttuuria, jonka keskeisiä aineksia olisivat eritysisyyden arvostus, riskinotto ja diplomatia.
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Rikkonen, Lassi, und Pekka Isotalus. „Twitter-diplomatiasta“. Prologi 18, Nr. 1 (28.11.2022): 6–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.33352/prlg.119361.
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Kansainvälisten suhteiden viestintäympäristö on käynyt viime vuosikymmenten aikana läpi valtavia muutoksia. Viime vuosina erityistä huomiota on saanut Twitterin nousu julkisen diplomatian ja maailmanpolitiikan merkittäväksi areenaksi. Valtiojohtajat, hallitukset ja ulkoministeriöt ympäri maailman ovat valinneet Twitterin keskeiseksi sosiaalisen median viestintäkanavakseen. Tässä tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan suomalaisten ulkopolitiikan ammattilaisten (N = 125) viestintätoimijuutta ja vuorovaikutusosallisuutta Twitterissä. Lisäksi tavoitteena oli tutkia heidän käsityksiään Twitter-diplomatian hyödyistä Suomen kannalta. Viestintätoimijuuden suhteen tarkastelun keskipisteessä olivat henkilökohtaiselle osallistumiselle annetut merkitykset. Vuorovaikutusosallisuus taas liittyy ennen kaikkea yksilön kykyyn olla osana viestintätilannetta ja siten suhteessa muihin viestijöihin. Se tarjoaakin Twitter-diplomatiaan osallistumista selventävän käsitteellisen viitekehyksen, koska siinä ilmenevät viestintäosaamisen kaikki tasot tulkintaosaamisesta viestiosaamiseen. Twitter-diplomatian hyötyjen osalta tarkastelun kohteena olivat mediajulkisuuteen, suhteiden rakentamiseen sekä maineeseen ja maakuvaan liittyvät asiat. Verkkokyselylomakkeella kerätyn aineiston analyysissa yhdisteltiin määrällisiä ja laadullisia tutkimusmenetelmiä. Tulosten mukaan Twitteriä työssään käyttävät diplomaatit ja muut ulkopolitiikan ammattilaiset suhtautuvat positiivisesti sen tarjoamiin hyötyihin julkisen diplomatian kannalta. Osallistujat jaoteltiin viestintätoimijuuden suhteen kolmeen viestijätyyppiin riippuen siitä, korostuivatko heidän vastauksissaan vuorovaikutukseen (julkiset diplomaatit) vai viestinnän näkyvyyteen ja tehokkuuteen (tiedottaja-diplomaatit) liittyvät asiat tai pitivätkö he henkilökohtaista osallistumista lainkaan tärkeänä (häivediplomaatit). Vuorovaikutusosallisuus oli sitä korkeampaa, mitä tärkeämpänä henkilökohtaista osallistumista pidettiin. Vuorovaikutusosallisuus oli myös yhteydessä korkeampiin arvioihin Twitter-diplomatian kokonaishyödyistä sekä suhteiden rakentamiseen ja ylläpitoon liittyvistä hyödyistä.
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Poggiolini, Ilaria. „LA DIPLOMAZIA PUBBLICA È IMPORTANTE? IL DIBATTITO SUI TEMI E GLI ATTORI DELLA DIPLOMAZIA PUBBLICA IMPEGNO DIPLOMATICO PUBBLICO“. Il Politico 254, Nr. 1 (07.06.2021): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.4081/ilpolitico.2021.558.
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A seconda di come definiamo la diplomazia pubblica (PD), le sue radici possono essere fatte risalire al periodo tra le due guerre, agli anni '40, o più recentemente, agli anni '60 e all'era post guerra fredda. Attualmente, politici, diplomatici e studiosi sono sempre più attratti, interessati e coinvolti nella pratica e nella teoria di questo campo impegnativo e in rapidissimo sviluppo. L'accademia, così come il mondo della politica e della diplomazia, si stanno sforzando di capire da un lato, modellare e influenzare dall'altro, il flusso di impegno diplomatico pubblico che può lanciare e sostenere molteplici dialoghi con i pubblici stranieri in una strada a doppio senso senza precedenti, ma anche, inevitabilmente, permette al lato oscuro della disinformazione e della propaganda di trarre vantaggio da un ambiente diplomatico sempre più digitalizzato.
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Nurhartanto, Gregorius Sri. „DIPLOMATIC IMMUNITIES FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF CRIMINAL, CIVIL, AND ADMINISTRATIVE JURISDICTIONS OF THE RECEIVING STATE“. TANJUNGPURA LAW JOURNAL 5, Nr. 1 (09.04.2021): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.26418/tlj.v5i1.46220.
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AbstractA diplomatic mission is the representative of the sending state in the receiving state to carry out a sacred mission. For supporting the functions, diplomatic missions and diplomatic agents are given privileges and immunities rights. The privileges and immunities rights are not for individual diplomatic agents, but more importantly for the benefit of the mission as a whole. The consequence of having the privileges and immunities rights is the diplomatic missions and diplomatic agents are excluded from the local jurisdiction of the receiving state in the areas of criminal, civil and administrative law. This consequence creates complexity for the receiving country to follow up on diplomatic officials and their families if there is a violation or abuse of diplomatic immunity and privileges. There are some exceptions in world history where diplomatic officials can be followed up by recipient countries which can set a precedent for diplomatic immunity and privileges.AbstrakMisi diplomatik adalah misi resmi negara pengirim di negara penerima yang mengemban misi suci. Guna menunjang kelancaran tugas misi diplomatik maka misi diplomatik dan pejabat diplomatik diberikan hak-hak kekebalan dan keistimewaan. Hak-hak kekebalan dan keistimewaan itu bukan semata-mata untuk diri pejabat diplomatik maupun anggota keluarganya, tetapi yang lebih penting adalah untuk kepentingan misi secara keseluruhan. Konsekuensi dari dimilikinya hak-hak kekebalan dan keistimewaan tersebut adalah misi diplomatik dan pejabat diplomatik beserta anggota keluarganya dikecualikan dari yurisdiksi lokal negara penerima baik di area hukum pidana, perdata maupun acara. Konsekuensi ini mengakibatkan kompleksitas bagi negara penerima untuk menindak lanjuti pejabat diplomatik beserta keluarganya bila terjadi suatu pelanggaran maupun penyalahgunaan kekebalan dan keistimewaan diplomatik tersebut. Terdapat beberapa pengecualian terjadi di dalam sejarah dunia dimana pejabat diplomatik dapat ditindak lanjuti oleh negara penerima yang dapat menjadi preseden terkait kekebalan dan keistimewaan diplomatik.
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Gunawarman, Irsyad Prabowo, Wisnu Aryo Dewanto und Suhariwanto Suhariwanto. „Kekebalan Diplomatik dalam Transaksi Komersial“. KELUWIH: Jurnal Sosial dan Humaniora 1, Nr. 2 (28.10.2020): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.24123/soshum.v1i2.3333.
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Abstract—Diplomatic immunity and privilege which is arranged in the Vienna Convention 1961 is very important in ensuring the enactment of diplomatic functions in doing the mission. The abuse of immunity and privilege owned by the diplomatic representative often happens. Diplomatic representative abuse their rights in the form of mild violation to heavy crime. There have been cases on the abuse of diplomatic immunity in commercial transaction related to the civil jurisdiction immunity of the country the diplomat assigned in. The landlord in the country who rent their property to the diplomatic representative have become the victim in the abuse of diplomatic immunity. There was a diplomatic representative who refused to pay the rent because of diplomatic immunity reason and eventually managed to escape from the obligation to pay for the commercial transaction due to the protection of the immunity and privilege
Keywords: abuse, diplomatic immunity, commercial transaction
Abstrak—Kekebalan dan keistimewaan diplomatik yang diatur di dalam Konvensi Wina 1961 merupakan hal yang sangat penting untuk menjamin pelaksanaan fungsi diplomat dalam menjalankan misinya. Penyalahgunaan kekebalan dan keistimewaan yang dimiliki perwakilan diplomatik masih sering terjadi. Perwakilan diplomatik menyalahgunakannya dalam bentuk pelanggaran ringan hingga kejahatan yang berat. Dalam perkembangannya, telah terjadi kasus penyalahgunaan kekebalan diplomatik dalam transaksi komersial yang berkaitan dengan kekebalan yurisdiksi sipil negara penerima. Para tuan tanah dari negara penerima yang menyewakan propertinya kepada perwakilan diplomatik menjadi korban dalam penyalahgunaan kekebalan diplomatik. Ada perwakilan diplomatik yang menolak membayar biaya sewa dengan alasan kekebalan diplomatik yang pada akhirnya lolos dari kewajibannya untuk membayar transaksi komersial karena berlindung pada kekebalan dan keistimewaan yang dimilikinya
Kata kunci: penyalahgunaan, kekebalan diplomatik, transaksi komersial
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Putri, Janardana, und I. Made Budi Arsika. „Pemberian Suaka Diplomatik dalam Hukum Internasional: Dilema antara Aspek Kemanusiaan dan Tensi Hubungan Bilateral“. Undang: Jurnal Hukum 5, Nr. 2 (30.12.2022): 293–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.22437/ujh.5.2.293-323.
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Diplomatic asylum is a practice of granting international protection outside of state territory which is often carried out based on the extraterritorial theory and the principle of inviolability possessed by a state to carry out its diplomatic mission. In several cases, diplomatic asylum is sometimes regarded as reducing the sovereignty of a state which potentially leads to increasing bilateral tensions. However, humanity considerations as the reasons behind the granting of diplomatic asylum are appreciated by the international society. This article aims to discuss the existence of diplomatic asylum from the perspective of sovereignty and the legitimacy of diplomatic officials to grant diplomatic asylum. This article concludes that international law generally places state sovereignty and non-intervention as fundamental principles that must be respected. Both the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations (1961) and the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations (1963) do not specifically regulate the issue of diplomatic asylum, therefore, its legal basis often refers to state practices. The granting of diplomatic asylum that is not based on humanity's interest may raise a controversy under international law. Instruments of international human rights law justify for diplomatic officials to grant asylum to people in need, especially in critical situations that threaten the safety of that person.
Abstrak
Suaka diplomatik merupakan praktik pemberian perlindungan internasional di luar wilayah teritorial suatu negara yang kerap dilakukan atas dasar eksistensi teori ekstrateritorial dan prinsip inviolabilitas yang dimiliki oleh suatu negara untuk melaksanakan misi diplomatiknya. Dalam beberapa kasus, pemberian suaka diplomatik terkadang dianggap mereduksi kedaulatan suatu negara sehingga berpotensi meningkatkan tensi hubungan bilateral. Hanya saja, dalil kepentingan kemanusiaan sebagai dasar pemberian suaka diplomatik justru diapresiasi oleh masyarakat internasional. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk membahas mengenai eksistensi suaka diplomatik yang ditinjau dari perspektif kedaulatan dan legitimasi pejabat diplomatik untuk memberikan suaka diplomatik. Artikel ini menyimpulkan bahwa hukum internasional pada umumnya menempatkan kedaulatan negara dan non-intervensi sebagai prinsip-prinsip penting yang harus dihormati. Baik Konvensi Wina mengenai Hubungan Diplomatik (1961) maupun Konvensi Wina mengenai Hubungan Konsuler (1963), tidaklah secara spesifik mengatur persoalan suaka diplomatik, oleh karenanya suaka diplomatik berkembang pada praktik negara-negara. Pemberian suaka diplomatik yang tidak didasarkan dengan kepentingan kemanusiaan dapat memunculkan kontroversi dalam hukum internasional. Instrumen hukum hak asasi manusia internasional memberikan justifikasi bagi pejabat diplomatik untuk memberikan suaka kepada orang yang membutuhkan, khususnya dalam situasi genting yang mengancam keselamatan orang tersebut.
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Zainol, Siti Zulfa Palem, und Izziah Suryani Mat Resad@Arshad. „PENGARUH HUBUNGAN DIPLOMATIK TURKI DAN JEPUN TERHADAP PERKEMBANGAN ISLAM DI JEPUN[THE INFLUENCE OF DIPLOMATIC RELATIONSHIP OF TURKEY AND JAPAN ON ISLAMIC DEVELOPMENT IN JAPAN]“. Journal of Nusantara Studies (JONUS) 2, Nr. 2 (31.12.2017): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.24200/jonus.vol2iss2pp139-154.
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This paper reviews the development of diplomatic relation between the Turkish and Japanese governments in the 19th and 20th centuries. In the 19th century, the diplomatic relation involved the Turkish Ottoman Empire and the kingdom of Emperor Meiji. In the 20th century, it involved the Republic Turkey government and the Japanese government. In addition, this article explores the various factors and efforts made by the two governments to contribute to the establishment of diplomatic relation between Turkey and Japan. This qualitative research used secondary resources collected from books, articles and theses. The findings reveal that diplomatic relation between Ottoman and Japanese governments had many positive impacts on the development of Islam in Japan. The fall of the Ottoman Empire did not stop this diplomatic relation. In 1924, the Turkish Republic continued diplomatic ties with Japan until 1945 but the diplomatic ties ceased as a result of the Second World War. This paper concludes that the diplomatic relation between the two governments has influenced the development of Islam in Japan through the formation of Islamic community, the construction of mosques and the translation of the Qur'an.Keywords: Diplomatic relationship, Turkey, Japan, Islamic community, Islamic developmentCite as: Palem Zainol, S.Z., & Mat Resad@Arshad, I.S. (2017). Pengaruh hubungan diplomatik Turki dan Jepun terhadap perkembangan Islam di Jepun [The influence of diplomatic relationship of Turkey and Japan on Islamic development in Japan]. Journal of Nusantara Studies, 2(2), 139-154. AbstrakKertas kerja ini menerangkan pengaruh hubungan diplomatik antara kerajaan Turki dan kerajaan Jepun pada abad ke-19 dan ke-20. Permulaan hubungan diplomatik antara kerajaan Turki dan kerajaan Jepun berlaku melalui dua era pemerintahan. Era pertama adalah empayar Uthmaniyyah dan empayar Maharaja Meiji pada abad ke-19 dan era kedua adalah kerajaan Republik Turki dan kerajaan Jepun pada abad ke-20. Di samping itu, artikel ini menerokai kepelbagaian faktor dan usaha yang dibuat oleh kedua-dua kerajaan untuk menyumbang kepada permbentukan hubungan diplomatik antara kerajaan Turki dan Jepun. Kajian kualitatif ini menggunakan sumber sekunder yang dikumpul daripada buku-buku, artikel-artikel dan tesis-tesis. Hasil kajian ini mendedahkan bahawa perkembangan hubungan empayar Uthmaniyyah dan kerajaan Jepun mempunyai banyak kesan positif terhadap perkembangan Islam di Jepun. Kejatuhan empayar Uthmaniyyah tidak menghentikan hubungan diplomatik ini. Pada tahun 1924, kemunculan kerajaan Republik Turki tetap meneruskan hubungan diplomatik dengan Jepun sehingga tahun 1945 tetapi hubungan diplomatik ini terhenti akibat Perang Dunia Kedua. Dapatlah disimpulkan bahawa pengaruh hubungan diplomatik antara kedua-dua kerajaan telah membawa kepada perkembangan Islam di Jepun melalui pembentukan organisasi masyarakat Islam, pembinaan masjid dan terjemahan al-Qur'an.Kata Kunci: Hubungan diplomatik, Turki, Jepun, masyarakat Islam, pembangunan Islam
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Pajtinka, Erik. „Diplomatic Support of Arms Trade: an Agenda of Military Diplomacy and Military Diplomats?“ Vojenské rozhledy 26, Nr. 1 (27.02.2017): 52–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3849/2336-2995.26.2017.01.052-063.
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Nte, Ngboawaji Daniel, Oluka Nduka Lucas, Awajiowa Daniel Nte und Awwal Isah. „The Dynamics And Vicissitudes of China- India Relations in The Post-2017 Border Conflict“. Jurnal Global & Strategis 15, Nr. 2 (11.10.2021): 429. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.15.2.2021.429-450.
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This study argued that one of the primary reasons China-India renewed diplomatic intercourse after the border conflict of 2017 was the fear of emergent cross-border terrorism in the Southern Asia region. It also argued that, although both nations have different approaches to terrorism, there was a need for a collective fight against the emerging cross-border terrorist groups believed to have been strengthened by ISIS affiliation. Furthermore, the study revealed that India and China’s rising economic posture contributed to the renewed diplomatic ties. On these premises, this study is posed to examine the reasons and benefits of China-India’s renewed economic, diplomatic intercourse after the border conflict of 2017.Keywords: China-India, Economic Relations, Diplomatic Relations, Cross- border terrorismTulisan ini berargumen bahwa salah satu alasan utama China-India memperbarui hubungan diplomatik setelah konflik perbatasan tahun 2017adalah karena ketakutan akan terorisme lintas batas yang muncul di kawasan Asia Selatan. Tulisan ini juga berpendapat bahwa, meskipun kedua negara memiliki pendekatan berbeda terhadap terorisme, ada kebutuhan untuk perjuangan kolektif melawan kelompok teroris lintas batas yang diyakini telah diperkuat oleh afiliasi ISIS. Lebih lanjut, tulisan ini mengungkapkan bahwa postur ekonomi India dan China yang sedang rising berkontribusi terhadap hubungan diplomatik kedua negara paska konflik perbatasan 2017. Berdasarkan premis-premis tersebut, penelitian ini diajukan untuk mengkaji alasan dan manfaat hubungan ekonomi dan diplomatik China-India yang diperbarui setelah konflik perbatasan tahun 2017.Kata-kata Kunci: China, India, Hubungan Ekonomi, Hubungan Diplomatik, Terorisme lintas batas
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Hermawan, Cecep, und Hasan Sidik. „Momentum Diplomasi Maritim Indonesia: Rencana Aksi Nasional Penanganan Sampah Plastik di Laut 2019-2024“. Padjadjaran Journal of International Relations 1, Nr. 1 (17.06.2019): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/padjir.v1i1.21590.
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The purpose of this article are explaining the National Action Plan against Marine Plastic Debris 2018-2025 as the diplomatic momentum for Indonesia to to succeed in its maritime diplomacy. Researchers used the theory of maritime diplomacy proposed by Christian le Miere. In analyzing existing maritime diplomacy, researchers used the momentum diplomatic theory from G.R. Berridge in researching diplomatic strategies used in transforming national policies into diplomatic strategies. In this study, researchers used qualitative research with discourse analysis as the technique for data analysis to analyze the establishment of existing momentum. From this study, it’s found that the National Action Plan Against Marine Plastic Debtis is Indonesia’s Diplomatic Momentum. Proven by the elevation of the issues, as well supported by Indonesia’s leadership in ASEAN, East Asia Summit, and Our Ocean Conference, as well as the establishment of Indonesia Oceans Multi-Donor Trust Fund showing the success of National Action Plan as Indonesia’s Maritime Diplomacy Momentum. Tujuan dari artikel ini adalah untuk menjelaskan bagaimana Rencana Aksi Nasional Penanganan Sampah Plastik di Laut 2018-2025 dapat menjadi sebuah momentum diplomatik bagi Indonesia dalam mewujudkan visi diplomasi maritimnya. Peneliti menggunakan teori Diplomasi Maritim yang dikemukakan Christian le Miere. Dalam menganalisis diplomasi maritim yang ada, peneliti menggunakan teori momentum diplomatik dari G.R. Berridge untuk menganalisis proses perubahan kebijakan nasional menjadi strategi diplomasi. Dalam artikel ini, penulis menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan teknik analisis data berupa analisis wacana untuk menganalisis pembentukan momentum yang ada. Artikel ini menemukan bahwa Rencana Aksi Nasional Penanganan Sampah Plastik di Laut 2018-2025 merupakan momentum diplomatik Indonesia. Hal ini ditunjukkan dengan peningkatan urgensi dari isu sampah plastik, dan didukung dengan posisi kepemimpinan Indonesia di tingkat ASEAN, East Asia Summit dan Our Ocean Conference, serta terbentuknya Indonesia-Oceans Multi-Donor Trust Fund menunjukkan keberhasilan penggunaan Rencana Aksi sebagai momentum diplomatik dari diplomasi maritim Indonesia.
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Thaller, Anja, Gabriele Bartz und Markus Gneiß. „Rezension von: Bartz, Gabriele; Gneiss, Markus (Hrsg.), Illuminierte Urkunden“. Zeitschrift für Württembergische Landesgeschichte 79 (22.06.2022): 647–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.53458/zwlg.v79i.2699.
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Illuminierte Urkunden. Beiträge aus Diplomatik, Kunstgeschichte und Digital Humanities. Illuminated Charters. Essays from Diplomatic, Art History and Digital Humanities, hg. von Gabriele Bartz und Markus Gneiss (Archiv für Diplomatik, Beiheft 16), Wien/Köln/Weimar: Böhlau 2018. 544 S. ISBN 978-3-412-51108-1. € 70,–
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Noor Muhammad, Salmah Jan. „Leadership of Malacca Sultanate Rulers In Establishing Diplomatic Relations“. Malay Literature 30, Nr. 2 (01.12.2017): 181–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.37052/ml.30(2)no1.
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Leadership is the ability of a government in shaping the people’s mind to achieve goals that have been planned together in order to strengthen its administration especially in establishing diplomatic relations with other countries. Without the mobilization of intellectual and physical cooperation from these two groups, it is impossible for a government to succeed in its diplomatic missions. Therefore, this article will discuss the leadership of the Malay sultanate in establishing diplomatic relations through data analysis of the events described in historiographic manuscripts such as Sulalat al- Salatin , Al-Tarikh Salasilah Negeri Kedah , Hikayat Merong Mahawangsa and Tuhfat al-Nafis . In addition, this article also describes the effectiveness of this leadership in response to the diplomatic relations that had been initiated by and accepted from other governments. The result of the study will show that a variety of methods or approaches were used by the rulers of the Malay sultanate in advancing the government’s reputation from the economic, social and physical aspects. Keywords: leadership, leaders/rulers, Malay sultanate, diplomatic, historiography Abstrak Kepemimpinan merupakan upaya pemerintah dalam usaha membentuk jiwa dan minda rakyat untuk bersama-sama merealisasikan matlamat yang telah direncanakan bagi memantapkan tadbir urus kerajaan, khususnya, dalam usaha menjalinkan hubungan diplomatik dengan kerajaan lain. Tanpa penggemblengan daya fikir dan fizikal daripada dua golongan ini, adalah mustahil untuk sesebuah kerajaan itu berjaya dalam misi diplomatiknya. Oleh itu, makalah ini akan membincangkan kepemimpinan pemerintah kesultanan Melayu dalam hubungan diplomatik dengan menggunakan kaedah analisis data terhadap peristiwa yang terdapat dalam naskhah historiografi seperti Sulalat al- Salatin , Al-Tarikh Salasilah Negeri Kedah , Hikayat Merong Mahawangsa dan Tuhfat al-Nafis . Selain itu, tulisan ini juga menghuraikan keberkesanan kepemimpinan tersebut terhadap hubungan diplomatik yang ditawarkan dan diterima daripada kerajaan luar. Dapatan menunjukkan bahawa terdapat pelbagai kaedah kepemimpinan yang digunakan oleh pemerintah kesultanan Melayu untuk melonjakkan nama kerajaan yang diperintah dari aspek ekonomi, sosial dan fizikal. Kata kunci: kepemimpinan, pemerintah, kesultanan Melayu, diplomatik, historiografi
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Pursell, Brennan, und Anuschka Tischer. „Franzosische Diplomatie und Diplomaten auf dem Westfalischen Friedenskongress“. Sixteenth Century Journal 33, Nr. 2 (2002): 474. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4143920.
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Tobing, Fredy B. L., und Asra Virgianita. „Functional multi-track and multilevel economic diplomacy to strengthen trade relations between Indonesia, Chile, and Peru“. Regions and Cohesion 10, Nr. 1 (01.03.2020): 88–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/reco.2020.100106.
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English abstract: This article analyzes the causes of low trade relations between Indonesia and Latin American states, arguing that dynamics of international political economy have opened opportunities to increase trade relations between those countries. Having good diplomatic and political relations with similar emerging economies, like Peru and Chile, should drive closer economic relations among them. A qualitative study was conducted using literature reviews, archival analysis, and in-depth interviews. Political will and lack of knowledge pertaining to the business character of each country hamper external relations. Thus, a functional multi-track diplomacy that incorporates state and non-state actors from various fields is crucial for enhancing economic relations among these countries. Trade relations can be particularly strengthened by maximizing cooperation among actors at various levels.Spanish abstract: Este artículo analiza las débiles relaciones comerciales entre Indonesia y América Latina, argumentando que la dinámica de la economía política abre oportunidades para mejorar estas relaciones. Las buenas relaciones diplomáticas y políticas entre Perú y Chile, debería estrechar sus relaciones económicas. Pero la escasa voluntad política y falta de conocimiento del carácter empresarial de cada país, obstaculizan sus relaciones externas. La investigación incluyó revisión de literatura, análisis de archivos y entrevistas en profundidad. Los resultados subrayan la necesidad de una diplomacia funcional de múltiples rutas que incorpore instituciones estatales y no estatales de diversos campos para mejorar las relaciones económicas. Las relaciones comerciales particularmente pueden fortalecerse entre países maximizando su recíproca cooperación en cada nivel (diplomacia multinivel).French abstract: Cet article analyse les causes de la faiblesse des relations commerciales entre l’Indonésie et les pays d’Amérique latine en faisant valoir que la dynamique de l’économie politique internationale a ouvert des opportunités pour stimuler les relations commerciales entre ces pays. Cette étude qualitative a été menée sur la base d’une étude de la littérature existante, d’analyses archivistiques et d’entretiens approfondis. Le manque de volonté politique et surtout de connaissances réciproques des atouts commerciaux de ces pays entravent leurs relations extérieures. Ainsi, une diplomatie fonctionnelle à plusieurs voies qui intègre des diplomaties étatiques et non-étatiques dans divers domaines est-elle cruciale pour améliorer leurs relations économiques. Les relations commerciales peuvent notamment être renforcées en maximisant la coopération entre ces pays à chaque niveau (diplomatie multi-niveaux).
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Maurer, Heidi. „Austrian diplomacy in a changing global and European context: Between innovation, adaptation and resilience“. Österreichische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft 45, Nr. 2 (12.09.2016): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.15203/ozp.1116.vol45iss2.
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20 Jahre nach Österreichs EU-Beitritt untersucht dieser Beitrag die Europäisierung österreichischer Diplomatie in ihrer Wechselwirkung mit globalen Trends und nationalen Herausforderungen. Dieser Beitrag beurteilt die Anpassung österreichischer Diplomatie im globalen, europäischen und nationalen Kontext über Zeit.Der Wandel österreichischer Diplomatie ist vorwiegend als reaktiv zu klassifizieren. Diplomaten haben ihr Rollenverständnis im Zuge von EU Mitgliedschaft und EU Sanktionen angepasst, während auf struktureller Ebene die österreichische Diplomatie globalen Trends folgt. Diese Neuorientierungen sind allerdings stark beschränkt durch andauernd nationale Budgetkürzungen und den Mangel einer strategischen Neuausrichtung. Auch die Einführung des Europäischen Auswärtigen Dienstes wurde als top-down Europäisierung akzeptiert: die verstärkt europäischen diplomatischen Koordinierungsversuche seit 2009 werden als zusätzliches Instrument aber nicht als Ersatz für österreichische Diplomatie bewertet.
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Rey, Marie-Pierre. „Diplomatie et diplomates soviétiques à l’heure du dégel, 1953-1964“. Cahiers du monde russe 44, Nr. 44/2-3 (01.04.2003): 309–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/monderusse.140.
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Rey, Marie-Pierre. „Diplomatie et diplomates soviétiques à l’ère du dégel 1953-1964“. Cahiers du monde russe 44, Nr. 44/2-3 (01.04.2003): 309–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/monderusse.8611.
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Cungang, Wang. „Diplomatic transformation and developing a new type of international relations: A perspective to observe and understand new China's diplomacy“. Napredak 2, Nr. 2 (2021): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak2-32692.
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Since 1949, diplomacy of the People's Republic of China has successively undergone transformation for three times, namely diplomacy of establishing the PRC, diplomacy of enriching the country and major-country diplomacy. Developing a new type of international relations is an effective way to achieve diplomatic transformation of New China, but its connotations vary with different periods of history. During the two turnarounds from 1949 to 2012, New China's diplomacy, which holds up the Principle of Independence and Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, took shape in the practice of developing a new type of international relations. The former principle have played an important role in safeguarding China's sovereignty and dignity, protecting national security and promoting the country's development. The latter became basic norm of international relations and basic principle of international law due to its openness and inclusiveness. Since the 18th CPC National Congress, in face of profound changes unseen in a century and a new posture for China to increasingly move toward the center of the world arena, President XI Jinping made great endeavors to promote major country diplomacy with Chinese characteristics, and actively touched upon building a new type of international relations featuring mutual respect, fairness, justice, and win-win cooperation, which innovates on and develops the Principle of Independence and Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, as well as pushes forward the world multi-polarization process and the building of a community with a shared future for mankind.
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Wardoyo, Broto, und Rizal Valentino. „Breaking Taboo: Explaining the United Arab Emirates’ Decision to Establish Diplomatic Relationship with Israel“. Jurnal Global & Strategis 16, Nr. 1 (29.06.2022): 147–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.16.1.2022.147-174.
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Uni Emirat Arab (UEA) membuka hubungan diplomatik dengan Israel, yang bertentangan dengan Inisiatif Perdamaian Arab (IPA) yang juga ditandatangani oleh UEA, yang menyatakan agar tidak membuka hubungan diplomatik dengan Israel sebelum Palestina mendapatkan kemerdekaan. Selama ini, ancaman dari Iran ini ditangkal oleh eksistensi Amerika Serikat (AS) di kawasan Timur Tengah, namun seiring dengan berkurangnya perhatian AS pada kawasan Timur Tengah maka muncul kebutuhan untuk membangun aliansi dengan like-minded countries yang memiliki persepsi ancaman yang sama. Tulisan ini akan menjelaskan lebih dalam mengenai justifkasi UEA untuk tetap membuka hubungan diplomatik dengan Israel terlepas dari komitmen mereka terhadap IPA, melalui argumen bahwa keputusan UEA didorong oleh adanya persepsi akan ancaman dari Iran terhadap budaya stratejik mereka, dan lebih lanjut berkontribusi pada kajian mengenai faktor kultural dalam perumusan kebijakan luar negeri suatu negara. United Arab Emirate (UAE) is normalizing its diplomatic relationship with Israel, conflicting with the Arab Peace Initiative of which the UAE is one of the signatories, which stated that no Arab states should normalize diplomatic relationship with Israel before the Palestinians regain their rights to independence. Prior to UAE’s recent decision, the United States’ presence in Middle East has been the deterrence to the threat from Iran and now that US’ attention for the region has declined, the UAE needs partner from like-minded countries to secure its foothold against Iranian threat. This article will further explain the UAE’s decision to break the taboo in normalizing their diplomaticrelationship with Israel, by arguing that the UAE’s perception of threat from Iran, deeply embedded in UAE’s strategic culture, has led to the decision to normalize diplomatic relationship with Israel, and offers a cultural insight of a foreign policy decision making process in the study of foreign policy analysis.
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Rizzo, Alessandro. „Beyond the Dār al-Islām/Dār al-ḥarb Paradigm“. Eurasian Studies 20, Nr. 2 (06.10.2023): 175–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24685623-20220131.
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Abstract For a long time, scholarship concerning the relations between the Mamluks and Christian powers has been heavily influenced by the traditional dichotomy between dār al-Islām and dār al-ḥarb. This paradigm has often led historians to misinterpret the nature of the diplomatic documents issued by the chancery in Cairo. Taking into account new perspectives on the dialogue between Muslim and non-Muslim powers, the article examines the principles underlying the diplomatic dialogue in wartime and in peacetime through the lens of Mamluk diplomatic sources. Through this analysis, the paper illustrates how the discipline of Diplomatics can offer a direct approach to reconsidering some historiographical narratives and to understanding the real nature of diplomatic exchange and its symbolic representation.
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Kumar, Abhay. „Innovations in Public Diplomacy | Inovações em Diplomacia Pública“. Mural Internacional 8, Nr. 2 (30.12.2017): 146–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/rmi.2017.37217.
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From the author´s professional experience, the article discusses alternative ways to think about cultural diplomacy, with a focus not only in the spread of the culture of the native country of the diplomat, but also of the nation where he is serving.RESUMOA partir da experiência profissional do autor, o artigo discute maneiras alternativas de pensar a diplomacia cultural, tendo como concentração não apenas a divulgação da cultura do país de origem do diplomata, mas também a do país onde está servindo.Keywords: diplomacy, culture and artPalavras-chave: diplomacia, cultura, arteRecebido em 13 de Agosto de 2018 | Received on August 13, 2018DOI
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DREPHAL, MAXIMILIAN. „Corps diplomatique:The body, British diplomacy, and independent Afghanistan, 1922–47“. Modern Asian Studies 51, Nr. 4 (Juli 2017): 956–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000111.
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AbstractThis article studies diplomatic history in its physical dimensions. Its point of departure is the interpretation of the term ‘corps diplomatique’ in a literal sense. The article introduces the concept of the diplomatic body as a diplomat's body and as a body with diplomatic functions and meanings. Based on material relating to the British Legation in Kabul from 1922 until 1947, the body's ubiquity in international relations is revealed through the themes of space, language, and medicine. The article first looks at the impact of Kabul's spatial conditions and the physical reactions it excited in British diplomats. It then considers the bodies of Afghanistan's ruling elite as objects of British attention, whose appearance was documented in diplomatic records. Descriptions of these bodies in diplomatic language expressed intimacy and consensus as well as estrangement in British–Afghan relations. In addition to the metaphorical use of the diplomatic body, the provision of healthcare through the Legation's medical unit addressed the needs of British and Afghan bodies alike. It was also employed to further diplomatic ends by extending colonial medicine to the Afghan population. The study of the Legation's physical practices ultimately reveals the diplomatic mission's colonial origins and character.
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Skoko, Božo. „Uloga komunikacijskih kompetencija i interkulturne inteligencije u suvremenoj diplomaciji“. Communication Management Review 7, Nr. 1 (18.07.2022): 6–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.22522/cmr20220173.
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Rad se bavi promjenama u načinu funkcioniranja suvremene diplomacije, u kojoj sve više do izražaja dolazi komunikacijska kompetencija diplomata, poznavanje odnosa s javnošću i vještine izgradnje odnosa prema ključnim javnostima u zemlji primateljici. U tom kontekstu analiziraju se nove okolnosti u kojima se odvijaju suvremeni diplomatski procesi, te poželjan profil i kompetencije suvremenog diplomata. Budući da zbog utjecaja globalizacije cijeli svijet postaje umreženiji, a države međusobno ovisnije i upućenije jedna na drugu, povećana je razina komunikacijskih aktivnosti i odnosa među državama na svim razinama, unatoč njihovim kulturološkim razlikama. Sve to iziskuje bolje međusobno poznavanje i prilagodbu, odnosno jačanje interkulturne inteligencije diplomata koji ih zastupaju i predstavljaju. Stoga se poseban aspekt rada odnosi na važnost interkulturne kompetencije suvremenih diplomata. Autor zaključuje kako su, uz njegovanje ugleda vlastite države i gradnju mostova prema drugima i drukčijima, suvremeni diplomati primorani upravljati i osobnim imidžom što iziskuje komunikacijske kompetencije, poznavanje strategija i tehnike odnosa s javnošću te interkulturnu inteligenciju, što predstavlja ključna obilježja suvremenih diplomatskih kompetencija.
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De Borchgrave, Christian. „Diplomates et diplomatie sous Ie duc de Bourgogne Jean sans Peur“. Publications du Centre Européen d'Etudes Bourguignonnes 32 (Januar 1992): 31–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.pceeb.2.302254.
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Dymarski, Mirosław. „Macedończyk–Macedończycy w dokumentach dyplomatycznych Królestwa Serbii 1903–1914“. Slavica Wratislaviensia 165 (01.02.2018): 101–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0137-1150.165.9.
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Macedonian and Macedonians in the diplomatic documents of the Kingdom of Serbia 1903–1914The article discusses the problem of the words “Macedonian” and “Macedonians” appearing in in the diplomatic documents of the Kingdom of Serbia 1903–1914 and the context of their usage. It focuses on the question of Serbian diplomacy’s attitude towards the Macedonians: whether they were regarded as nation or apeople whose sense of identity was territorial rather than based on their ethnicity. The early documents indicate that the view of the Macedonians as anation took hold among Serbian politicians and diplomats. Following the coup of 1903 and the ensuing change of ruling dynasty, Serbian foreign policy changed as well. The plans for Serbian expansion into Macedonian lands result in mentions of the Macedonians becoming rarer. Before the outbreak of the first Balkan war, the partition of Macedonia between Serbia and Bulgaria was perceived as the main objective and consequently referring to the Macedonians was seen as being against Serbian national interests.Makedonac–Makedonci u diplomatskim dokumentima Kraljevine Srbije 1903–1914Članak se bavi problemom prisutnosti ili konteksta korištenja reči: Makedonac, Makedonci usrpskim diplomatskim dokumentima od 1903. do 1914. godine. Razmatrani problemi učlanku se tiču toga da li je srpska diplomatija priznavala postojanje Makedonaca kao posebnog naroda ili ih je tretirala kao ljude koji imaju teritorijalni, ane etnički identitet. Prvi dokumenti prikazuju na to daje među srpskim diplomatama ipolitičarima postojalo ubeđenje da su Makedonci poseban narod. Posle državnog udara u Srbiji, 1903. godine ipromene vladajuće dinastije, počela je nova spoljna politika. Planovi oteritorijalnoj ekspanziji Srbije na makedonskoj teritoriji su prouzrokovali to da se podaci o Makedoncima pojavljuju sve ređe. Glavni problem pre početka Prvog balkanskog rata je predstavljala podela Makedonije između Srbije i Bugarske izato je pominjanje Makedonaca bilo protiv interesa srpskog naroda.
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Samanta, Chowdhury Nujhat, und Mohammad Belayet Hossain. „Implementation of Diplomatic Assurance Against Torture: The Way to Reduce the Refugee Crisis in South Asia“. Lex Publica 9, Nr. 1 (30.01.2022): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.58829/lp.9.1.2022.1-29.
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States aim to send refugees back to their home countries in order to end the refugee crisis in their nation. Due to the human rights situation in the countries of origin, this can occasionally be problematic; the return involves the prohibition of refoulment and the prevention of torture or other cruel treatment. States are not allowed to use torture, including putting someone in a position where they might be tortured. For a very long time, diplomatic guarantees have been employed as a defense against the death penalty or unfair trials. From that time, states used to rely on guarantees for a returnee’s treatment. The guarantees were protected at the diplomatic level of relations between nations. In this research, subject to legal value, the reliability of diplomatic assurance is measured as well as an assessment has been made about the current state of south Asian nations that have hosted refugees for an extended time. This paper also supports the use of diplomatic assurance as a workable option to alleviate the refugee crisis where developed countries can contribute the best. The findings indicate that there is no specific legal framework to support such assurances in different south Asian developing as well as other developed countries. There is even a lack of research in this regard. South Asian nations could take seven factors into account according to the recommendations of the study. So, it is necessary to implement the recommendations to reach the goal of solving the refugee situation. Abstrak Negara bertujuan untuk mengirim pengungsi kembali ke negara asal mereka untuk mengakhiri krisis pengungsi di negara mereka. Karena situasi hak asasi manusia di negara asal, hal ini terkadang menimbulkan masalah; pengembalian melibatkan larangan refoulment dan pencegahan penyiksaan atau perlakuan kejam lainnya. Negara tidak diperbolehkan menggunakan penyiksaan, termasuk menempatkan seseorang pada posisi di mana mereka mungkin disiksa. Untuk waktu yang sangat lama, jaminan diplomatik digunakan sebagai pembelaan terhadap hukuman mati atau pengadilan yang tidak adil. Sejak saat itu, negara biasanya mengandalkan jaminan untuk perawatan orang yang kembali. Jaminan tersebut dilindungi pada tingkat diplomatik hubungan antar negara. Dalam penelitian ini, tunduk pada nilai hukum, keandalan jaminan diplomatik diukur serta penilaian telah dibuat tentang keadaan negara-negara Asia Selatan saat ini yang telah lama menampung pengungsi. Tulisan ini juga mendukung penggunaan jaminan diplomasi sebagai opsi yang dapat diterapkan untuk mengurangi krisis pengungsi di mana negara maju dapat memberikan kontribusi terbaiknya. Temuan menunjukkan bahwa tidak ada kerangka hukum khusus untuk mendukung jaminan tersebut di berbagai negara berkembang Asia Selatan serta negara maju lainnya. Bahkan ada kekurangan penelitian dalam hal ini. Negara-negara Asia Selatan dapat mempertimbangkan tujuh faktor sesuai dengan rekomendasi penelitian. Jadi, perlu untuk menerapkan rekomendasi untuk mencapai tujuan penyelesaian situasi pengungsi. Kata kunci: Negara Asia Selatan, Pengungsi, Negara Maju, Jaminan Diplomatik
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Raščan, Stanislav. „Gospodarska diplomacija Republike Slovenije in njeno delovanje pri povezovanju regij“. Pomurska obzorja 2, Nr. 3 (12.04.2022): 8–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.18690/pomurska-obzorja.2.3.8-10.2015.
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Gospodarska diplomacija je bistveni in sestavni del moderne diplomacije in je kot taka ena glavnih prioritet Ministrstva za zunanje zadeve Republike Slovenije. Diplomati skupaj z gospodarstveniki iščejo nove gospodarske priložnosti na tujih trgih, ščitijo interese slovenskega gospodarstva v tujini in privabljajo tuje neposredne investicije v Republiko Slovenijo.
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Torre del Río, Rosario de la. „Zília Osório de Castro (coord.), Diplomatas e diplomacia. Retratos, cerimónias e práticas“. Mélanges de la Casa de Velázquez, Nr. 35-2 (15.11.2005): 322–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/mcv.2445.
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Schnakenbourg, Éric. „La géographie des diplomates : la mondialisation de la diplomatie à l’époque moderne“. Revue d’histoire moderne & contemporaine 67-1, Nr. 1 (2020): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhmc.671.0139.
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Rogers, Corinne. „Diplomatics of born digital documents – considering documentary form in a digital environment“. Records Management Journal 25, Nr. 1 (16.03.2015): 6–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/rmj-03-2014-0021.
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Purpose – This paper aims to explore a new model of “record” that maps traditional attributes of a record onto a technical decomposition of digital records. It compares the core characteristics necessary to call a digital object a “record” in terms of diplomatics or “evidence” in terms of digital forensics. It then isolates three layers of abstraction: the conceptual, the logical and the physical. By identifying the essential elements of a record at each layer of abstraction, a diplomatics of digital records can be proposed. Design/methodology/approach – Digital diplomatics, a research outcome of the International Research on Permanent Authentic Records in Electronic Systems (InterPARES) project, gives archivists a methodology for analyzing the identity and integrity of digital records in electronic systems and thereby assessing their authenticity (Duranti and Preston, 2008; Duranti, 2005) and tracing their provenance. Findings – Digital records consist of user-generated data (content), system-generated metadata identifying source and location, application-generated metadata managing the look and performance of the record (e.g., native file format), application-generated metadata describing the data (e.g., file system metadata OS), and user-generated metadata describing the data. Digital diplomatics, based on a foundation of traditional diplomatic principles, can help identify digital records through their metadata and determine what metadata needs to be captured, managed and preserved. Originality/value – The value and originality of this paper is in the application of diplomatic principles to a deconstructed, technical view of digital records through functional metadata for assessing the identity and authenticity of digital records.
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Leite, Iara Costa, Júlia Mascarello und Nicole Aguilar Gayard. „Diplomatic narratives on science, technology and innovation: power, cooperation and perspectives from Brazil as a developing country“. Conjuntura Austral 11, Nr. 54 (24.06.2020): 54–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.22456/2178-8839.100675.
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A diplomacia científica se tornou recentemente um chavão em discussões políticas e acadêmicas. Definições e abordagens têm sido informadas pela literatura produzida por indivíduos e organizações que atuam na prática da diplomacia científica situados em países desenvolvidos. Este artigo mapeia e sistematiza narrativas de diplomatas brasileiros sobre ciência, tecnologia e inovação (CT&I) e suas conexões com dinâmicas e temas das relações internacionais, como poder, cooperação, desenvolvimento, segurança e meio-ambiente. Ao abordar as obras produzidas por practitioners como narrativas, e não como categorias científicas que descrevem e analisam fenômenos sociais, o artigo explora como a CT&I é percebida e enquadrada por diplomatas brasileiros. A metodologia incluiu seleção e análise de publicações de ministros das Relações Exteriores, em cujos escritos diplomáticos trechos contendo as palavras “ciência”, “tecnologia”, “inovação” e seus variantes foram buscados; e obras sobre CT&I produzidas por diplomatas de carreira. Escrevendo da perspectiva do Brasil como país em desenvolvimento, a maior parte das obras analisadas sustenta uma visão altamente crítica em relação às dimensões internacionais da CT&I, as quais não são vistas como politicamente neutras. Contudo, nenhum dos diplomatas discorda da necessidade de que o Brasil e outros países em desenvolvimento construam capacidades em CT&I como meio para acumular poder e/ou se desenvolver. A cooperação internacional em diferentes geometrias é vista como crucial para tanto, embora as percepções sobre a efetividade da cooperação Norte-Sul e Sul-Sul em CT&I possam variar. Narrativas diplomáticas em ciência, tecnologia e inovação: poder, cooperação e perspectivas do brasil como país em desenvolvimento
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Meissner, Richard, und Jeroen Warner. „Indigenous paradiplomacy and the Orokawe hydroelectric dam on the Kunene River“. Regions and Cohesion 11, Nr. 1 (01.03.2021): 21–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/reco.2021.110103.
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English Abstract: What role can non-diplomats play in managing and altering power relations in transboundary river basins? We answer this by investigating the lobbying efforts of indigenous peoples to stop the construction of the planned Orokawe (Baynes) dam on the Kunene River. The Kunene River forms part of the border between Angola and Namibia with several concluded treaties in place. These treaties set the context of bilateral state diplomacy concerning the allocation and management of a transboundary water resource. The theoretical foundation of our investigation are ideational power conceptualizations and practice theory. We discuss the employment of ideational power in transboundary rivers with numerous practices, such as lobbying and transnational network development. This article argues that actors consciously practice power during transboundary water diplomacy.Spanish Abstract: ¿Qué papel desempeñan los no-diplomáticos en la gestión y modificación de las relaciones de poder en las cuencas fluviales transfronterizas? Respondemos investigando los esfuerzos de cabildeo de los pueblos indígenas para detener la construcción de la presa Orokawe (Baynes) en el río Kunene, entre Angola y Namibia. La asignación y gestión de este recurso hídrico transfronterizo, cuenta con varios tratados concluidos que establecen el contexto de la diplomacia estatal bilateral. La base teórica de esta investigación son las conceptualizaciones del poder ideacional y la “teoría de la práctica”. El empleo del poder ideacional en ríos transfronterizos se refleja en prácticas como el cabildeo y el desarrollo de redes ransnacionales. Este artículo sostiene que los actores practican conscientemente este poder durante la diplomacia del agua transfronteriza.French Abstract: Quel rôle les non-diplomates peuvent-ils jouer dans la gestion et la modification des relations de pouvoir dans les bassins fluviaux transfrontaliers? Nous répondons à certe question en enquêtant sur les efforts de lobbying des peuples autochtones pour arrêter la construction du projet du barrage d’Orokawe (Baynes) sur le fleuve Kunene. Le Kunene forme une partie de la frontière entre l’Angola et la Namibie, pays entre lesquels plusieurs traités sont en vigueur. Ces traités définissent le contexte de la diplomatie bilatérale des États concernant le partage et la gestion de la ressource en eau transfrontalière. Les fondements théoriques de notre enquête reposent sur les conceptualisations du pouvoir idéationnel et la théorie de la pratique. L’article aborde les nombreuses pratiques du pouvoir idéationnel dans les cours d’eau transfrontaliers, telles que le lobbying et le développement de réseaux transnationaux. Il soutient que les acteurs exercent consciemment le pouvoir dans le cadre de la diplomatie transfrontalière de l’eau.
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Vidnyanskyj, Stepan. „UKRAINIAN DIPLOMACY DURING THE WAR. Presentation of the book-essay by Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, Professor Borys Humeniuk “The Word is a Diplomat's Weapon”. Vinnytsia: TVORY, 2023. 192 p.“ Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki 32 (20.11.2023): 299–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2023.32.299.
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The article covers the presentation of the book-essay by Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, Professor Borys Humeniuk “The Word is a Diplomat's Weapon”. Vinnytsia: TVORY, 2023. 192 p., which took place on 21 September 2023 in the Media Center of the State Enterprise "Directorate-General for Rendering Services to Diplomatic Missions" in Kyiv.
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Noor Muhammad, Salmah Jan. „Interpersonal Communication as a Solution for Resolving Diplomatic Conflicts in the Malay Sultanates“. Malay Literature 31, Nr. 1 (01.06.2018): 47–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.37052/ml.31(1)no3.
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Interpersonal communication is an important element in the management of a government organization. In diplomatic relations, interpersonal communication tests an individual’s or a group’s ability to convey the message of peace. The ability to convey information clearly and thus avoiding misunderstanding, especially in resolving conflicts that may occur, builds trust among governments. Without skill in interpersonal communication, it becomes difficult for a government to maintain existing relations, or build new ones. This research was carried out to (i) analyse the interpersonal communication implemented by the Malay Sultanates as the main mechanism in resolving diplomatic conflicts, and (ii) explain the implications of the implementation of interpersonal communication in resolving conflicts among kingdoms. Data was collected through library research, and this discussion focuses on Hikayat Hang Tuah and Al-Tarikh Salasilah Negeri Kedah as the primary material. The findings of this study show that the sending of envoys was an effective strategy of interpersonal communication in solving conflicts that arose, whether in terms of existing or new diplomatic relations. These envoys employed various strategies in their interpersonal communication, which were key to the success of their missions. The findings also show that the administration and government of a kingdom stabilized with the development of its economy, politics, culture and society. Keywords: interpersonal communication, conflict, diplomacy, government Abstrak Komunikasi interpersonal merupakan elemen penting dalam pengurusan sesebuah organisasi kerajaan. Dalam hubungan diplomatik, komunikasi interpersonal dapat menguji kemampuan seseorang individu atau secara berkumpulan dalam menyampaikan mesej keamanan. Kebolehan dalam menyampaikan maklumat dengan jelas mampu mengelakkan kesalahfahaman terutamanya, dalam menyelesaikan konflik yang berlaku di samping dapat membina kepercayaan antara kerajaan. Tanpa kemahiran dalam hubungan komunikasi interpersonal, agak sukar sesebuah kerajaan meneruskan hubungan sedia ada mahupun yang ingin membina hubungan baharu. Kajian ini dilakukan untuk (i) menganalisis komunikasi interpersonal yang diimplementasi oleh pemerintah kerajaan Melayu sebagai mekanisme utama dalam penyelesaian konflik hubungan diplomatik, dan (ii) menghuraikan implikasi implementasi komunikasi interpersonal tersebut dalam menyelesaikan konflik yang wujud antara kerajaan. Data yang diperoleh menerusi kaedah kepustakaan dan bahan utama perbincangan berfokuskan pada Hikayat Hang Tuah dan Al-Tarikh Salasilah Negeri Kedah. Hasil dapatan menunjukkan bahawa penghantaran utusan kerajaan merupakan implementasi komunikasi interpersonal yang berkesan dalam menyelesaikan konflik yang wujud sama ada hubungan diplomatik tersebut telah terbentuk ataupun baharu dibentuk. Utusan kerajaan membina pelbagai strategi dalam mengimplementasikan komunikasi interpersonal yang merupakan kunci untuk mencapai misi mereka. Dapatan juga menunjukkan bahawa pemerintahan dan pentadbiran sesebuah kerajaan semakin mantap dengan perkembangan kemajuan ekonomi, politik, budaya dan sosial. Kata kunci: komunikasi interpersonal, konflik, diplomatik, kerajaan
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Pereira, Gabriel Terra. „A política externa brasileira na visão de Hélio Lobo (1908-1960) / Brazilian foreign policy in the view of Helio Lobo (1908-1920)“. Brazilian Journal of International Relations 3, Nr. 2 (21.07.2014): 227–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2014.v3n2.p227-256.
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No contexto de republicanização das instituições e dos agentes políticos do Brasil no final do século XIX e início do século XX, a diplomacia brasileira, capitaneada pelas reformas empreendidas na gestão de Rio Branco, intensificou o processo de americanização, representada pela aproximação progressiva aos países do continente, notadamente os Estados Unidos. Hélio Lobo (1883-1960), cooptado pelo chanceler na esteira de renovação dos quadros do Itamaraty, foi um expoente dessa política de americanização se destacando ao elaborar obras de caráter histórico, focando-se nas ações da diplomacia brasileira na América do Sul no século XIX. A dedicação a essa carreira possibilitou-lhe o reconhecimento necessário para ingressar no Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro (IHGB), de onde pode publicar novos estudos focados na política externa do Brasil, solidificando seu comprometimento com a diplomacia das oligarquias característica da Primeira República. Observam-se em sua trajetória alguns pontos relevantes que permitem delinear sua visão de mundo, a saber: a referência constante ao Direito como elemento legitimador da negociação diplomática - postura vista nas obras sobre a história diplomática brasileira - e a utilização do passado diplomático brasileiro como instrumento de validação das ações presentes. Para o cumprimento da pesquisa foram analisados relatórios ministeriais, correspondência pessoal e diplomática de Hélio Lobo, bem como suas obras produzidas no período em questão e bibliografia selecionada. Abstract: In the context of republicanization of the institutions and political actors in Brazil in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century, Brazilian diplomacy, captained by reforms in the management of Rio Branco, intensified the process of Americanization, represented by the gradual approximation to the countries of continent, notably the United States. Hélio Lobo (1883-1960) , co-opted by the chancellor in the wake of renovation of the tables in the Foreign Ministry, was an exponent of this Americanization policy highlighting the elaborate works of historical character , focusing on the actions of Brazilian diplomacy in South America in the century XIX. The dedication to this career enabled him recognition necessary to join the Brazilian Historical and Geographical Institute (IHGB), where you can publish new studies focused on the foreign policy of Brazil. Solidifying their commitment to diplomacy characteristic oligarchies of the First Republic. Are observed in its path some relevant points that enable outline their worldview, namely the constant reference to the law as legitimizing element of diplomatic negotiation - posture seen in the works of the Brazilian diplomatic history - and use the past as Brazilian diplomatic instrument validation of the shares present To fulfill the research ministerial reports, personnel and diplomatic correspondence Hélio Lobo and his works produced in the period in question were analyzed and selected bibliography.
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Mercier, Claire. „Diplomacia animal en 'De ganados y de hombres' y 'Entierre a sus muertos' de Ana Paula Maia: hacia una ética de la consideración“. Kamchatka. Revista de análisis cultural., Nr. 18 (13.12.2021): 277. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/kam.18.20678.
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El presente artículo se propone leer las novelas De ganados y de hombres (2013) y Entierre a sus muertos (2018), de Ana Paula Maia, a partir del concepto de diplomacia animal elaborado por Baptiste Morizot. El filoso francés, en Les diplomates (2016), define la diplomacia animal como un nuevo paradigma de relaciones entre las comunidades bióticas, las cuales se deben entender en su naturaleza política. La escritora brasileña elige, en estas dos novelas, dar cuenta del desempeño de Edgar Wilson, primero como aturdidor en un matadero y luego, como responsable del retiro de los cadáveres animales en una carretera rural. Wilson es el agente de una diplomacia animal, por ocupar la frontera porosa entre lo animal y lo humano, entre un necrocapitalismo y una ética de la consideración. Después de un recorrido teórico por los animal studies desde el prisma post-humanista, se analizará, en las obras, cómo Wilson trata de figurar el agente de una diplomacia animal, la cual se inscribe entre sacrificio y redención, en un territorio explotado y abandonado.
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Paul-Marie-Josèphe, Hégron Bastien Hubert. „Luis Chico Goerne, un académico en París al servicio de la diplomacia cultural mexicana“. Revista de Historia de América, Nr. 156 (30.01.2019): 255–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.35424/rha.156.2019.241.
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Los intelectuales fueron clave en la diplomacia latinoamericana. Varios de ellos participaron en la difusión cultural de sus países, como Luis Chico Goerne, académico y ex rector que tuvo una misión en París a finales de 1938. Chico Goerne formuló, aunque sin éxito, un proyecto basado en las dos corrientes de la diplomacia cultural mexicana, una propagandística y otra más cultural. El objetivo de este trabajo es presentar cómo se pensaba la diplomacia cultural mexicana en la época, y cómo Chico Goerne participó en su renovación. Gracias a la investigación realizada en fuentes diplomáticas francesas y mexicanas se pudo ver cómo intentó hacer una propaganda favorable para el gobierno mexicano, así mismo, impulsó la creación de unminstituto mexicano en París para que Francia conociera más sobre aquel país. El interés de este artículo es ver cómo se hizo la institucionalización de las diplomacias culturales o cómo pasaron de una acción individual a una colectiva, y cómo redujo la importancia de la acción de los intelectuales en la diplomacia cultural.
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Pan, Weimei. „Diplomatics in China“. Records Management Journal 25, Nr. 1 (16.03.2015): 121–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/rmj-03-2014-0018.
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Purpose – This paper aims to explore if there is an analogous discipline in China to diplomatics. Design/methodology/approach – A comparison method is used for the exploration. Five Chinese disciplines are chosen for the comparison, which are Wenxian xue, Bianwei xue, Dangan jianbian xue, Wenshu xue and Gu wenshu xue. The diplomatics, as discussed in this paper, is modern diplomatics, as exemplified in the work of Dr Luciana Duranti. Findings – It was found that while there is no such Chinese discipline identical to diplomatics, its knowledge is distributed among several Chinese disciplines. This indicates the common concern and efforts in the West and East and the potential for the further development of diplomatics as a global discipline. Research limitations/implications – The disciplines this paper has examined are what this author is aware of that share certain similarities with diplomatics and the discussion is based on this author’s understanding; thus, it is possible that there are disciplines that this author did not know or the understanding is insufficient to reveal all the connections between diplomatics and these disciplines. Further research from other perspectives might be needed. Originality/value – To the author’s best knowledge, this is the first paper in English comparing Chinese diplomatic disciplines with diplomatics. It has also shed some light on the development of several Chinese disciplines.
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Nováková, Eva. „Němčina v politice a diplomacii na Vysoké škole ekonomické“. CASALC Review 9, Nr. 2 (20.12.2019): 74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/casalc2019-2-6.
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Článek seznamuje s výukou odborné němčiny zaměřené na oblast politiky a diplomacie na Vysoké škole ekonomické v Praze. Úvodem je představen systém jazykové výuky na Fakultě mezinárodních vztahů VŠE, bakalářský studijní program Mezinárodní studia – diplomacie a dva kurzy odborného jazyka určené pro tento program Němčina v mezinárodních studiích 1 a 2. Podstatnou část příspěvku tvoří prezentace základního učebního materiálu Politik und Diplomatie auf Deutsch, který byl pro tyto kurzy vytvořen, a především různých metodických postupů při práci s ním. Uvedené jsou také doplňkové formy výuky – práce s politickými aktualitami, televizními zprávami a autentickými mediálními texty – včetně opakování gramatiky a forem testování. Závěrem se konstatuje, že v kurzech určených pro studenty bakalářského programu Mezinárodní studia – diplomacie lze také v němčině jako druhém cizím jazyce pracovat s odborným jazykem na pokročilé úrovni a vhodnými strategiemi motivovat studenty k jeho osvojování a upevňování.
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Šime, Zane. „EU Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region“. Regions and Cohesion 10, Nr. 3 (01.12.2020): 108–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/reco.2020.100310.
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Abstract: The evolution of the EU multilevel governance unleashes new dynamics that hold a potential to contribute to the theory-building of paradiplomacy and honing of a more nuanced understanding what is to be understood with science diplomacy in the EU specific setting. When evaluated in the context of a broader body of literature on paradiplomacy and science diplomacy, new empirical examples from the EU macroregional governance level, such as the discussed role of the Free and Hanseatic City of Hamburg in coordinating a flagship of the EU Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region called “Baltic Science Network,” should be treated with caution in terms of paying full attention to the distinct institutional environment in which a sub-national actor operates and pursues its initiatives.Resumen: La evolución de la gobernanza multiniveles en la UE desencadena una nueva dinámica que podría contribuir a la teorización de la para-diplomacia y a una comprensión más matizada de diplomacia científica en el marco específico de la UE. Cuando se evalúan en el contexto general de la literatura sobre para-diplomacia y diplomacia científica, los nuevos ejemplos empíricos de gobernanza macro-regional europea, como el controvertido papel de la Ciudad Libre y Hanseática de Hamburgo en la coordinación del “Baltic Science Network” como parte de la estrategia europea para la región del Mar Báltico, deben tratarse con cautela con respecto a la atención al entorno institucional diferenciado en el que un agente sub-nacional opera y lleva a cabo sus iniciativas.Résumé: L’évolution de la gouvernance multi-niveaux de l’UE génère une nouvelle dynamique qui pourrait contribuer à la théorisation de la paradiplomatie et à une compréhension plus nuancée du concept de diplomatie scientifique dans le cadre spécifique de l’UE. Lorsqu’ils sont évalués dans le contexte d’ensemble de la littérature sur la paradiplomatie et la diplomatie scientifique, les nouveaux exemples empiriques de gouvernance macro-régionale au sein de l’UE, tels que le rôle disputé de la Ville Libre et Hanséatique de Hambourg dans la coordination d’une stratégie de l’UE pour la région de la mer Baltique appelée “Baltic Science Network”, doivent être traités avec prudence pour ce qui est de l’attention portée à l’environnement institutionnel distinct dans lequel un acteur sous-national opère et poursuit ses initiatives.
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Nikku, Bala Raju, Bishwash Nepali und Sanjeev Dahal. „Disaster relief aid as soft diplomacy: Case of Canadian disaster diplomacy in Nepal 2015 earthquakes“. Canadian Political Science Review 17, Nr. 1 (03.11.2023): 133–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24124/c677/20231866.
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Abstract This article explores Nepal Earthquakes 2015 as a case of Canadian disaster diplomacy, tracing the diplomatic ties between Canada and Nepal. We argue that the warming up of diplomatic relations between these countries in the 50th diplomatic year sprinted Canada's support following the 2015 Nepal earthquakes. The earthquakes increased Nepali Canadians' involvement in the relief efforts, reinforced their diasporic identities, and increased their visibility as a visible minority community within the broader Asian diaspora in Canada while surfacing the political divisiveness amongst them. Against this backdrop, we ask: what lessons can be learned for Canadian disaster diplomacy efforts in the South Asian region? Based on field evidence, we argue that non-state actors, western disaster aid, and local government efforts fail to supply disaster relief in socially optimal quantities. We urge Canadian disaster aid actors to critically reflect on their aid strategies for effective help, not merely rhetoric and band-aid solutions.RésuméCet article explore les tremblements de terre au Népal de 2015 comme un cas de diplomatie canadienne en cas de catastrophe, retraçant les relations diplomatiques entre le Canada et le Népal. Nous soutenons que le réchauffement des relations diplomatiques entre ces pays au cours de la 50e année diplomatique a fait bondir le soutien du Canada à la suite des tremblements de terre de 2015 au Népal. Les tremblements de terre ont accru la participation des Canadiens népalais aux efforts de secours, renforcé leur identité diasporique et accru leur visibilité en tant que communauté de minorité visible au sein de la diaspora asiatique au Canada tout en faisant ressortir les divisions politiques entre eux. Dans ce contexte, nous nous demandons : quelles leçons peut-on tirer des efforts canadiens de diplomatie en cas de catastrophe dans la région de l'Asie du Sud ? Sur la base de preuves sur le terrain, nous soutenons que les acteurs non étatiques, l'aide occidentale en cas de catastrophe, et les efforts des gouvernements locaux ne parviennent pas à fournir des secours en cas de catastrophe en quantités socialement optimales. Nous exhortons les agences canadiennes de l'aide aux sinistrés à réfléchir de manière critique à leurs stratégies d'aide pour être mieux capable d’offrir une aide efficace, et non seulement de la rhétorique et des solutions de fortune.Keywords: disaster diplomacy, Canada, Nepal, Nepal earthquake 2015Mots-clés : diplomatie en cas de catastrophe, Canada, Népal, séisme au Népal 2015
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De Pryck, Kari. „Biodiversité et climat : la recherche du consensus par la diplomatie scientifique multilatérale“. Questions internationales 105, Nr. 1 (03.02.2021): 92–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/quin.105.0092.
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La diplomatie scientifique multilatérale a le vent en poupe. Dans le domaine de l’environnement, plusieurs institutions rassemblant scientifiques et diplomates ont vu le jour dans le but de produire une compréhension commune des problèmes environnementaux globaux et de proposer des mesures pour y faire face. Comment ces rencontres se structurent-elles ? Et quelles conséquences ont-elles sur la construction d’une gouvernance globale de l’environnement ?
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HEAD, RANDOLPH C. „DOCUMENTS, ARCHIVES, AND PROOF AROUND 1700“. Historical Journal 56, Nr. 4 (30.10.2013): 909–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x12000477.
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ABSTRACTJean Mabillon'sDe re diplomatica, whose importance for diplomatics and the philosophy of history is well recognized, also contributed to the seventeenth-century European debate over the relationship among documents, archives, and historical or juridical proof. This article juxtaposes early works on diplomatics by Mabillon, Daniel Papebroche, and Barthélémy Germon against Germanius archivitheorists including Rutger Ruland and Ahasver Fritsch to reveal two incommensurate approaches that emerged around 1700 for assessing the authority of written records. Diplomatics concentrated on comparing the material and textual features of individual documents to authentic specimens in order to separate the genuine from the spurious, whereas theius archiviemphasized thepublica fides(public faith) that documents derived from their placement in an authentic sovereign's archive. Diplomatics' emergence as a separate auxiliary science of history encouraged the erasure of archivality from the primary conditions of documentary assessment for historians, however, while theius archivi's privileging of institutional over material criteria for authority foreshadowed European state practice and the evolution of archivistics into the twentieth century. This article investigates these competing discourses of evidence and their implications from the perspective of early modern archival practices.
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Mainka, Peter Johann. „Diplomacia e Estado na primeira modernidade“. Revista Brasileira de História 42, Nr. 89 (April 2022): 39–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1806-93472022v42n89-04.
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RESUMO Na virada para os Tempos Modernos, os contatos entre os Estados pré-modernos nascentes começaram a aumentar. Representações diplomáticas esporádicas e específicas tornaram-se permanentes e gerais. A Itália renascentista deu impulsos importantes ao desenvolvimento da diplomacia moderna na prática, logo seguida pelas grandes monarquias ou dinastias. Cada um dos Estados e seus diplomatas procurou seu posicionamento específico no sistema dos Estados europeus, que estava em processo de consolidação. O Congresso de Vestfália contribuiu muito para se estabelecer e ajustar esse sistema frágil de Estados europeus, embasado nos princípios de igualdade e soberania, mas também de diferença e hierarquia. Com base numa bibliografia específica e atual, este artigo investiga o período da formação da diplomacia moderna no contexto das transformações da primeira modernidade.
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Latinovic, Goran. „Yugoslav-Italian Economic relations (1918‒1929): Main aspects“. Balcanica, Nr. 46 (2015): 171–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1546171l.
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The article looks at some aspects of Yugoslav-Italian economic relations from the end of the First World War to the beginning of the Great Depression. Those relations were not always driven by pure economic interests, but they also had political and strategic aims. Although Yugoslav-Italian political and diplomatic relations were well served in both Serbian/Yugoslav and Italian historiography, little has been written about economic relations between the two countries. Therefore, the article is mainly based on the documents from the Central State Archives (Archivio centrale dello Stato) and Historical-Diplomatic Archives of Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Archivio storico-diplomatico del Ministero degli Affari Esteri) in Rome, as well as from the Archives of Yugoslavia (Arhiv Jugoslavije) in Belgrade.
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Putri, Adinda Normala. „PERSAINGAN PENGARUH DI PASIFIK SELATAN: PENGALIHAN DUKUNGAN DIPLOMATIK KEPULAUAN SOLOMON DARI TAIWAN KE TIONGKOK“. Jurnal Asia Pacific Studies 3, Nr. 2 (15.01.2020): 130–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/japs.v3i2.1294.
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The Solomon Islands shifted their diplomatic support from Taiwan to China in September 2019 after 36 years of diplomatic relations, which was followed by Kiribati, leaving Taiwan with only four South Pacific countries that still formally recognize it. China and Taiwan have long been the main actors in the competition for influence in the South Pacific, which is mainly due to the capacity of the Pacific islands to provide diplomatic recognition, where the pressure exerted by China on Taiwan has intensified since the election of Taiwan President Tsai Ing-wen in 2016. This journal discusses the motives of the Solomon Islands to turn to China, using the bandwagoning theory by Randall L. Schweller with the argument that the Solomon Islands bandwagons the wave of the future, a decision taken because the ally is considered to represent the future. The method used in this journal is a qualitative method that aims to describe and analyze a phenomenon systematically, which will explain the motive behind the Solomon Islands decision to shift its diplomatic support supported by theory and secondary data. This journal will first elaborate on China and Taiwan's rivalry in the South Pacific and continue with the Solomon Islands' motives to shift their diplomatic support from China to Taiwan.
Keywords: Solomon Islands, China, Taiwan, bandwagoning
Abstrak
Kepulauan Solomon mengalihkan dukungan diplomatiknya dari Taiwan ke Tiongkok pada September 2019 setelah 36 tahun memiliki hubungan diplomatik, yang diikuti oleh Kiribati, meninggalkan Taiwan dengan sisa empat negara Pasifik Selatan yang masih mengakuinya secara internasional. Tiongkok dan Taiwan telah lama menjadi aktor utama dalam persaingan pengaruh di Pasifik Selatan, yang disebabkan terutama oleh kapasitas Kepulauan Pasifik untuk memberikan pengakuan diplomatik, di mana tekanan yang diberikan oleh Tiongkok terhadap Taiwan semakin intensif sejak terpilihnya Presiden Taiwan Tsai Ing-wen pada tahun 2016. Jurnal ini membahas tentang motif Kepulauan Solomon berpindah haluan ke Tiongkok, dengan menggunakan teori bandwagoning yang dicetuskan oleh Randall L. Schweller dengan argumen bahwa Kepulauan Solomon melakukan bandwagoning wave of the future, yang dilakukan karena pihak sekutu dianggap merepresentasikan masa depan. Metode yang digunakan dalam jurnal ini adalah metode kualitatif yang bertujuan menggambarkan dan menganalisa suatu fenomena secara sistematis. Metode ini akan menjelaskan motif di balik keputusan Kepulauan Solomon mengalihkan dukungan diplomatiknya didukung dengan teori dan data sekunder. Adapun dalam pembabakan jurnal ini, akan dijabarkan rivalitas Tiongkok dan Taiwan di Pasifik Selatan dan dilanjutkan dengan motif di balik keputusan Kepulauan Solomon mengalihkan dukungan diplomatiknya dari Tiongkok ke Taiwan.
Kata kunci: Kepulauan Solomon, Tiongkok, Taiwan, bandwagoning
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Malavota, Leandro Miranda. „Diplomacia científico-tecnológica: a trajetória de Júlio Constâncio de Villeneuve“. História, Ciências, Saúde-Manguinhos 28, Nr. 1 (März 2021): 167–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0104-59702021000100009.
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Resumo Partindo de uma investigação sobre a vida, a obra e o pensamento do diplomata Júlio Constâncio de Villeneuve, conde de Villeneuve, o artigo propõe uma reflexão sobre iniciativas e objetivos da diplomacia brasileira nas últimas décadas do Segundo Reinado. O foco da análise recai sobre o papel que objetos concernentes ao campo científico-tecnológico assumiam em um contexto de profundas transformações nas diretrizes de política externa do Império, sendo tomados como fatores importantes em uma nova estratégia de inserção internacional adotada após a Guerra da Tríplice Aliança.
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Kiddle, Amelia M. „In Mexico’s Defense“. Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 31, Nr. 1 (2015): 22–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2015.31.1.22.
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This article examines Mexican diplomacy in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and argues that a transnational code of honor rooted in the practice of dueling governed diplomats’ behavior. It demonstrates that, in spite of domestic reforms that exalted the incorporation of the masses and the empowerment of women in revolutionary Mexico, diplomats continued to participate in the diplomatic culture of dueling—both actual and journalistic—that feminized the nation and perpetuated patriarchy within the diplomatic corps. Este artículo examina la diplomacia mexicana a fines del siglo XIX y principios del siglo XX y en el que se argumenta que un código transnacional de honor enraizado en la práctica de duelo gobernó el comportamiento de los diplomáticos. Demuestra que, además de las reformas domésticas que exaltaron la incorporación de las masas y el empoderamiento de las mujeres en México revolucionario, los diplomáticos siguieron participando en la cultura diplomática del duelo—tanto real como periodístico—que feminizó la nación y perpetuó el patriarcado dentro del cuerpo diplomático.
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Ivanova, Elena. „Wives of Diplomats: Career Opportunities in a Situation of Professional Family Interaction“. Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniya, Nr. 6 (2023): 68–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013216250022129-4.
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The problems of self-determination of diplomats' wives within the framework of professional family interaction are at the center of the study. The factors influencing the status of a diplomat's wife in the conditions of a business trip abroad are highlighted: diplomatic immunity prescribed by international and domestic legislation, the diplomatic rank of the spouse, as well as the social roles, functions and tasks assigned to her within the framework of the norms and rules of diplomatic activity. [d1] The restrictions on the professional career of the wives of diplomats, influencing their choice of a particular trajectory of social behavior, are systematized. The study relied on the included unsystematic observation of phenomena in the daily lives of the families of diplomats as a covert participant; high-quality content analysis of documents – materials from Internet sites and Internet forums; secondary analysis of sociological and historical research data. Conclusions are drawn about the relevance of the legal strengthening of the status of the wives of diplomats, which would take into account the current situation and consolidate the possibilities of a stable perspective.