Dissertationen zum Thema „Diplomatia“
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Bély, Lucien. „Diplomates et diplomatie autour de la paix d'Utrecht“. Lille 3 : ANRT, 1988. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37602781m.
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Bély, Lucien. „Diplomates et diplomatie autour de la paix d'Utrecht“. Paris 1, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987PA010635.
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Ce travail ne vise pas à faire l'histoire des solutions diplomatiques imposées à Utrecht, mais il tente de lier l'histoire des négociations et des négociateurs aux réalités sociales, économiques, et politiques qui étaient celles de ce temps. Tous les éléments biographiques ont été rassemblés sur les origines sociales et les carrières des diplomates au début du XVIIIe siècle. Dans un second temps, à travers les correspondances politiques (affaires étrangères, Paris ; P. R. O. , londrès; Bodleian library, oxford; A. R. A. , La Haye; A. S. V. , Rome), l'étude a porté sur le travail du congrès d'Utrecht. Comme c'était une réunion internationale, la vie sociale était considérée comme un support des discussions. Il est important de voir comment les négociateurs jugeaient le rassemblement d'Utrecht et quels étaient les moyens qu'ils avaient de comprendre et de défendre des problèmes politiques (Quelle langue utiliser? Quelle documentation? Que faut-il écrire? Quelle attitude adopter en public?). Enfin les échanges quotidiens de lettres permettent de cerner comment ces spécialités de la paix se représentaient l'organisation des états européens. Dans un troisième temps, l'information secrète a retenu l'attention, car les diplomates voulaient être bien informés. Au portrait du "bon espion" qu'ils faisaient, on a opposé celui que brossait la police. Les réseaux d'espionnage, les méthodes du renseignement, la substance de l'information ont été ensuite abordés. Enfin, par le biais de la propagande, c'est l'utilisation et la manipulation de la nouvelle qui ont été étudiées. Un congrès est destiné à bâtir une paix: voilà pourquoi Utrecht est une occasion de considérer les rapports entre la paix et la guerre dans les sociétés anciennes. Le traité de 1713 a été permis par un accord commercial anglo-espagnol : les questions économiques ont donc joué un rôle important dans la négociation et il est utile de voir comment ces domaines étaient décrits par les diplomates. La guerre transformait aussi les voyages qui ont pu être approchés par le journal d'un précepteur anglais et une liste des passeports pour 1712. L'installation de la paix demandait du temps et sa célébration était un moyen d'interesser les peuples à un tel évènement politique. Enfin le début du XVIIIe siècle, avec l’abbé de Saint-Pierre, a vu s'amorcer une vaste réflexion sur les fondements d'une paix durable
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Medeiros, Fernanda Luíza Silva de. „Feminizando a diplomacia : um estudo das narrativas de mulheres diplomatas“. reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2017. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/31580.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES).
Uma série de estudos indica que o campo diplomático foi construído como uma estrutura voltada para os homens, como o foram várias áreas da esfera pública. O resultado disso são barreiras e constrangimentos de gênero que prejudicam as chances das mulheres de entrar e progredir nesta carreira. Este efeito também colabora para a percepção geral do meio diplomático como um ambiente masculinizado e fechado às mulheres. Desse modo, essa dissertação busca mostrar e discutir as narrativas das mulheres diplomatas de maneira a contrastar suas vivências com as perspectivas e abordagens teóricas que lidam com a referida estrutura na qual atuam Para alcançar este objetivo, foram conduzidas entrevistas profundas com dezesseis diplomatas estrangeiras residentes em Brasília, com o fim de captar e analisar narrativas relativas a diferentes serviços diplomáticos, bem como apontar tendências que poderiam contribuir para o entendimento e mudança da estrutura de gênero por meio do método de análise de narrativas.
There are several studies implying that the diplomatic field was built as a male-oriented structure, catered by and for men – as were several other areas of the public sphere. This results in gendered constraints and barriers that jeopardize women’s entry and advancement in this career. It also furthers the perception of diplomacy as a masculine environment that is hostile to women. Considering this, this dissertation aims at displaying and discussing women diplomats’ narratives under this structure. To achieve this goal, in-depth interviews were conducted with sixteen foreign diplomats stationed in Brasília, Brazil, to apprehend and analyze experiences stemming from different foreign services, as well as to point out tendencies that could help in assessing and modifying this gendered structure through the narrative analysis approach.
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Liutkutė, Laura. „Igno Šeiniaus diplomatinė veikla 1954-1959 m“. Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2013. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2013~D_20130604_234838-19744.
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Ignas Šeinius – diplomatas, atstovavęs Lietuvą tarpukariu, 1927 m. veiklą nutraukęs, o po Lietuvos okupacijos prisijungęs prie Lietuvos diplomatinės tarnybos (LDT), kurioje kartu su kitais jos nariais kėlė Lietuvos laisvinimo bylą ir reprezentavo tėvynės vardą Vakarų šalyse. Tačiau I. Šeiniaus diplomatinė veikla iki šiol nėra susilaukusi platesnių tyrinėjimų. Greičiausiai viena iš šių tyrinėjimų stokos priežasčių yra tai, kad I. Šeiniaus archyvai ilgai buvo saugomi Švedijoje, ne Lietuvoje. 2011 m. įvykęs jų pargabenimas į Lietuvą sąlygojo naujų istoriografinių tyrinėjimų apie šio diplomato veiklą atsiradimą. Taigi šio darbo tikslas yra išnagrinėti I. Šeiniaus diplomatinę veiklą Švedijoje 1954-1959 m. Didžioji dalis duomenų paimti iš LCVA saugomo I. Šeiniaus fondo 675.
Prisijungti prie LDT 1954 m. I. Šeinius buvo paprašytas Stasio Lozoraičio, buvusiam Lietuvos atstovui Švedijoje Vladui Žilinskui išvykus į JAV. Visą atstovavimo laikotarpį I. Šeinius dirbo kaip neoficialus Lietuvos atstovas Skandinavijos valstybėse. Jo veikla rėmėsi keliais pagrindiniais principais: bendradarbiavimu su LDT nariais, iš kurių stipriausi ir nuolatiniai kontaktai buvo palaikomi su LDT šefu S. Lozoraičiu, įvairių Lietuvos laisvinimui svarbių švenčių ir minėjimų organizavimu, politinių įvykių stėbėjimu atstovaujamojoje šalyje ir nuolatiniu pranešinėjimu apie tai kitose šalyse reziduojantiems Lietuvos diplomatams, taip pat naudingų kontaktų atstovaujamai šaliai užmezgimu ir palaikymu bei rūpinimusi... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]Ignas Scheynius – the diplomat, represented Lithuania in interwar period, after 1927 years he suspended that activity, but after Lithuanian occupation came back and attached to Lithuanian Diplomatic Servise (LDS), where he, together with others members of LDS, raised Lithuanian liberation case and represented Lithuanian name to the West countries. But I. Scheynius diplomatic activity was not explored very widely. Possibly, the one reason of the lack of that kind researches is that the archives of I. Scheynius long time were kept in Sweden, not in Lithuania. In 2011 they were brought to Lithuania and that caused the appearance of new historiography researches about I. Scheynius diplomatic activity. Therefore the aim of this paper is to investigate the diplomatic activity of I. Scheynius in 1954-1959 years. To reach the aim was analysed the documents of I. Scheynius activity saved in Office of the Chief Archivist of Lithuania, number of fund 675. To join to LDS in 1954 I. Scheynius was asked by LDS chief Stasys Lozoraitis, after the last representative in Sweden V. Žilinskas moved to USA. All the time of his agency I. Scheynius worked as unofficial Lithuanian representative in Skandinavia. There was a few main rules of the activity of I. Sheynius: collaboration with others LDS members, of which the strongest and most steady connection was with LDS chief S. Lozoraitis, concerning about the organization of celebrations and commemorations important to Lithuanian liberation... [to full text]
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Damberg, Elin. „Tyst diplomati : En jämförande fallstudie som skildrar den tysta diplomatin som förhandlingsstrategi i konfliktlösningar“. Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-48779.
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Through an older study auspices, awakened an interest to study how the statesmen manage the world order. The answer has its starting point in diplomacy. This paper will focus on the most criticized and controversial branch of diplomacy: the quiet diplomacy. The quiet diplomacy is a deemed confidential and flexible method that is adopted for particularly sensitive conflict resolutions, which takes place at an intergovernmental level. The main purpose of this paper is to examine the diplomatic process in three journalistic cases. Although, these cases are different in one significant standing, one resemblance may be noticed. All cases encompass a quiet diplomacy. Have the quiet diplomacy developed opportunities or obstacles in the various mediation activities? Theories in the form of analysis dimensions serve as the framework in this paper and are tasked to derive the concept through the respective cases.
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Tischer, Anuschka. „Französische Diplomatie und Diplomaten auf dem Westfälischen Friedenskongress : Außenpolitik unter Richelieu und Mazarin /“. Münster : Aschendorff, 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37218724r.
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Texte remanié de: Diss.--Philosophische Fakultät--Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität zu Bonn, 1998. Titre de soutenance : Außenpolitik von Richelieu zu Mazarin : französische Diplomatie und Diplomaten auf dem Westfälischen Friedenskongress.Bibliogr. p. 439-467. Index.
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Fonseca, Gabrieli Aparecida da. „Identificação documental em arquivos pessoais : possibilidades, convergências e desafios /“. Marília, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/150780.
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Orientador: Sonia Maria Troitiño RodriguezBanca: Telma Campanha de Carvalho Madio
Banca: Ana Célia Rodrigues
Resumo: The present dissertation deals with Archival Identification in Personal Papers, through the analysis of the specific situation in this file type, especially with regard to documentary production and recovery of principle of provenance. Thus, we seek to trace a brief history, conceptualization and analysis of Archival Identification indicated in the national and international literature, based on the research of Brazil and Spain. Also points up the relationship between the Archival Identification and the principles, functions and methods of Archival Science. Turning specifically to the case of personal papers, which have a remarkable difference in their composition. Thus, it is proposed to reflect the issues surrounding personal papers. It is thus a theoretical research that has as object the personal papers, following the Total Archives approach, which comprises the integration of the files and documentary treatment. It is thus possible to see how the theory is important in the development of practice, considering that design differences can result in different specific effects. In this sense, it is expected that the critical analysis grounded in theoretical basis of different understandings of Archival Identification and establishment of the Personal Papers can potentially contribute to the development of Archival science while science, including by making possible greater concreteness to practical application of archival doings.
Abstract: A presente dissertação trata a respeito da Identificação Documental em arquivos pessoais, através da análise das especificidades existentes nesse tipo de arquivo, especialmente no que se refere à produção documental e recuperação do princípio de proveniência. Assim, buscou-se traçar um breve histórico, conceituação e análise da Identificação Documental na literatura nacional e internacional, tomando como base as pesquisas de Brasil e Espanha. Ressalta-se também a relação existente entre a Identificação Documental e os princípios, funções e métodos da Arquivologia. Voltando-se especificamente para o caso dos arquivos pessoais, que apresentam um notável diferencial em sua composição. Dessa forma, propõe-se refletir sobre questões que envolvem os arquivos pessoais. Trata-se, de uma pesquisa teórica que tem como objeto os arquivos pessoais, seguindo a abordagem do Total Archives, a qual compreende a integração entre os arquivos e tratamento documental. Torna-se, assim, possível perceber o quanto a teoria é importante no desenvolvimento da prática, considerando que diferenças de concepção podem ocasionar efeitos concretos divergentes. Nesse sentido, espera-se que a análise crítica, embasada em fundamentação teórica dos diferentes entendimentos de Identificação Documental e da constituição dos arquivos pessoais, possa vir a contribuir, para a evolução da Arquivologia enquanto ciência, inclusive por tornar possível maior concretude à aplicação prática dos fazeres... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Mestre
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Pereira, Elcimar Dias. „Programa de ação afirmativa do Instituto Rio Branco: discursos de diplomatas e candidatos/as à diplomacia“. Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2014. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/17079.
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Previous issue date: 2014-11-07This research aims to describe and interpret speeches of ex-scholarship diplomats and diplomacy candidates (candidates for scholarship and scholarship holders) about their perceptions regarding the Affirmative Action Program (AAP) "Vocation for Diplomacy Award Scholarship" of the Rio Branco Institute (IRBr), an agency of the Ministry of External Relations, and the impact of the AAP in their professional and academic careers. The research is based on the assumption that there is an underrepresentation of black people in the diplomatic service and that the Affirmative Action Program does not place them on a par with white people to compete for the Entrance Examination for Diplomatic Career (EEDC).In addition to searching bibliographies of works that address the topic, public notices both from the AAP as the EEDC of the last ten years were studied. For the data analysis of this thesis, we used Nancy Fraser s Theory of Justice, from the perspectives of the three dimensions of justice (redistribution, recognition and representation) and Studies of Race Relations, through empirical data, presentation of concepts related to race, and affirmative action. For the development and organization of the study, we used the method of Depth Hermeneutics of John Thompson and the set of techniques for content analysis of Laurence Bardin. For empirical data collection, ten semi-structured interviews were performed with men and women, aged 24-44, candidates for scholarship, scholarship holders, ex-scholarship holders who passed the EEDC, and ex-scholarship holders who did not pass the examination. From the interviews, we found that the AAP was crucial for some of the respondents to decide to pursue a diplomatic career, and, to others, the scholarship meant the pursuit of the fulfillment of an old dream that seemed unattainable. It was also found that studying for the scholarship or being a scholarship holder was very important for the expansion of their professional and academic horizons, even for people who did not become diplomats. Regarding Nancy Fraser s theory, on the scope of the three dimensions necessary to obtain justice, it was considered, through the speech of the respondents, that the Program does not cover all three dimensions. Since the redistributive dimension provides financial opportunity to people who, without aid, could not perform the necessary training for the examination, the amount offered does not guarantee that black people are on a par with white people to compete. The recognition dimension leaves much to be desired in the view of most of the respondents, since actions that aim to transform the prejudiced conceptions related to black people are not carried in the prestigious space. More over, the limitation on the recognition dimension directly affects the representation dimension, since not always black diplomats are recognized as such in the places they are
percepções a respeito do Programa de Ação Afirmativa (PAA) Bolsa Prêmio de Vocação para Diplomacia do Instituto Rio Branco (IRBr), órgão do Itamaraty, e a repercussão do PAA em suas trajetórias profissionais e acadêmicas. Parte-se do pressuposto de que há uma sub-representação de negros/as na carreira diplomática e que esse Programa de Ação Afirmativa não coloca negros/as em pé de igualdade com os brancos para concorrer ao Concurso de Admissão para Carreira Diplomática (CACD). Para além de buscar bibliografias de trabalhos que abordam o tema, foram estudados os editais dos últimos dez anos tanto do PAA quanto do CACD. Para a análise dos dados desta tese, lançamos mão da Teoria de Justiça de Nancy Fraser, a partir das perspectivas das três dimensões de justiça (redistribuição, reconhecimento e representação) e dos Estudos de Relações Raciais, por meio de dados empíricos, apresentação de conceitos relativos à raça e ação afirmativa. Para o desenvolvimento e a organização do estudo, utilizamos o método de Hermenêutica de Profundidade de John Thompsom e o conjunto de técnicas para análise de conteúdo de Laurence Bardin. Para o levantamento dos dados empíricos foram realizadas dez entrevistas semi-estruturadas, com homens e mulheres, na faixa etária de 24 a 44 anos, com candidatos/as à bolsa, bolsistas e ex-bolsistas aprovados/as no CACD e ex-bolsistas não aprovados no concurso. A partir das entrevistas, foi possível identificar que o PAA foi crucial para que alguns/as entrevistados/as decidissem seguir a carreira diplomática e, para outros/as, a bolsa, significou a busca de realização de um sonho antigo que parecia inatingível. Verificou-se, também, que estudar para a bolsa ou ser bolsista foi muito importante para a ampliação dos horizontes profissionais e acadêmicos dos participantes, mesmo para as pessoas que não se tornaram diplomatas. Em relação à teoria de Nancy Fraser, relativa ao alcance das três dimensões necessárias para obter-se a justiça, considerou-se, a partir das falas dos/as entrevistados/as, que o Programa não contempla as três dimensões. Uma vez que a dimensão redistributiva oferece oportunidade financeira para pessoas que, sem o recurso, não conseguiriam realizar a formação necessária para o concurso, o valor oferecido não garante que negros/as estejam em pé de igualdade com os/as brancos/as para competir. A dimensão de reconhecimento deixaria a desejar, na visão da maioria dos/as entrevistados/as, pois, não são realizadas ações que visem transformar as concepções preconceituosas relacionadas aos negros/as em espaços de prestígio. E a limitação em relação à dimensão de reconhecimento afeta diretamente a dimensão de representação, uma vez que, nem sempre negros/as diplomatas, são reconhecidos/as como tal nos espaços em que circulam
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Dullin, Sabine. „Diplomates et diplomatie soviétiques en Europe (1930-1939) : structures et méthodes d'une politique extérieure sous Staline“. Paris 1, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA010645.
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Cette thèse est une étude du commissariat du peuple aux affaires étrangères (NKID) entre 1930 et 1939, période où Litvinov est le chef de la diplomatie. S'inscrivant dans le champ des études historiques sur le processus de décision en politique étrangère, elle s'appuie, grâce à l'ouverture des archives à Moscou, sur une documentation nouvelle qui permet d'analyser de manière plus précise qu'avant les relations de travail existant entre le NKID et les dirigeants du parti. Elle permet aussi d'évaluer la place qu'avait l'appareil diplomatique par rapport au Komintern ou à d'autres institutions soviétiques comme les commissariats au commerce extérieur et à la défense. Cette étude de cas recoupe la question plus vaste du rôle que peuvent jouer les appareils gouvernementaux dans un état-parti à tendance totalitaire. Ces problématiques sont abordées à travers l'histoire de la politique extérieure de l'URSS en Europe. A des moments clé comme l'adhésion de l'URSS à la politique de sécurité collective en décembre 1933, son entrée à la SDN en septembre 1934 ou la conclusion du pacte d'assistance mutuelle avec la France en mai 1935, l'analyse du processus de décision montre l'influence acquise par Litvinov auprès de Staline ainsi que les fonctions d'information et de propagande dévolues aux ambassades soviétiques en Europe et aux délégués de l'URSS à Genève. Ces diplomates soviétiques possèdent des caractéristiques personnelles qui favorisent l'intégration de l'URSS au "concert européen". A partir de la fin 1936 en revanche, dans le contexte de la grande terreur et dans un climat de guerre imminente, le NKID, forge par Litvinov, s'affaiblit avant de disparaitre. Face à des dirigeants, revenant à un anti-impérialisme indifférencié et à une politique isolationniste, les options de Litvinov sont contestées, tandis que Staline, s'efforçant de faire disparaitre toute parcelle d'autonomie, utilise les purges pour prendre en main, sans plus d'intermédiaire, l'outil diplomatiqueThis thesis is a study of the people's commissariat for foreign affairs (NKID) between 1930 and 1939, when litvinov is the chief of the diplomacy. Belonging to the historical field of studies on the decision-making process, it is based, thanks to the opening of archives in moscow, on a new documentation which offers the possibility to analyse more precisely than before the working relations between NKID and the party's leading circles. It makes it also possible to evaluate the place of the diplomatic institution in regard to the comintern but also to soviet institutions, such as commissariats for foreign trade and for defense. Underlying this study-case, rests the larger question of the role played by higher administrations inside a party-state with totalitarian tendencies. These issues are treated throughout history of soviet union's foreign policy in Europe. At some key-moments, such as the soviet decision to follow a policy of collective security in december 1933, ussr's decision to join the league of nations in september 1934 or the signature of the mutual assistance pact with france in may 1935, the analysis of the decision-making process shows the influence gained by Litvinov amongst soviet leaders in the diplomatic field, and gives a better understanding of the job asked to soviet embassies in Europe and to soviet delegates in Geneva, charged of information and propaganda. Soviet diplomats have a profile allowing a good adaptation and a successful integration of the ussr in the "concert europeen". But, after the end of 1936, in the context of the great terror and a pre-war atmosphere, the NKID, forged by litvinov, becomes weaker, before disappearing totally. Facing party leaders coming back to the theory of undifferentiated anti-imperialism and to an isolationnist policy, Litvinov's projects become questioned, while stalin, doing his best to eliminate any scrap of autonomy, uses the purges to take control over diplomacy with no more go-between
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Gaspar, Maria Joana da Costa Afonso Lino. „O diplomata no século XXI: Continuidades e mudanças na prática diplomática face às transformações tecnológicas - o caso português“. Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/21408.
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Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações InternacionaisO início do século XXI é marcado por uma evolução tecnológica muito rápida, sobretudo no domínio das comunicações e da digitalização dos instrumentos de trabalho. Essas transformações afetaram a prática diplomática no que respeita aos atores, temas, modos e funções. Analisadas as cinco funções definidas no artigo 3º da Convenção de Viena sobre Relações Diplomáticas de 1961 - Representar; Proteger; Negociar; Informar; Promover - verifica-se que a diplomacia, mais do que sofrer uma completa transformação, inovou nos seu métodos e instrumentos de trabalho, protagonizando uma contrarevolução. A utilização inteligente das novas tecnologias para apoiar métodos já experimentados e testados promove uma diplomacia madura, nem tradicional nem moderna. A forma como os diplomatas portugueses percecionam essas alterações foi estudada através de entrevistas realizadas a uma amostra de profissionais. As exigências contemporâneas da diplomacia provocam o debate sobre as características pessoais e as competências técnicas necessárias ao diplomata moderno. Em Portugal, a forma de recrutamento é ainda sobretudo baseada na aferição de conhecimentos académicos e domínio linguístico, no entanto, a maioria dos diplomatas portugueses considera que o principal fator de sucesso de um diplomata recai sobre as suas características psicológicas, em particular, a adaptabilidade, a capacidade de relacionamento interpessoal, a motivação para o serviço público e a resiliência que permite aguentar a mudança.
The beginning of the 21st century reveals an extremely fast technological evolution, especially in communications and the digitalization of work methods. These transformations affected the diplomatic practice in what concerns its actors, themes, modes, and functions. Bearing in mind the five functions as defined by the Vienna Convention on International Relations of 1961 – representation, protection, negotiation, information, promotion – it is possible to assert that diplomacy, more than engaging in a complete transformation, has innovated its methods and work instruments, staging a counterrevolution. The smart use of new technologies to support well tried methods promotes a mature diplomacy, neither traditional nor modern. The way Portuguese diplomats envisage these changes was analysed through interviews to a sample of professionals. The contemporary demands of diplomacy inspire the debate on what personal characteristics and technical competences are essential to the modern diplomat. In Portugal, recruitment procedures are still much based in evaluating academic knowledge and language expertise, however, most Portuguese diplomats believe that the main success factor of a diplomat rely on his/hers psychological characteristics, in particular, adaptability, the ability to connect with others, public service motivation and resilience to endure change.
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Lewin, André. „Diplomatie bilatérale, diplomatie multilatérale“. Paris 2, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA020037.
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Les crises que traversent periodiquement les organisations internationales et les succes que remporte regulierement la politique de puissance de certains etats, ne sont que des obstacles sur la voie d'une multilateralisation progressive des relations entre les pays, amorcee depuis longtemps sur le plan tant quantitatif que qualitatif. L'auteur s'efforce de justifier ce point de vue a travers la trentaine d'ecrits presentes a l'appui de sa these, en comparant chaque fois que possible pratiques bilaterales et pratiques multilaterales. Sa connaissance personnelle des deux formes de diplomatie lui permet de completer ses analyses juridiques par des arguments et des observations pratiques. Les institutions qu'il examine appartiennent le plus souvent au systeme des nations unies, mais se situent egalement en dehors de celui-ci: organisation de l'unite africaine, ligue des etats arabes, interpol, etc. Les problemes qu'il aborde sont aussi bien specifiques (la ponderation des votes, la coordination, le maintien de la paix, le processus de decision, les hautes fonctions internationales, etc. . . ) que generaux (l'avenir des organisations internationales, l'adaptation du multilateralisme aux defis de notre temps, les politiques des organisations face a la crise, les princi@es communs des organisations internationales, etc. . . )The crises periodically experienced by international institutions as well as the successes regularly obtained by the policies of power of certain countries are only obstacles on the way of a progressive "multilateralization" of international relations, which has in fact already started long ago both in quantity and quality. The author tries to justify this opinion through the thirty odd publications he presents in support of his thesis, in comparing whenever possible bilateral and multilateral practice. His personal knowledge of these two forms of diplomacy enables him to complete his juridical analyses by practical argument and factual observations. The institutions examined by him belong mostly to the united national family, but he also deals with some outside organizations, like the o. A. U. , the arab league, or interpol. The problems he envisages include specific ones (likes weighting of votes, coordination, peace-keeping, decision-making process, international civil service) as well as global ones (the future of international organizations, the adaptation of multilateralism to the challenges of the present world, the policies of the institutions faced with the current crises, common principles of international organizations, etc. . . )
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Delamonica, Laura Berdine Santos. „Mulheres diplomatas brasileiras“. reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2014. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/16802.
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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Relações Internacionais, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais, 2014.Submitted by Laís Lorena Barbosa Garcia (lais-lorena@hotmail.com) on 2014-11-06T13:40:40Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_LauraBerdineSantosDalamonica.pdf: 445075 bytes, checksum: 6780483cf9d9931e475b1fd0855a02b2 (MD5)
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As questões relacionadas à situação das mulheres foram tratadas, por muito tempo, como temas que diziam respeito apenas ao âmbito privado, não sendo vistas como esfera de atuação dos Estados, nem consideradas importantes para as relações internacionais. Diante dessa realidade, a diplomacia torna-se uma interessante área de análise para se tentar compreender a inserção das mulheres em um âmbito tradicionalmente masculino. O presente trabalho terá, portanto, como foco a atuação das mulheres diplomatas brasileiras, analisando possíveis interesses comuns, identificando desafios e apresentando expectativas acerca dessa carreira de Estado. Por mais que este estudo busque examinar um universo abrangente – interesses, desafios e expectativas, é necessário, primeiramente, tentar responder a uma pergunta basilar: será que existe um interesse comum das mulheres a ser defendido? Diante desse questionamento, que se justifica em razão da heterogeneidade das mulheres diplomatas, partir-se-á da seguinte hipótese: existem interesses comuns das mulheres diplomatas, os quais se desdobram em desafios e expectativas. Para tentar responder a essas indagações iniciais, foram realizadas entrevistas com diplomatas brasileiras de diversos níveis hierárquicos, e as informações obtidas foram contrastadas com estudos acadêmicos a respeito do tema. A conjunção de tais análises permite concluir que, apesar das diferenças, há um incipiente interesse comum das mulheres a ser defendido no Itamaraty, que se desdobra em quatro eixos temáticos principais: vida pública e privada; relações de poder e prestígio; feminismo e sugestões concretas. ______________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT
For a long time, issues regarding the situation of women were treated only on the private sphere, and they were not seen as a scope of action of States nor considered important for international relations. Due to this reality, diplomacy becomes an interesting area of analysis to try to understand the integration of women in a traditionally male environment. Therefore, this work will focus on the performance of Brazilian women diplomats, analyzing possible common interests, identifying challenges and presenting expectations about the career. Since this research seeks to examine a comprehensive universe - interests, challenges and expectations, firstly it is necessary to try to answer a fundamental question: is there a common interest of women to be advocated? This question is justified by the heterogeneity of women diplomats. Accordingly, the following hypothesis will guide the present work: there are common interests of women diplomat, and there are challenges and expectations that derive from these interests. In order to answer these initial questions, a number of Brazilian diplomats from various hierarchical levels were interviewed, and the information obtained was contrasted with academic studies on the subject. The conjunction of analysis supports the following conclusion: despite their differences, there is an incipient common interest of women to be advocated at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which unfolds into four main themes: public and private life; relations of power and prestige; feminism and practical suggestions.
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Spies, Yolanda Kemp. „Meeting the challenge of developing world diplomacy in the 21st century : an assessment of perspectives on contemporary diplomatic training“. Pretoria : [s.n.], 2005. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-08102006-134244/.
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Antonietti, Markus Alexander. „La vocación diplomática: Ayer, hoy y mañana“. Universidad Peruana de Ciencias Aplicadas (UPC), 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10757/653113.
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Reflexiones sobre la carrera diplomática vista desde su pasado ancestral, la actualidad y su proyección futura tras los abruptos acontecimientos que produce el COVID 19. / Ponente: Markus Alexander Antonietti
Abogado y periodista con amplia experiencia. Ha sido Jefe de Misión en Ecuador, Venezuela, República Checa y actualmente Embajador en Perú.
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Maciel, Inês Pires. „A diplomacia portuguesa no Oriente (1498-1595) uma análise histórico-diplomática“. Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/6479.
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Tese de Mestrado em Relações Internacionais - Especialização em Diplomacia e CooperaçãoA expansão portuguesa na zona do Índico e Extremo Oriente a partir de fins do século XV e ao longo do século XVI marca um ponto de viragem na ordem internacional. Nesta dissertação iremos procurar entender em que medida a diplomacia exerceu um papel mais ou menos preponderante na política de expansão portuguesa da época. O presente trabalho pretende contribuir para uma maior compreensão desse papel e das contribuições que as relações diplomáticas trouxeram para a afirmação do poderio hegemónico português, através de uma análise da sucessão de factos e das principais personagens envolvidas no estabelecimento de ligações políticas, comerciais e culturais com soberanos da zona geográfica em questão. Para além de uma análise das principais características da diplomacia levada a cabo à época, abordaremos zonas particulares de incidência dos esforços diplomáticos, e as características que foram assumidas em relação aos povos alvo, incluindo nessa análise os vários actores e facetas tanto da diplomacia formal como das iniciativas paralelas destinadas a fazer valer os interesses de cada uma das partes.
The Portuguese maritime expansion in the Indian Ocean and Far East from the late 15th century and throughout the 16th century marked a turning point in the international order. Throughout this paper we will try to understand to which measure Diplomacy has played a predominant part at this period of the Portuguese maritime expansion. This work aims at providing a better understanding of that part and the contributions that diplomatic relations have brought for the enhancement of Portugal as a hegemonic power, through an analysis of facts and of the main players involved in establishing political, commercial and cultural liaisons with sovereign states in the area. Besides analyzing the main characteristics of diplomatic relations carried out during this period, we will address particular zones where diplomatic efforts were more present, along with the characteristics assumed in respect to target areas; we will include in the analysis all the key players and types of diplomacy carried out, both formal and parallel, whose aim was to defend each part’s interests.
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Arroz, Sónia Silva. „Diplomacia cientifica : justificações, abordagens e ferramentas de uma especialização profissional emergente“. Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/7711.
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Mestrado em Economia e Gestão de Ciência, Tecnologia e InovaçãoO presente trabalho explora com dados novos num campo ainda pouco sistematizado, a Diplomacia Científica - uso de interações científicas, entre países e entidades, para resolver problemas comuns enfrentados pela humanidade e construir parcerias internacionais baseadas no conhecimento. A importância da ciência no mundo moderno vai além dos objetivos da pura investigação. A ciência é uma linguagem comum e tem sido utilizada por cientistas e governos para avançar o compromisso político entre países, que é o alcance da diplomacia através da ciência. A Diplomacia Científica tem sido vista como solução com potencial para fortalecer e melhorar as relações entre os países, promovendo a boa vontade e fazer avançar as fronteiras do conhecimento. A Diplomacia Científica pode ajudar a reforçar os sistemas nacionais de inovação numa era de globalização mas, para isso, pode ainda haver possibilidade para melhorar as ferramentas que permitem aumentar a sua eficácia. Esta Dissertação procura estudar a emergência de uma especialização profissional emergente no domínio da Diplomacia Científica, procurando justificações nos estudos da inovação e das relações internacionais. A abordagem metodológica empregue é baseada na consulta de diferentes atores do sistema nacional de inovação e nos seus discursos fundamentados com as suas práticas. Dessa leitura resultaram indicadores das melhores práticas para uma maior eficácia deste profissional no terreno da Diplomacia Científica. Esses recursos servem de referência para o desenho de uma ferramenta de boas práticas - um "guião" tático para um "diplomata de ciência".
The present work explores with new data in a still poorly systematized field, Scientific Diplomacy' the use of scientific interactions, between countries and entities, to solve common problems faced by humanity and to a build internationals partnerships based on knowledge. The importance of science in the modern world goes beyond the goals of pure research. Science is a common language and has been used by scientists and governments to advance the political cooperation between countries, which are the extent of diplomacy through science. Scientific diplomacy has been seen as a solution with potential to strength and to improve relations between countries, promoting the goodwill and advancing the borders of knowledge. Scientific diplomacy can help to reinforce the nationals systems of innovation in an era of globalization but, for that, there is still the possibility to improve the tools that allows improving its efficiency. This dissertation aims to study the urgency of an emerging professional specialization in the field of scientific diplomacy searching justifications in innovation and international relations studies. The methodological approach employed is based in the consultation of different actors in the in national innovation system and their practices based on their speeches. From this reading resulted in indicators of best practices to a higher efficiency of this professional in the field of scientific diplomacy. These resources serve as a reference to the design of a good practices tool - a tactical "script" for a "science diplomat".
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Bengtsson, Elin. „Europeisering av nationell bilateral diplomati mellan EU-stater : - en beskrivande fallstudie av Italiens och Sveriges bilaterala diplomatiska förbindelser via ambassaderna“. Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-31651.
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This study aims at examine if an Europeanization is affecting the bilateral diplomatic relation between Sweden and Italy as managed by the national embassies. The questions asked to pursue the aim are; how the bilateral diplomatic work is managed between the countries, are there any signs of Europeanization within this relation or is it still contingent on intergovernmental principles? In this study an analytical model is created and used to analyze how the bilateral diplomacy between Italy and Sweden is managed through the embassies. The discussion on top –down Europeanization by Tanja Börzel is central to the development of the analytical model. Indicators of Europeanization are generated and applied in the empirical analysis. The empirical material is based on documents and interviews. One general conclusion of this study asserts that there is no direct top-down Europeanization going on within the national bilateral diplomacy. Another one affirms that an indirectly top-down Europeanization on an embryonic stage may be going on within the embassy-driven bilateral work carried out between the EU member states.
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Falcke, Jeannette. „Studien zum diplomatischen Geschenkwesen am brandenburgisch-preußischen Hof im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert /“. Berlin : Duncker & Humblot, 2006. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0701/2006402928.html.
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Schneider, James D. „The English Diplomatic Corps, 1649-1660: a comparison of the diplomats of the Commonwealth and Protectorate and of Charles II“. Thesis, Kansas State University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/8454.
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Master of ArtsDepartment of History
Marsha L. Frey
The diplomatic corps employed by Oliver Cromwell and Charles II from 1649 to 1660 differed greatly. This study will focus on the top three diplomatic ranks: ambassador, envoys and residents and will exclude agents and chargé d′affaires. The lesser ranks have been excluded for several reasons primarily because biographical information does not exist for many of them and as lesser diplomats their missions were not significant and often lasted only a matter of days. This prosopographical examination of the twenty-four diplomats employed by Charles II and Oliver Cromwell provides insight into their similarities as well as their differences. After examining the twenty-four, one from each side will be further researched. In matters of religion, Cromwell predictably sent Protestants. Charles also sent Protestants, but did send Roman Catholics, especially to Catholic courts. Despite the age difference between Cromwell and Charles II, age did not separate their diplomats. The average age of Cromwell’s and Charles’ II diplomats was both forty years. In matters of education, those who went to college had a tendency to choose the Puritan-influenced Cambridge for the Commonwealth and Protectorate and Oxford for the Royalists. The area a diplomat was from shows that the diplomats from north chose the side of the Commonwealth while those from London and south chose the Royalist side. Royalists had a higher percentage of military service and a higher percentage of Parliamentary service. Although more Commonwealth and Protectorate diplomats had a university education, the Royalists had a higher percentage of master’s degrees and the study of the law. When looking at a diplomat’s position in a family, the Commonwealth diplomats had a greater chance of being the oldest son, while the Royalists tended to be younger sons. This information is valuable because it expands the commonly held historiographical image of the typical Royalist and Commonwealth supporters and illustrates the differences between the general support and each sides diplomatic corps.
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Rekešiūtė, Renata. „Investuotojo sąvoka ir jo teisių apsaugos mechanizmas šiuolaikinėje tarptautinėje teisėje“. Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2008. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2008~D_20080121_102011-86960.
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Šis magistro baigiamasis darbas skirtas investicijų apsaugos užsienio valstybėse analizei.
Klasikinėje tarptautinėje teisėje visiškas subjektiškumas buvo suprantamas kaip būdingas tik valstybėms, todėl visi tarptautiniai santykiai, tarp jų ir ginčų sprendimas buvo valstybių tarpusavio reikalas. Dėl to, jei reikėdavo ginti asmenį užsienyje patyrusį žalą, tai galima buvo padaryti tik remiantis fikcija – kad žala padaryta asmeniui yra žala padaryta jo valstybei. Jei asmuo investavęs į užsienio valstybę patirdavo žalą dėl neteisėtų investicijas priimančios valstybės veiksmų, jis pats galėdavo kreiptis dėl kompensacijos į vietinius valstybės teismus arba į savo pilietybės ar nacionalinės priklausomybės valstybę, kad ši imtųsi diplomatinių priemonių.
Šiuolaikinė tarptautinė teisė subjektų klausimu, galima sakyti, žengia toliau. Šiuo metu fiziniai asmenys yra įgiję dalinį tarptautinį teisinį subjektiškumą žmogaus teisių srityje. Nuosavybės apsauga (tame tarpe ir investicijų apsauga) yra viena iš svarbiausių žmogaus teisių, deklaruojamų tiek valstybių konstitucijose, tiek tarptautiniuose dokumentuose, todėl investuotojai gali patys, be savo valstybės įtraukimo ar įsikišimo, išspręsti investicinį ginčą su investicijas priimančia valstybe. Įvairių instrumentų pagalba šiuolaikinėje tarptautinėje teisėje yra sukurta nemažai pažeistų teisių gynimo mechanizmų, kuriais gali pasinaudoti investuotojai tiek fiziniai, tiek juridiniai asmenys. Jei investuotojas siekia investicinį ginčą... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]The analysis of the protection of foreign investment is the key object of this master thesis. States were recognized as the only subjects in the classical international law. Therefore all international relationships and disputes where settled between the states themselves. In case of a breach of the rights of a foreign investor it was the state of his nationality to bring any kind of claims in regards to another state. Contemporary international law goes way further in regard to international legal personality of natural persons or legal entities. Partial personality, in particular in the field of human rights, is recognized for the natural/legal persons. Protection of property, as well as investment, is considered to be one of the most fundamental human rights embedded in constitutions and international treaties. Therefore, investors have a right to protect their injured rights by bringing claims in international tribunals. There are quite a few mechanisms for the protection of investors’ rights in the domain of international law. Such as international institutional arbitration, ad hoc arbitration, ECHR, ICSID and diplomatic protection by investor’s state of nationality. The analysis of the investment protection mechanisms wouldn’t be completed without the analysis of the notion of investor itself. There is no universal definition of the notion of investor. In most BIT this notion differs because of the different interests of capital exporting and capital importing countries... [to full text]
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Cruz, Abner Neemias da [UNESP]. „As práticas políticas de Silvestre Rebello: um diplomata brasileiro nos Estados Unidos da América (1824-1829)“. Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/149246.
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000876247.pdf: 2669916 bytes, checksum: dbff4f8a79bd27f4b89aa5147df11c7c (MD5)Durante o Primeiro Reinado, Silvestre Rebello, na categoria de encarregado plenipotenciário, representou o Brasil em Washington perante o Governo estadunidense. Esta dissertação tem por finalidade compreender as práticas políticas engendradas pelo diplomata Rebello entre 1824 a 1829. A partir da experiência política de Silvestre Rebello, analisaremos também algumas especificidades das relações entre Brasil e Estados Unidos durante o Primeiro Reinado, além de matizes do funcionamento da Secretaria de Estado de Negócios Estrangeiros e nuances relacionadas à solidificação do Império Brasileiro. Este estudo ancora-se, sobretudo, na análise da correspondência trocada entre Rebello e a Secretaria de Estado de Negócios Estrangeiros no período de 1824 a 1829, em conjunto com papéis administrativos produzidos por esse mesmo órgão, periódicos e revistas da época, atas do IHGB e materiais iconográficos.
At the time of the first reign, Silvestre Rebello was the Brazilian diplomat representing the Brazilian Government in the United States. This job aims to understand the politic actions of Rebello during the years of 1824 to 1829 including the specific matters involved in the established relation between Brazil and USA. This |Master's Thesis also intends to think about the Rebello actions and the institutional relations between the Brazilian Foreign Business Agency and the American Government and the public opinion about it. To get these objects, it is going to use the letters sent and receipt by Rebello and the Brazilian Foreign Business Agency in the years of 1824 to 1829 and also the official documents produced by the Brazilian and American agencies and the running newspapers.
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Cruz, Abner Neemias da. „As práticas políticas de Silvestre Rebello : um diplomata brasileiro nos Estados Unidos da América (1824-1829) /“. Franca, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/149246.
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Orientador: Marisa Saenz LemeBanca: Samuel Alves Soares
Banca: Diogo da Silva Roiz
Resumo: Durante o Primeiro Reinado, Silvestre Rebello, na categoria de encarregado plenipotenciário, representou o Brasil em Washington perante o Governo estadunidense. Esta dissertação tem por finalidade compreender as práticas políticas engendradas pelo diplomata Rebello entre 1824 a 1829. A partir da experiência política de Silvestre Rebello, analisaremos também algumas especificidades das relações entre Brasil e Estados Unidos durante o Primeiro Reinado, além de matizes do funcionamento da Secretaria de Estado de Negócios Estrangeiros e nuances relacionadas à solidificação do Império Brasileiro. Este estudo ancora-se, sobretudo, na análise da correspondência trocada entre Rebello e a Secretaria de Estado de Negócios Estrangeiros no período de 1824 a 1829, em conjunto com papéis administrativos produzidos por esse mesmo órgão, periódicos e revistas da época, atas do IHGB e materiais iconográficos.
Abstract: At the time of the first reign, Silvestre Rebello was the Brazilian diplomat representing the Brazilian Government in the United States. This job aims to understand the politic actions of Rebello during the years of 1824 to 1829 including the specific matters involved in the established relation between Brazil and USA. This |Master's Thesis also intends to think about the Rebello actions and the institutional relations between the Brazilian Foreign Business Agency and the American Government and the public opinion about it. To get these objects, it is going to use the letters sent and receipt by Rebello and the Brazilian Foreign Business Agency in the years of 1824 to 1829 and also the official documents produced by the Brazilian and American agencies and the running newspapers.
Mestre
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Negrato, Claudio. „Lingua e linguaggio nei dispacci di Gasparo Contarini“. Paris 8, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA084145.
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Cet étude est focalisé sur l'édition critique des dépêches de Gasparo Contarini, orateur de la République de Venise à Rome chez pope Clement VII (1528-1530). Je analyse la langue et le langage politique de Contarini avec une attention particulier aux nouveaux méthodes de communication de la langue diplomatique. Les lettres ont été rassemblées auprès de la Bibliothèque Nationale Marciana de Venise et le Archive d'État de Venise. Ces lettres-là sont très importantes pour les informations historiques et politiques et pour la capacité de Contarini à rendre la voix des protagonistes de la politique romaine de la RenaissanceMy research focuses on the writing of a critical edition of Gasparo Contarini's dispatches when he was ambassador of the Republic of Venice in Rome to the pope Clements VII (1528-1530). I analyzed Contarini's political lexicon with a particular attention to the new lexical entries and the communicative strategies used in the diplomatic dispatches. The letters are stored in the Marciana National Library and the National Archive of Venice. These letters are worth to be studied since they both give important historical informations and present Contarini's ability to make a portrait of the most relevant political characters of the Roman Renaissance
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Maxson, Brian Jeffrey. „Diplomatic Oratory“. Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2017. https://www.amzn.com/0888445660.
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Book Summary:Diplomacy has never been a politically neutral field of historical research, even when it was confined to merely reconstructing the context of wars and revolutions. Since the nineteenth century, Renaissance Italy has been at the forefront of scholarship on diplomacy; today, with increasing awareness of the long history of the subject as well as a broader spectrum of case studies, the study of Italian diplomacy has become sophisticated and highly articulated, offering scholars many new directions for further exploration. During the period c. 1350–c. 1520 covered by the present volume, diplomatic sources became extremely rich and abundant. This sourcebook presents a selection of primary materials, both published and unpublished, which are mostly unavailable to English readers: a broad range of diplomatic sources, thematically organized, are introduced, translated, and annotated by an international team of leading scholars of the Italian Renaissance. The aim of this volume is to illustrate the richness of diplomatic documents both for the study of diplomacy itself as well as for other areas of historical investigation, such as gender and sexuality, crime and justice, art and leisure, and medicine.
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Martins, Sara Faria. „A Relevância que a Formação dada pelo Instituto Diplomático tem, na valorização da condução da Política Externa Portuguesa do Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros“. Master's thesis, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/11890.
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Relatório de Estágio apresentado para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Mestre em Ciência Política e Relações InternacionaisO presente Relatório de Estágio tem por objectivo, a análise da formação que o Instituto Diplomático dá a diplomatas estrangeiros, de forma a entender em que medida, esta acção diplomática poderá inferir para a condução da Política Externa Portuguesa. Assim, serão realizados: um enquadramento teórico das palavras-chave, através de um encadeamento lógico destes conceitos, e uma análise das estruturas orgânicas do Instituto e do MNE, para que se possa perceber de que modo estas poderão ditar a sua acção. A partir, da análise de um estudo de caso, pretende-se percepcionar a forma como este, terá influenciado a concretização de objectivos políticos específicos, bem como, através do historial de formações realizadas pelo IDI, extrapolar elações que evidenciem em que medida as acções de formação, enquanto formas de soft power e da acção diplomática, podem auxiliar na construção da imagem do MNE e do próprio país.
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França, Tereza Cristina Nascimento. „Self Made Nation : Domício da Gama e o pragmatismo do bom senso“. reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2007. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/4895.
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Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Relações Internacionais, Programa de Pós-Graduação, 2007.Submitted by Priscilla Brito Oliveira (priscilla.b.oliveira@gmail.com) on 2009-10-19T18:43:58Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tereza Cristina N Franca - tese Domicio da Gama.pdf: 6751471 bytes, checksum: d851d5efd7e17ab4c43c98c6b551b3d9 (MD5)
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Domício da Gama foi um diplomata que zelou pelos interesses do Brasil de modo muito particular. Guiado por sua própria norma de conduta, entendia que, caso fosse necessário, deveria estragar a sua própria situação em nome dos interesses nacionais. Vigilante e atento a tudo o que interessava ao Brasil, foi, antes de tudo, uma pessoa que optou por não chamar a atenção para si. Seu legado para a inserção internacional do Brasil foi uma visão de um Brasil forte por mérito próprio, e não utilizando o marchar se possível de Rio Branco ou ainda o marchar com de Lauro Müller. Nesta visão altaneira e exigente de um comportamento com densidade nacional, enquanto um bloco de condições fundamentais derivadas e instrumentais, percebe-se o quanto o pensamento de Domício da Gama era diferente dos seus coetâneos, visionário, ao pensar além de sua época. Ao estabelecer a proteção dos interesses nacionais como condição sine qua non para a preservação da identidade nacional em negociações internacionais, ele criou um limite fundamental entre as pretensões dos estados, seus relacionamentos e ingerências internas. Domício da Gama estabeleceu interesses nacionais enquanto paradigmas para a inserção do Estado nas relações internacionais, por não acreditar em amizades coletivas. Ao considerar que o hábito intervencionista norte-americano beirava os limites da descortesia internacional, ele pareceu vislumbrar um cenário que estaria em andamento cem anos depois.
Domício da Gama was a diplomat who watched over Brazilian interests in a very particular way. Guided for his own norms of behavior, he understood that if necessary he should ruin his personal situation on behalf of national interests. Paying attention to everything what concerned Brazil he was above all a person who chose not to attract attention for himself. His legacy for the international insertion of Brazil was a perception of an autonomous, self-made country, neither employing Rio Branco's "possible marching", nor Lauro Müller's "still marching with". From this point-of-view, for behaving consistently with national demands, considering existing constraints, Domício da Gama was different from his contemporary personalities. For practicing thoughts beyond his epoch, he was a visionary. Protecting national interests as sine qua non condition for national identity preservation at international negotiations, he created a fundamental line between states' intents, their relationships and internal interventions. Domício da Gama consolidated national interests as paradigms for state's insertion in international relations, for not believing in collective friendships. Considering that North-American interventionism was near international discourtesy, he glimpsed a scenario that would become reality about one hundred years later.
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Chang, Che-Wei [Verfasser]. „Oskar Trautmann, ein deutscher Diplomat in Ostasien : Individuum, Nation und Diplomatie aus der Perspektive der Globalgeschichte 1877-1950 / Che-Wei Chang“. Bonn : Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Bonn, 2021. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:hbz:5-63813.
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Ngouaka-Tsoumou, André Ludovic. „La diplomatie francophone“. Lyon 3, 2010. https://scd-resnum.univ-lyon3.fr/out/theses/2010_out_ngouaka_a.pdf.
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Les incertitudes de la mondialisation libérale dans les relations internationales, ont renforcé la prudence et la réserve dans l’opinion francophone répandue sur les cinq continents et structurée dans un grand ensemble géoculturel composé aujourd’hui de 70 pays. C’est la Francophonie politique. Elle se dévoile comme le pôle de la diversité, l’antidote de la pensée unique. C’est "une autre mondialisation", une autre façon de gérer les relations internationales, respectueuse de la dialectique de l’identité et de l’altérité. On nommera cela, faute d’autre appellation, "la Diplomatie francophone": une diplomatie de la rupture avec l’immobilisme en ce qu’elle s’adapte aux grandes mutations historiques. Sous-tendue par une volonté politique affirmée, elle dispose des atouts qui sont une première dans l’histoire des O. I. Géoculturelles. La diversité culturelle, le dialogue des cultures et la solidarité érigés en autres principes du Droit diplomatique relèvent d’une prouesse que l’on doit à la stratégie diplomatique francophone, donnant ainsi à la Francophonie une position d’influence spécifique et utile dans la mondialisation. Position qui consiste à s’afficher comme une communauté de valeurs, mais bien plus, à jouer sur le terrain le rôle de contrepoids de la vision uniformisatrice et unipolaire de la mondialisation non maîtrisée. "La diplomatie francophone" n’est pas une chimère. C’est une diplomatie d’une union géoculturelle qui, partageant la même langue, le français, fait du dialogue un outil de paix, de prévention des conflits et de la médiation internationale. C’est une diplomatie attractive et d’influence au service de grandes idées humanistes pour la construction d’une communauté internationale équilibrée et solidaireThe uncertainties of the liberal globalization in the international relations, reinforced prudence and the reserve in the French-speaking opinion widespread on the five continents and structured in a great geo-cultural unit today composed of 70 countries. That’s the political "Francophonie". It’s revealed like the pole of diversity, the antidote of the unique thinking. It’s "another globalization", another way of managing the international relations, respectful of the dialectic of identity and otherness. One will name that, for lack of another name, "the Francophone diplomacy": diplomacy of the rupture with the opposition to progress in what it adapts to the great historical changes. Underlain by an affirmed political will, it has the assets which are a first in geo-cultural international organisations history. The cultural diversity, the dialogue of the cultures and solidarity set up in other principles of the diplomatic Right concern a prowess that one must with the French-speaking diplomatic strategy, thus giving to the Francophonie position of a specific and useful influence in globalization. Position that consists in showing itself as a community of values, but much more, in playing the function of the standardized and “unipolar” view counterweight of uncontrolled globalization. "Francophone diplomacy" is not a dream. It is a diplomacy of a geo-cultural union which, sharing the same language, French, makes dialogue a tool of peace, conflicts prevention and international mediation. It’s a gravitational diplomacy and of influence to the service of great humanistic ideas for the construction of a balanced and interdependent international community
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Guixé, i. Coromines Jordi. „Diplomacia y represión“. Paris 3, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006PA030155.
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Diplomatie et Répression, est un travail doctoral qui analyse la répression d’État, policière et officieuse, contre les exilés de la Seconde République espagnole en France, et ce à travers les trois importantes guerres que sont la Guerre civile espagnole, la Deuxième Guerre mondiale et la Guerre froide. Les stratégies et pactes diplomatiques officieux délimitèrent des politiques obscures et grises qui marquèrent de façon déterminante la vie de milliers de personnes. La répression fut politique et ce travail analyse la continuité répressive qui découlait d’une guerre civile et s’étend jusqu’aux opérations de « chasse aux sorcières » qui eurent lieu en France en 1950. L’investigation se base sur des sources documentaires originales déposées aux archives nationales et ministérielles de France et d’Espagne et sur des documents policiers et des dossiers de répression policiers et militaires. Tous types de casuistique furent appliqués à la persécution et la répression des exilés, qui affecta depuis les hauts responsables jusqu’aux déportés et exterminés les plus humbles. Les États espagnol et français furent les acteurs de ce politiques diplomatiques et géostratégiques lesquelles marquèrent notre histoire et nos sociétés de façon traumatique. Les sources primaires évaluent notre proximité des dites politiques de répression qu’elles ne sont en rien des anecdotes ou des banalités. Elle furent politiques dictées par des ordres contraires au respect le plus élémentaire des droits de l’homme et du citoyen. La thèse nous permet de nous amène sur le terrain européen de la « répression extraterritoriale » du franquisme, dure et fanatique, et obsessive contre l’exil républicainDiplomatie et Répression is a doctoral research project that analyses the State, police and unofficial repression of exiles of the Second Spanish Republic in France during three important wars, the Spanish Civil War, the Second World War and the Cold War. The unofficial strategies and diplomatic agreements resulted in dark and sinister police policies that decisively affected the lives of thousands of people. This was a political repression and this work analyses this continuous repression from the Civil War to the “witch hunt” operation in France in 1950. The research is based on original documents stored in the national and ministry archives of France and Spain, as well as police documentation and files on police and military repression. The persecution and repression of republican exiles employed all kinds of casuistries and affected everyone from senior officials to the most humble exiles who were deported and exterminated. The Spanish and French States played their part in the entire process and the different diplomatic and geostrategic expectations have traumatically marked our history and our societies. The work with the primary sources enables us to see that these repressive policies are not remote, and are in no way anecdotal or trivial. They were policies –albeit erroneous- which were dictated in violation of all respect for human and citizens’ rights. In addition to the facts, the thesis provides a European insight into the Franco’s Regime’s hard, fanatical and obsessed “extraterritorial repression” of the republican exile
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Pejo, Philippe. „La diplomatie parlementaire“. Thesis, Université Paris-Saclay (ComUE), 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016SACLS532.
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Concept original lié à une pratique contemporaine de l’action des parlements, la diplomatie parlementaire complète avec habilité la diplomatie classique, compétence régalienne des représentants étatiques du pouvoir exécutif. Justifiant son fondement légal sur le droit public en général et le droit parlementaire en particulier, la diplomatie parlementaire consacre l’internationalisation croissante de l’activité parlementaire et apporte son concours effectif à la démocratisation de la scène internationaleOriginal concept related to a contemporary practice of parliamentary action, the parliamentary diplomacy strengthens skillfully classical diplomacy, the regal skill of state executive branch officials. Justifying its legal basis on public law in general and particularly on parliamentary law, parliamentary diplomacy devotes increasing internationalization of parliamentary activity and provides effective support to the democratization of the international scene
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Ismail, Muhammad-Basheer Adisa. „Islamic diplomatic law and international diplomatic law : a quest for compatibility“. Thesis, University of Hull, 2012. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:7135.
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Most literatures on international law have been observed to neglect or give scanty attention to the contribution of Islamic law towards the development of modern international law, particularly the principles relating to the diplomatic immunity and privileges. It has often been maintained, especially by some Western commentators that there is no modicum of materiality between Islamic siyar and the rules of conventional international law; as such, Islamic law has nothing to offer the international legal system. The current spades of global terrorism which are allegedly perpetrated in the name of Islam against diplomatic institutions have further widened this perceived incongruity between the two legal regimes. This study therefore critiques and also evaluates the exactitude of the contention that the sources of the two legal regimes are incompatible. This study equally examines the compatibility in the diplomatic principles between Islamic diplomatic law and international diplomatic law. It also contends that the attacks on diplomats and diplomatic facilities are antithetical to the classical principles of jihaad and Islamic diplomatic law. It further argues that the need to harmonise the two legal systems and have a thorough cross-cultural understanding amongst nations generally with a view to enhancing unfettered diplomatic cooperation should be of paramount priority.
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David, Anne. „De la carte ethnographique à la frontière des diplomates (1919) : l''illusion scientiste d'une ethno-diplomatie, ses vicissitudes et ses échecs en Europe centrale“. Montpellier 3, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002MON30005.
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Clerc, Louis. „La Finlande dans la diplomatie française : représentations, forces organisationnelles et intérêt national dans les considérations finlandaises des diplomates et des militaires français (1918-1940)“. Université Robert Schuman (Strasbourg) (1971-2008), 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007STR30001.
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Notre thèse vise à étudier la place de la Finlande dans la diplomatie et la stratégie française entre 1918 et 1940. Notre travail s'articule autour de trois questions principales :. Quelles sont les relations entretenues par les responsables français de politique étrangère avec la Finlande?. Quelles sont les structures de ces relations, la façon dont les responsables français replacent la Finlande dans le cadre de leurs visions du monde et de l'intérêt national?. Quels enseignements en termes d'organisation des relations entre un petit Etat et une grande puissance peut-on tirer du cas d'école des relations franco-finlandaises? Notre travail reprend le cours des relations franco-finlandaises de la reconnaissance par la France de l'indépendance finlandaise (4 janvier 1918) à la fin de la guerre finno-soviétique (13 mars 1940). Nous observons ces relations dans trois domaines : les représentations de la Finlande en France ; les forces organisationnelles à l'oeuvre dans les relations entre les responsables français et la Finlande ; la façon dont la Finlande s'insère dans les considérations d'intérêt national de ces responsables. Dans ces trois domaines, notre but est de trouver les influences pesant sur les responsables français dans leur appréciation des questions finlandaises. Ce travail nous permet de dresser un certain nombre de conclusions sur la nature des relations entre grandes puissances et petits Etats et sur la politique française en Baltique de 1918 à 1940Our thesis aims at studying the place of Finland in French diplomacy and strategy from 1918 to 1940. Our work revolves around three sets of issues: What are the relations between the French foreign policy leadership and Finland? What are the structures of these relations, the way the French foreign policy leadership replaces Finland in their views of the world and their assessment of French national interest? What does this case-study teach us in terms of the way Great Powers relate to small States? Our work describes chronologically French-Finnish relations from the recognition by France of Finland’s independence (4th January 1918) to the end of the Finnish-Soviet war (13th March 1940). We observe these relations in three domains: the French representations about Finland; the organisational forces at work between the French leadership and Finland ; the way Finland is replaced in the French assessment of France’s national interest. In these three domains, our goal is to find the influences that weight on the French leadership’s assessment of Finland’s place in France’s national interest. This work allows us to draw a few conclusions of the way Great Powers relate to small States, and on French policy in the Baltic between the two World wars
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Scheffler, Matthias. „Mit Diplomatie und Handarbeit“. Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2010. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-61176.
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Den Begriff oder die Orchesterbibliotheken selbst kennt kaum jemand. Dabei spielen sie eine der wichtigsten Rollen bei den Orchestern. Denn wie gelangen stets die richtigen Noten pünktlich auf die Pulte der Dirigenten und Spieler? Die Orchesterbibliothekare legen meistens selbst Hand an und erarbeiten mit den Dramaturgen und Regisseuren eine Aufführungsfassung. Nicht selten müssen bis zu 100 Seiten Opernmaterial eingerichtet werden. Und das nicht gesamt, sondern einzeln für die Bläser, die Sänger und den Dirigenten.
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Pucher, Isabelle, und Kim Dahlbeck. „Three is a Crowd : A Critical Analysis of Third Party Actor Influence Regarding the Nuclear Negotiations Between P5+1 and Iran“. Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Akademin för lärande, humaniora och samhälle, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-29685.
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This thesis examines third-party actor influence on the domestic level in the ongoing diplomatic negotiations between P5+1 and Iran, with the research question being; What demands, arguments and strategies does the Congress and AIPAC use to influence the negotiation process between the U.S. and Iran? Secondly, what are their goals for doing so? Furthermore, the combined theoretical framework has been applied onto the material using a critical method in order to answer the questions. Legislative bills from the Congress, regarding congressional insight to the agreement, have been approved. In this pressured negotiation process with high stakes it is astounding that these actions are allowed. Due to this behavior from Congress, amongst others, it becomes interesting to study the negotiation process and its salient third-party actor influence. The results suggests that legislative actions combined with various demands and arguments, focused on mistrust of Iran, history and the security of Israel, are their main strategies to gain influence. An additional new, third, level has also been discovered by the authors of this thesis in regards to these complicated negotiations.
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Pantalacci, Jean-Pierre. „Diplomatie et diplomates vénitiens à Rome au XVIe siècle : 1500-1535 : les rapports entre la Papauté et Venise à travers les Relazioni des ambassadeurs vénitiens“. Paris 4, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA040232.
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L'objet de ces travaux est d'analyser les relations entre la papauté et Venise, dans la 1ère moitié du XVIe siècle, à travers les rapports des ambassadeurs vénitiens qui nous sont parvenus. La période retenue pour cette étude va de 1500 à 1535 et coresspond à quatre pontificats : ceux d'Alexandre VI, Julius II, Léon X et Clément VII. C'est une période riche en rebondissements sur la scène italienne et eurpéenne, période au cours de laquelle Venise se trouve tout à tour alliée et opposée à Rome. L'ambassadeur est à la fois observateur, juge et acteur de ces événements. Il porte également un regard sur les personnages des quatres pontifies et sur la Rome de cette époqueThe aim of this work tends to analyse the relationships between the papacy and Venice in the first half of the XVIth century through the Venetian ambassadors'reports that have been preserved. The span of time chosen for this study covers the period 1500-1535 and corresponds to four pontificates : Alexander VI b. Borgia, Julius II b. Della Rovere, Leo X and Clement VII b. Medici. This period is particularly eventful both in Italy and Europe, period in which Venice found itself an ally and an opponent of Rome in turns. Thus, the Venetian ambassador is at same time an observer, a judge and an actor of these events. He also considers the personalities of the four pontiffs and Rome
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Lüning, Carl. „Marin diplomati i Arktis“. Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-6699.
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The Arctic area is in a state of rapid change. New fairways open up as the ice melts, which – in turn – presents both opportunities and threats to the neighboring states. As the Arctic is of both economical and strategic interest, these states include both great powers like the U.S. and Russia but also small powers like Norway and Denmark. The purpose of this thesis is to investigate how these states use their armed forces in claim of the Arctic and – more specifically – how Maritime Diplomacy is used in this situation. The thesis furthers attempts to address the question whether there are differences between the large states on the one hand, and the smaller ones on the other when using Maritime Diplomacy. The theoretical framework used in the thesis comes from several well known scholars and military theorists including Cable and Corbett which focus on maritime strategy. The analyses suggest that there are indeed significant differences between the studied states in terms of their use of Maritime Diplomacy. The thesis concludes that the four nations uses it’s maritime diplomacy tools in a coherent way. But there is a difference between great powers and smaller states since the smaller tend to use influence as a tool in greater extent. The thesis also shows that Russia as the only state that uses a coercive tool.
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Skalová, Dominika Antonie. „Kulturní diplomacie“. Master's thesis, Akademie múzických umění v Praze.Divadelní fakulta. Knihovna, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-202420.
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Diploma thesis "Cultural diplomacy" examines a specific field of diplomatic relations in which culture plays the key role. It introduces basic terminology and theoretical outcomes. Later, it defines cultural diplomacy in the broader context of public diplomacy, nation branding, and soft power. The main part is devoted to describing and analyzing the environment in the Czech Republic - it defines institutions and instruments used in the Czech environment and specifies methods of cultural diplomacy. With respect to subsections of cultural diplomacy, it is primarily devoted to the performing arts. The following chapter describing the transition of cultural diplomacy to guerilla diplomacy constitutes a substantial part of the thesis. It introduces this concept as the first thesis so far. Further it explains it in detail and points to the possibility of its application in the field of art and possibly culture. The final part includes suggestions for working more efficiently with tools of cultural and guerilla diplomacy in the Czech Republic.
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Lukovicsová, Nicola. „The history of diplomatic protocol with the emphasis on French influence on diplomatic protocol and new cultural influences on today´s diplomatic protocol“. Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193888.
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The Master's Thesis on "The History of Diplomatic Protocol with the Emphasis on French Influence on Diplomatic Protocol and New Cultural Influences on Today's Diplomatic Protocol" aims at introducing the topic of History of Diplomatic protocol and is further elaborating on the topic in terms of various influences on Diplomacy and Diplomatic protocol. The purpose was to show that the evolution of the practices, protocols and etiquette is a gradual process of change. Nowadays we live in the world strongly influenced by the European tradition that mainly comes from France. However, the changing world and process of globalization makes it easier for people to interact, share their values and spread their ideas.
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Johansson, Gustav. „La diplomatie publique : une comparaison entre la France et la Suède“. Thesis, Växjö University, School of Humanities, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-5610.
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Dans la mondialisation d’aujourd’hui et dans un monde plus démocratique et ouvert, la diplomatie publique est devenue un sujet qui suscite de plus en plus d’intérêt. Selon Anholt, un analyste de société anglais, tous les gouvernements doivent, pour le compte du peuple, des institutions et des entreprises, développer une stratégie pour améliorer et fortifier la perception du pays. La théorie utilisée est celle d’Anholt appelée Nation branding où il applique une théorie commerciale dans le monde des sciences politiques et sociales en comparant les pays aux marques commerciales. Dans ce mémoire, en utilisant les méthodes de l’étude du corpus et l’entretien, je compare les stratégies et les objectifs de la diplomatie publique de la France et de la Suède. Après avoir fait un inventaire des cinq grandes voies de promouvoir un pays à l’extérieur et après avoir regardé les stratégies actuelles des deux pays, on trouve de nombreuses similarités, surtout dans les stratégies des cinq voies de promouvoir un pays. Les différences se trouvent ailleurs. Par exemple la Suède n’hésite pas à comparer l’image du pays avec une marque commerciale selon la théorie de Nation branding tandis que la France est plus hésitante, mais le nouveau ministre des Affaires étrangères et européennes en France est favorable à la notion. D’autre part, j’ai pu constater que l’optique suédoise de la diplomatie publique correspond plutôt à une volonté de placer la Suède sur la scène mondiale et d’instaurer un sentiment de good will tandis que la France souhaite avant tout sauvegarder son rang de puissance mondiale et considère la position forte de sa langue comme une condition nécessaire pour ce faire. L’action culturelle extérieure suédoise s’organise surtout depuis la Suède, parce que la Suède n’a pas de réseau culturel comparable à celui de la France. La mise en place du Conseil de la promotion de l’image de la Suède dans le monde permet partiellement de contrer la grandeur de la France.
In the globalization of today, in a more democratic and open world, public diplomacy has become a subject that gets more and more attention. According to Anholt, a British social analyst, all governments should, on behalf of the people, the institutions and the companies, develop a strategy to improve and strengthen the perception of the country. The theory applied is Anholt’s Nation Branding where he uses the ideas of branding for the public diplomacy of a country. He likes to compare countries to commercial brands. The aim of this minor thesis is to compare the strategies and objectives of the public diplomacy of today in France and Sweden. To reach my conclusions I have collected information from Anholt’s books of Nation branding and from the official websites of the different national administrations. I also made interviews with people involved in the matter. There are five ways to communicate the image of a country abroad. France and Sweden have similar strategies within these fields. The differences are to be found, foremost in the way of talking about the country as a brand and the value of Nation Branding. It’s a part of the Swedish strategy while the French are more reluctant. At the same time, the French minister of foreign and European affairs, Kouchner, seems to be influenced by the ideas behind Nation Branding. I have also come to the conclusion that the aim of the Swedish public diplomacy regards primary to place Sweden on the world map and to create a sense of good will while the main priority of France is to stay a leading world nation and considers the language aspect very important to do so. The Swedish cultural diplomacy is organized at the head office in Stockholm while the French have an immense network of cultural institutes. As Sweden is not represented worldwide, the Swedish solution is a national council of international representations that work together to form a strategy to promote Sweden.
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Sogari, Mário Augusto Brudna. „A política externa do Japão no século XXI : rumo a uma nova doutrina diplomática?“ reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/70022.
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Nesta dissertação de mestrado, buscou-se estabelecer se a diplomacia japonesa estaria em um processo de mudança no século XXI, abrindo mão dos princípios das doutrinas Yoshida e Fukuda, que regeram a política externa desde o Pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial, e indo em direção à elaboração de uma nova doutrina. Para tanto, utilizando o marco teórico de Putnam (1988), foram analisadas não somente as agendas de política externa dos governos japoneses dos anos 2000, como também os condicionamentos internos e externos presentes em cada um deles, permitindo-se verificar o quanto os partidos políticos e seus gabinetes conseguiram aplicar os seus projetos na área diplomática. No âmbito interno, a mudança no processo de elaboração de política externa, através da quebra do sistema do triângulo de ferro, sendo substituído pela centralização de poder decisório nos partidos políticos e na Dieta, o parlamento japonês indica que o Japão está sob uma alteração de sua Doutrina diplomática. Já quanto aos fatores externos, a Crise Asiática, a crise financeira de 2008 e o militarismo de China e Coreia do Norte tiveram papel fundamental para que o Japão realizasse mudanças nos seus esforços para adotar um papel mais proativo na Ásia, quebrando o histórico de minimalismo diplomático presente na Doutrina Yoshida. Ainda assim o país não conseguiu reestruturar os termos da aliança político-securitária com os Estados Unidos e não foi bem sucedido em angariar apoio público para a realização de mudanças no papel político-militar do país. A dificuldade da diplomacia japonesa em encontrar alternativas ao sistema de segurança norte-americano e de enfrentar situações de instabilidade política interna e regional fez com que a proximidade com os Estados Unidos fosse mantida como pedra angular de política externa.This master degree's thesis seeks to establish whether the Japanese diplomacy would be in a process of change in the 21st century, by giving up on the principles of the Yoshida and Fukuda doctrines, which have determined Japan's foreign policy since the end of World War II, and heading towards the creation of a new doctrine. In order to answer this question, by using the theoretical contribution of Putnam (1988), not only were the foreign policy agendas of the Japanese governments thorough the 2000's decade analyzed, but also the domestic and external conditionings present in each of them, which helped verifying in which extent political parties and their cabinets were successful in applying their own diplomatic projects. In the domestic level, the change in the process of making foreign policy, through the end of the Iron Triangle system and its substitution by the centralization of decision power in the political parties and the Japanese Diet, indicates that Japan is under an alteration of its diplomatic doctrine. In the external level, the 1997 Asian financial crisis, the 2008 financial crisis and the militarism displayed by North Korea and China had an essential role in so that Japan would make changes in its efforts to adopt a more proactive political position in Asia, breaking the concept of diplomatic minimalism of the Yoshida Doctrine. Nevertheless, the country was unable to restructure the terms of the political and security alliance with the United States, and was also unsuccessful in harnessing public support to change the country's political and military role. The difficulty of finding alternatives to the North American security system and facing regional and domestic stability resulted in the decision of keeping the proximity with the United States as a cornerstone of Japan's foreign policy.
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Nanz, Tobias. „Grenzverkehr eine Mediengeschichte der Diplomatie“. Zürich Berlin Diaphanes, 2008. http://d-nb.info/999191640/04.
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Dyson, Tomas. „English diplomatic agents 1603-1688“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a78dc4d0-5ac4-47fc-95b5-a0e73d2a35e6.
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The general historiography of Stuart diplomacy has, by and large, argued that those who were tasked with carrying out foreign policy were ineffective, amateurish and, in some cases, incompetent. This harsh view is in need of reassessment in the light of a number of incidents, which suggest that much effective foreign policy and general diplomatic work was carried out by lower-ranking diplomats, who were titled agents. These agents have attracted little historical comment or study. This thesis sets out to redress this by considering the agents employed from 1603 to 1688, when the title disappeared due to rank inflation, duties transferred to consuls, and other factors. The texts of the period on the perfect ambassador leave clear omissions in descriptions of diplomatic work, which therefore suggests a role for another type of diplomat, the agent. The initial chapter looks at background and education and offers a portrait of an average agent as typically a well-educated member of the lower gentry. The terms under which agents served are compared with other professional groups of comparable social rank and those in other government positions. Agents’ work in information gathering, including where and from what sources they obtained material and how it was transmitted, is investigated. The existence of an efficient international network is uncovered. Agents’ role in negotiations, unconstrained by protocol, allowed them a greater degree of freedom than ambassadors. This and the element of deniability are key to understanding their importance to Stuart diplomacy. The task of protecting merchants’ rights is demonstrated by a case study in France which shows all the usual stages involved in resolving a dispute. Involvement in buying naval supplies and cultural transfer are also discussed in chapters concerned with agents’ practical activities. Finally, the careers pursued after their agencies are outlined, showing how some, such as Cottington, used their skills and knowledge to their advantage. Having demonstrated the differences amongst, and the utility of, agents it is possible to suggest that some of the criticism of Stuart diplomacy comes from a misunderstanding of the use of both agents and ambassadors, and how, when and why each could be employed for a specific task.
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Chantre, Zenaida Vieira Brito. „Cabo Verde:a nova diplomacia económica“. Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/19820.
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Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações InternacionaisA presente dissertação debruça-se sobre o novo modelo da Diplomacia Económica (DE) em Cabo Verde, enquanto recurso estratégico de desenvolvimento do país. Realça as vulnerabilidades económicas do arquipélago como eixos de formatação de uma Política Externa baseada no desígnio do desenvolvimento, assim como a graduação a País de Desenvolvimento Médio (PMD) e a crise financeira internacional, fatores considerados de peso na afirmação e no desenvolvimento da nova Diplomacia Económica. A Diplomacia Económica aparece como uma das ferramentas essenciais da Política externa, uma vez que é tributária do processo de desenvolvimento sustentado. Distingue-se em duas fases, consubstanciadas por regimes político-económicos distintos, facto que marca a diferenciação estratégica e programática da DE do arquipélago. Cabo Verde afirma-se a nível internacional e conduz as suas políticas tendentes à inserção no Sistema Económico Mundial. Vários programas são implementados com a ajuda da comunidade internacional, merecendo particular destaque, o da estratégia de Redução da Pobreza. Porém, o Plano de Desenvolvimento Sustentável, PEDS 2017-2021, designação dada ao documento de estratégia de governação da IX legislatura, é prospetivo e pretende que o país atinja, a médio prazo, o desenvolvimento autossustentado. A Diplomacia Económica representa o instrumento que promove e propicia a articulação entre as políticas internas e externas, como forma de viabilizar o desenvolvimento das ilhas.
This thesis explores the new Economic Diplomacy (ED) Model of Cape Verde as an important strategic economic development of the respective country. To that end, it stresses the archipelago’s economic vulnerabilities as shaping axes of a foreign policy based on development and improvement to Least Development Country (LDC), the international financial crisis, as key factors of the new Economic Diplomacy. Economic Diplomacy is claimed as an important tool for the external policy of the country given that it pays tribute to the sustainable development process. Such a process is based on two phases, underpinned by distinctive economic and political regimes that justify the two different approaches and programmes of the ED and the archipelago. Cape Verde stands out internationally by conducting its policies towards better integration in the World Economic System. Several of its programmes are implemented with the help of the international community such as the Poverty Reduction Strategy. Yet, the Sustainable Development Plan (PEDS 2017-2021), which is part of the IX Legislature Strategy Document, seeks to achieve a self-sustainable country in the medium term. Economic Diplomacy represents the legal framework for an articulation between internal and external policies, as a way forward to foster the development of the islands.
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El, Qour Tahar. „La diplomatie économique au Maroc“. Paris, EHESS, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007EHES0068.
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L'action diplomatique a toujours été marquée par son statut très particulier. Elle a ainsi un effet évident sur les relations internationales et intercommunautaires. Cependant, le travail diplomatique ne se limite plus au discours politique visant à mettre fin aux affrontements militaires, il dépend plus de facteurs économiques dans un souci de concilier les intérêts et d'éviter les guerres économiques. La thèse se veut une lecture critique des plus importants acteurs de la diplomatie économique marocaine que nous avons classés selon leur importance en : acteurs officiels (l'institution royale, le gouvernement et le parlement), les nouveaux canaux de la diplomatie économique marocaine (Le conseil national du commerce extérieur, le centre marocain de la promotion des exportations, les groupes locaux et les lobbies). De ce fait les réalisations demeurent modestes et négligeables par rapport à d'autres pays dans la même situation que le Maroc. Afin de vérifier ces résultats, nous avons effectué une lecture dans les relations économiques marocaines en identifiant de nombreux points forts et de dysfonctionnements dans les choix du partenariat stratégique avec plusieurs pays. Il s'avère ainsi que la politique du libre-échange n'a pas toujours été utile pour l'économie marocaine parce qu'elle a eu des effets néfastes ou collatéraux sur de nombreux secteurs productifs et sur les relations économiques du Maroc avec d'autres pays. Parmi les plus importantes conclusions auxquelles nous avons abouties, il y a lieu de signaler la nécessité d'une mise à niveau managériale de l'économie marocaineThe diplomatic action has always been marked by its particular status. Consequently it has an obvious effect on the international and intercommunity relations. However, the diplomatic work is not only limited to the political discourse aiming at putting an end to military confrontations, but it also depends on economic factors to reconcile interests and to avoid economic wars. The present work presents a critical reading of the most important actors of the Moroccan economic diplomacy classified according to their degree of importance : official actors (the royal institution, the government and the parliament), the new channels of the Morocco economic diplomacy (the national counsel of external trade, the Morocco centre of exportation promotion, Local communes and pressure groups). Needless to say that the results of this study can be effective it they are complemented by other studies which have to dismantle the role of the actors in the Moroccan economic diplomatic work taking in to consideration planification, strategies and indicators of measurement, evaluation and results effectiveness
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Mavoungou, Jean-François. „La Diplomatie congolaise : 1960 - 1986“. Paris 1, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA010257.
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Ce travail fixe le schéma de l'organisation et du fonctionnement, mesure l'influence de chacun des instruments qui participent où gèrent les relations extérieures du Congo, d'une part, explique les enjeux du Congo sur la scène internationale, évalue leur mise en œuvre dans ses rapports avec l'extérieur et éclaire les principales difficultés de celle-ci, d'autre part. Certains acteurs, de par la nature et l'importance de leurs prérogatives, participent, plus que d'autres, aux relations extérieures du Congo ; il en résulte que ceux-là sont plus influents que ceux-ci, et qu'au sein de l'ensemble, il existe, entre les acteurs, une hiérarchie de poids dans les relations extérieures de l'état. L'action diplomatique est un mélange original d'impuissance, d'adresse, de ruse, de dogmatisme et parfois de simple bon sens, les objectifs poursuivis par le Congo et les principes d'actions n'ont jamais reçu une application effective et adéquate. Un renouvellement des modalités de fonctionnement et d'organisation des instruments, d'une part, et une volonté politique, mettant en œuvre les stratégies, notamment au niveau des rapports bilatéraux, en fonction de leur utilité et primauté du point de vue des populations, d'autre part, rendraient, nulle doute, la diplomatie congolaise efficace, rentable et fiableThis work gives an outline of the organization and functionning of congolese diplomacy. It assesses the respective influences of each of the instruments which make up the congo's foreign affairs, explains the country's stakes on the international scene evaluating their implementation in foreign affairs, and highlights the main diplomatic difficulties. Certain actors, according to their nature and importance, participate more than others in the foreign affairs of the congo. Consequently, some of these elements are more influential than others, and on the whole a hierarchy exists between them in the foreign affairs of the stae. The diplomatic action is therefore a curious mixture of powerlessness, shrewdness, tactics, dogmatism ans soletimes just pure common sense. Viewed globally, the objectives and therefore the principles of action followed by the congo have never seen an adequate and effective application. A renewal of the modes of functionning and organization of the instruments and a political will implementing strategies (for instance with population in bilateral affairs, according to their usefulness and primacy) would certainly render congolese diplomacy more efficient, reliable and profitable
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Riziki, Mohamed Abdelaziz. „Sociologie de la diplomatie marocaine“. Paris 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA010264.
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Dans le cadre de cette étude, nous dressons un portrait sociologique de la diplomatie marocaine, et ce, sur la base de la biographie de 278 personnalités marocaines: ministres des Affaires étrangères et de la Coopération, ministres délégués aux Affaires étrangères, secrétaires d'État aux Affaires étrangères, ambassadeurs, marocains dirigeant une organisation internationale ou régionale, quelques personnalités ayant une influence réelle sur l'appareil diplomatique marocain. Nous nous intéressons en particulier aux origines sociales et familiales des diplomates marocains, à leurs origines géographiques, à leurs études (nature et de lieu de formation), à leur capital culturel, aux langues qu'ils sont en mesure de pratiquer, à leurs relations éventuelles avec le Maghzen ou Makhzen, l'appareil d'État au Maroc, à leurs affiliations ou non à des mouvements politiques (formations partisanes et organisations de défense des droits humains) et à des clubs et autres associations, du Maroc et de l'étranger. Le traitement statistique que nous avons effectué permet de constater que presque tous les diplomates marocains, au lendemain de l'indépendance (1956), étaient d'origine urbaine, surtout de la ville de Fès. Cette prédominance de Fès sur la diplomatie marocaine a été atténuée, mais n'a pas disparu pour autant. D'autres enseignements sont à tirer de ce traitement statistique: importance des solidarités familiales et tribales, prépondérance des lauréats de l'enseignement supérieur français et de l'École nationale d'Administration publique de Rabat, primat des filières «Science politique» et «Administration publique», faveurs accordées par le Palais royal à des diplomates parachutés issus de la bourgeoisie et de l'aristocratie, mais aussi aux membres des partis politiques favorables au régime politique en place, les fameux « partis cocottes-minute», etc. . . De manière générale, le pouvoir royal est considérable en matière de nomination des diplomates. Cela est particulièrement visible dans le choix et la nomination des diplomates n'appartenant pas à la carrière. Sur le plan méthodologique, nous avons opté pour la prosopographie, une démarche qui s'efforce d'identifier les personnalités afin de mieux les «situer» en tant qu'acteurs de la vie sociale, politique et diplomatique du Maroc, en nous intéressant particulièrement à leur personne, à leurs origines et relations sociales.
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Čižmárová, Lucia. „Ekonomická diplomacia Číny v Afrike“. Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-136331.
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This diploma thesis analyzes the economic diplomacy of China in Africa. It focuses on searching for motives, players and instruments used for its implementation. The starting point is a theoretical description of economic diplomacy in general followed by a more specific description of foreign policy and economic diplomacy of China. The main part of the thesis is dedicated to the analysis of particular areas of economic diplomacy of China in Africa - mainly trade, investments and development aid - where it is possible to observe implementation in practice. The thesis further deeply analyzes the sector of natural resources where all the particular instruments and players meet. Marginally it includes an analysis of others specific parts as health diplomacy and soft power. The complex picture is drawn in the section of case study of Nigeria which is the typical example of the Chinese strategy of economic diplomacy. The concluding paragraphs of the thesis evaluate the overall implications of China's presence in Africa.
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Arbi, Moubachir el. „Politique et diplomatie chez Leibniz“. Lille 3 : ANRT, 1985. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37594077m.
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Forni, Federico <1979>. „Cittadinanza europea e protezione diplomatica“. Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2011. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/3651/1/forni_federico_tesi.pdf.
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