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Nasution, Nadya Amalia, und Umi Rojiati. „MODERASI BERAGAMA DALAM RUANG DIGITAL: GERAKAN OPINI DIGITAL #SKB3MENTERI“. Tatar Pasundan : Jurnal Diklat Keagamaan 15, Nr. 1 (14.06.2021): 10–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.38075/tp.v15i1.198.
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The study examines Digital Movement of Opinion (DMO) by using hastag #SKB3Menteri hashtags on Twitter, thus forming a mobilization of digital opinion support between actors and hashtags as well as digital opinions. The research data was taken through Netlytic software ranging from February 03, 2021 to February 11, 2021. The method used is Social Network Analysis combined both quantitative and qualitative approach. Quantitatively, the study investigated 2500 samples from communication networks and tweets #SKB3Menteri as many as 3,232. Qualitatively, the researchers analyzed the text which describes social networks related to #SKB3Menteri. The results showed that #SKB3Menteri hashtag creates mobilization with a wide network system. The study also showed the hashtag was able to reach out Twitter users to giving their opinions. Keywords: Religious moderation; Twitter; SKB 3 Ministers; Digital Movement of Opinion; Social Network Analysis
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Veronika, Restani, Camelia Camelia, Rani Febriliana und Yuce Eviona Yapen. „DIGITAL LITERACY AS A SOCIAL MOBILIZATION AND LEARNING PLATFORM“. SEIKAT: Jurnal Ilmu Sosial, Politik dan Hukum 2, Nr. 3 (02.06.2023): 228–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.55681/seikat.v2i3.544.
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Dari hasil studi dan penelitian tentang pendidikan pria atau wanita di lingkungan keluarga, sekolah dan masyarakat, penting bagi pria atau wanita siswa yang baik secara mental maupun fisik. Sekolah individu dengan literasi virtual adalah upaya untuk memenuhi penggunaan literasi virtual di dunia serba teknologi saat ini dan merupakan proyek untuk instruktur. Lingkungan keluarga dan fakultas sendiri harus diselaraskan untuk menjadi jembatan pada tahap selanjutnya dalam membentuk orang siswa yang diinginkan sehingga digitalliteracy dapat terlaksana di SMA 3 Palangka Raya. Karena minat mereka untuk lebih memahami, keluarga dan perguruan tinggi mendorong siswanya untuk melakukan digitalliteracy SMA 3 Palangka Raya.
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Petković, Jelena, und Jelena Božilović. „DIGITAL CULTURE AS A FRAMEWORK OF CIVIC ACTIVISM“. MEDIA STUDIES AND APPLIED ETHICS 2, Nr. 1 (08.10.2020): 21–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.46630/msae.2.2020.02.
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The basic assumption of the paper is that digital culture, regardless of how much it is based on technological progress, is not determined by it, but necessarily arises from the values, ways of thinking and acting that are grounded in that technology and by it, and that have enabled its development. Thereby, the introduction will be dedicated to a critical deliberation on digital culture as a platform for the (de)construction of individual and collective identities, analysing its participative, mobilizational and subversive potential in the context of agitation and realization of social and cultural changes, civil rights and freedoms. The main purpose of this paper is to explain from the sociological point of view how digital culture has determined, shaped and transformed the paths of civic activism, especially in the last few years in Serbia. By using secondary sources of data, the paper will analyse to which extent the Internet and social networks represent important instruments of communication and mobilization of citizens for protesting and organization of various political events. A special critical emphasis will be directed towards the effects, advantages and limitations (activation or passivization) of civic engagement in the context of digital culture. The application of the comparative method in the final part of the paper will point out how much Serbian civic activism follows or differs from European movements that also rely primarily on the Internet and social networks as a medium for mobilization.
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MacKinnon, Kinnon Ross, Hannah Kia und Ashley Lacombe-Duncan. „Examining TikTok’s Potential for Community-Engaged Digital Knowledge Mobilization With Equity-Seeking Groups“. Journal of Medical Internet Research 23, Nr. 12 (09.12.2021): e30315. http://dx.doi.org/10.2196/30315.
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Social media is increasingly being leveraged by researchers to engage in public debates and rapidly disseminate research results to health care providers, health care users, policy makers, educators, and the general public. This paper contributes to the growing literature on the use of social media for digital knowledge mobilization, drawing particular attention to TikTok and its unique potential for collaborative knowledge mobilization with underserved communities who experience barriers to health care and health inequities (eg, equity-seeking groups). Setting the TikTok platform apart from other social media are the unique audiovisual video editing tools, together with an impactful algorithm, that make knowledge dissemination and exchange with large global audiences possible. As an example, we will discuss digital knowledge mobilization with trans and nonbinary (trans) communities, a population that experiences barriers to health care and is engaged in significant peer-to-peer health information sharing on the web. To demonstrate, analytics data from 13 selected TikTok videos on the topic of research on gender-affirming medicine (eg, hormonal therapy and surgeries) are presented to illustrate how knowledge is disseminated within the trans community via TikTok. Considerations for researchers planning to use TikTok for digital knowledge mobilization and other related community engagement with equity-seeking groups are also discussed. These include the limitations of TikTok analytics data for measuring knowledge mobilization, population-specific concerns related to community safety on social media, the spread of disinformation, barriers to internet access, and commercialization and intellectual property issues. This paper concludes that TikTok is an innovative social media platform that presents possibilities for achieving transformative, community-engaged knowledge mobilization among researchers, underserved health care users, and their health care providers, all of whom are necessary to achieve better health care and population health outcomes.
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Schinko, Carsten. „The Mobilization of Appropriation“. Transfers 2, Nr. 3 (01.12.2012): 144–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/trans.2012.020309.
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“Appropriation“ is a complex term used in many different realms, and an almost ubiquitous phenomenon. Conceptually linked to questions of mobility, appropriation has both a social and physical dimension. This essay delineates the term's employment in key political and academic discourses, and interrogates its inherent logic with regard to possession, the attribution of purpose and value, and the social reciprocity of the parties involved in the act. Starting off with questions of just distribution in modern nation-states, the argument then traces appropriation in contemporary debates on copyright in a digital age, and provides a sketch of the larger political imaginary informing acts of appropriation.
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Dmitriev, Sergey S. „Digital Mobilization: New Mechanisms and Opportunities for Political Governance“. Administrative Consulting, Nr. 2 (14.05.2021): 18–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1726-1139-2021-2-18-25.
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The article examines the ways and methods of digital mobilization of citizens for protest marches in the cities of the Russian Federation (for example, the city of Pskov) on January 23 and 31, 2021. The research issue is the need to understand the system of digital mobilization — from campaigning to the transition to collective, public action.As part of the study, an expert interview was conducted among the organizers of rallies, the regional establishment, party workers, and trade union activists. The monitoring of protest groups in social networks (VKontakte, Telegram, Instagram) was also carried out for the tonality of information and the mechanisms for mobilizing citizens presented. They also used the method of observing the process of transition from digital mobilization to collective action and directly following the protest processions themselves.During the analysis, the author concludes that social media is a key channel of communication and consolidation of protest activity, with the social networks VKontakte and Telegram playing the main role in Russian political practice. In this connection, conclusions are drawn about the possibility of political management of protests using an information strategy aimed at stopping negative information labels and media occasions on VKontakte and Telegram, as well as developing an alternative protest agenda.
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Hands, Joss. „General Intellect or Collective Idiocy? Digital Mobs and Social Media Mobilization“. Popular Communication 12, Nr. 4 (02.10.2014): 237–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15405702.2014.960570.
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Ait Hadi, Khalid, Mohamed Bendahan und Saad Chemaou. „The Contribution of Religion to Protest Mobilization on Digital Social Networks“. Religions 15, Nr. 9 (27.08.2024): 1035. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15091035.
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This article presents an in-depth analysis of the intertwining of religious and protest expression on digital social networks in Morocco. By exploring the mechanisms by which religious discourse is used to mobilize, articulate claims, and catalyze collective action online, we highlight the importance of the religious dimension in the landscape of contemporary protest. Through a mixed approach of the content analysis of a Facebook page, we demonstrate that online protest mobilization with a religious substance is a multidimensional phenomenon that shapes real socio-political dynamics, and we illustrate the power of religious discourse to structure and legitimize claims, mobilize around shared values, and strengthen the sense of community belonging.
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BRODOVSKAYA, E. V., A. Yu DOMBROVSKAYA und V. A. LUKUSHIN. „DOMINANT TYPES AND STRATEGIES FOR MANAGING NETWORKS OF DISCONTENT IN THE SUBJECTS OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION: THE EXPERIENCE OF ANALYZING SOCIAL GRAPHS“. Central Russian Journal of Social Sciences 17, Nr. 4 (2022): 15–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2071-2367-2022-17-4-15-30.
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The purpose of the article is to determine the dominant management strategies of regional digital communities that promote local contexts of social discontent and have the most dense connections between participants, as well as intensive user activity around these contexts. The presented methodology also makes it possible to identify online groups with a high potential for social mobilization. The possibilities of combining cluster analysis of regions by a set of socio-economic indicators and analysis of the structure of social interactions in the digital space, the density of connections within online communities reflecting regional contexts of social discontent are shown. The paper presents the results of the analysis and generalization of the dominant strategies for managing relevant discontent networks, the revealed relationships between the structural characteristics of digital communities and the mobilization potential of networks.
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Golovatsky, Evgeny. „Digital Mobilization of Social and Political Interaction in Network Communities: Regional Specifics“. Virtual Communication and Social Networks 2023, Nr. 4 (02.06.2023): 246–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2782-4799-2023-2-4-246-254.
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The digital mobilization of regional social and political interactions remains a relevant research topic. It provides obvious research innovations, new digital research algorithms, and non-trivial solutions, as well as an effective n-code measurement tool. Digital freedom means availability of network tools and services, where ordinary users can be actors of digital mobilization. In order to visualize an experimental scenario, the authors converted original data in the PolyAnalyst program to obtain thematic groups and an actor-network model for online communities of Kuzbass and the Tyumen Region. The generated dataset made it possible to consider common and different discussion topics, which were grouped by acute issues: crime, law, the military operation in Ukraine, infrastructure, etc. The study revealed some methods of user search and processing of chatbot requests. The digital tools demonstrated the regional features of the choice of online media, local resources, and topics. Online discussions give rise to new communication practices, i.e., the ability to receive, discuss, and shape relevant thematic agendas in real time, sometimes ahead of government officials and official media. This phenomenon can be explained by the availability of online community, hybrid communication technologies, repeated discussions, and alternative reliable sources.
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Salma, Aqida Nuril. „Hybrid Movements, Digital Technology, and the Rise and Fall of Far-Right Islamist Protest Mobilization in Indonesia“. Muslim Politics Review 3, Nr. 1 (27.06.2024): 45–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.56529/mpr.v3i1.247.
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What explains the rise and fall of far-right Islamist protest mobilization in contemporary Indonesia? The 2016-2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election witnessed significant growth in support for and mobilization of the far-right. While far-right Islamist mobilization has occurred regularly since the fall of the authoritarian Suharto regime in 1998, its longevity and impact on electoral politics has historically been limited. I maintain that the 2016 far-right Islamist protest mobilization was enabled and disabled by the dynamic relationship between hybrid media and hybrid movement strategies. Hybrid thinking serves as a platform for understanding the increasingly diverse and complex nature of Islamist mobilization, generating new ways of exploring some of the classic concerns of social movement studies and technology. Moreover, previous research on the far-right primarily focuses on electoral and party politics, while studies on social movements and technologies often fall into technological determinism, providing only a limited understanding of one of the most pressing issues of our time. This study proposes an innovative analytic strategy to understand the complexity of contemporary Islamist protest mobilization, creating a hybrid movement that effectively spans different movements, constituencies, and institutions, all coexisting within a hybrid media environment that deftly merges elements of old and newer media logics to influence participation, collaboration, and coordination in the spheres of social movements and protest politics.
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Anishchenko, Alexander. „Features of political participation of Russian youth in the context of digitalization“. Science. Culture. Society 30, Nr. 3 (30.09.2024): 130–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2024.30.3.8.
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The article is devoted to identifying the specifics of the influence of the "digital" factor on the dynamics and transformation of political activity of modern Russian youth. The author pays special attention to the role of social networks and digital media on the political participation of the younger generation. Today, not only is the trend towards the emergence of diverse strategies for online political activity of Russian youth increasing, but significant changes are taking place in the differences in role models of political participation that differentiate passively engaged "viewers" and active activists. Those young Russians who actively use online resources in their socio-political activities are already quite effectively using digital technologies and ways to attract a new audience, social mobilization, finding supporters, coordinating joint actions, etc. It is noted that the key trend in recent years has been the "digitalization of political participation" of young people and the spread of the phenomenon of online political participation. The author concludes that despite the steady growth in the number of young users of social networks and consumers of digital media, the increasing role of these online resources as political factors should not be exaggerated in the process of political mobilization. The transformation of the socio-political context and the decrease in the general level of protest moods in society, the "calming down" of spontaneous mobilization in the "offline" certainly leads to a decrease in the mobilization value of social networks, and to a reduction in the number of protest-minded youth.
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LUNGU, Petruț-Cătălin. „The impact of digital transformation on democracy. A study case on #rezist movements“. Romanian Journal of Public Affairs 2024, Nr. 09 (2024): 76–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.69581/rjpa.2024.09.04.
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This paper examines how the evolution of information technologies and digital tools has revealed their capacity to facilitate mass participation in legislative processes. Our primary objective is to highlight the transformative role of digital platforms in strengthening digital democracy. By analyzing the intersection of technology and civic participation, we aim to illustrate how digital tools are reshaping traditional democratic paradigms and empowering citizens to actively contribute to governance (Raiu, 2015). Particularly, the Romanian #rezist protest exemplifies the power of online organization and mobilization in contemporary activism through digital platforms. In this context, the #rezist movement underscores how digital technologies can facilitate rapid and effective mobilization, transcending geographical boundaries to foster a unified voice for social and political change
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Faxon, Hilary Oliva, Kendra Kintzi, Van Tran, Kay Zak Wine und Swan Ye Htut. „Organic online politics: Farmers, Facebook, and Myanmar's military coup“. Big Data & Society 10, Nr. 1 (Januar 2023): 205395172311681. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20539517231168101.
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Despite perennial hope in the democratic possibilities of the internet, the rise of digital authoritarianism threatens online and offline freedom across much of the world. Yet while critical data studies has expanded its geographic focus, limited work to date has examined digital mobilization in the agrarian communities that comprise much of the Global South. This article advances the concept of “organic online politics,” to demonstrate how digital mobilization grows from specific rural conditions, material concerns, and repertoires of resistance, within the constraints of authoritarian violence and internet control. To do so, we examine social media interaction in the wake of the 2021 military coup in Myanmar, an agrarian nation with recent, rapid digital connection that corresponded with a decade-long democratic turn. Analyzing an original archive of over 2000 Facebook posts collected from popular farming pages and groups, we find a massive drop-off in online activity after the military coup and analyze the shifting temporalities of digital mobilization. Crucially, we highlight the embeddedness of online interaction within the material concerns of farming communities, examining how social media become a key forum for negotiating political crisis in Myanmar's countryside. These findings call attention to rural digital subcultures as fertile sites of investigation and point toward the need for future scholarship on data practices that attends to rooted agrarian struggles.
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Njeru, Alexander. „ROLE OF SOCIAL MEDIA ON COMMUNITY MOBILIZATION“. Journal of Public Relations 1, Nr. 1 (16.08.2021): 40–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.47941/jpr.655.
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Purpose: Globally, effective political engagement requires candid communication between the government and its citizens. More so, citizens have the right to express how they need to be governed. On government’s part, the need to develop trust among the public should be paramount. Government should always inform citizens what it is continually doing. Furthermore, public domains ought to reflect integrity and transparency. Such is achievable through communication on many of its activities. In the recent past, government utilized traditional media to convey information to the public. Popular avenues used included television, newspapers and radio. The general objective of the study was to establish the role of social media on community mobilization
Methodology: The paper used a desk study review methodology where relevant empirical literature was reviewed to identify main themes and to extract knowledge gaps.
Findings: The study found out that the adoption of social media as a means of communication between the government official’s community members has an enormous impact on community mobilization for security matters and other issues. Social media platforms have enabled quick sharing of information on Barraza. The social media platforms enable this community mobilization in a cost-efficient manner Although social media use offers enormous value in public relations, there is little evidence that social networking sites are used to inform and involve governmental public opinion agencies such as the public sector.
Recommendations: The study recommends that public administrators to embrace social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter and WhatsApp due to their responsiveness and lower costs in interacting with the public administrators and amongst themselves. The respective government agencies should create awareness among the public on the importance of using digital platforms to pass or receive information on security issues
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Anbarini, Ratih, S. Kunto Adi Wibowo, Nuryah Asri Sjarifah und Aceng Abdullah. „Mobilizing the Digital Opinion Movement #OraSudiSumbangIKN on Twitter“. Jurnal Komunikasi 15, Nr. 1 (27.07.2023): 18–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24912/jk.v15i1.19187.
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This study examines the role of #OraSudiSumbangIKN in shaping digital opinion support mobilization movements, measuring the effectiveness of digital networks, actors, and opinions on social media. The hashtag #OraSudiSumbangIKN emerged after the government's plan to form a crowdfunding scheme from the community to construct the National Capital City (Ibu Kota Negara/IKN) Nusantara. Using social media network (SMNA) analysis and Digital Opinion Movement theory, this study examines how these hashtags mobilize the digital opinion support of social media users. The study included 10,000 tweets on Twitter that were taken and analyzed using the Netlytic and Gephi web. The study found that conversations on #OraSudiSumbangIKN hashtags were not dominated by dominant actors. This finding confirms that the hashtag meets the Digital Movement of Opinion (DMO) characteristics, which are spontaneous and not organized by social media users. This hashtag also has other DMO characteristics, which are short-lived, and comments are homogeneous. In addition, the high number of tweets on hashtags can also be explained because they have a strong narrative and emotional side. This research has implications for the selection of interesting narratives and hashtags that need to be considered by social media activists or individuals to be able to create opinion mobilization on social media. In addition, the findings can be an illustration for the government and academics or experts in the field of public policy in determining the next policy so as not to provoke negative public opinion.
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Chorna, O., und Ya Bryukhovetsky. „Mobilization Economy in Ukraine: an Overview of State Priorities and Possibilities of Using Digital tools“. Economic Herald of the Donbas, Nr. 3 (69) (2022): 15–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.12958/1817-3772-2022-3(69)-15-26.
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The essence and reasons for the introduction of the mobilization economy, to which the transition is ongoing in Ukraine, have been studied. The main economic indicators after February 24, 2022, which relate to the decline of the economy, the scale of destruction, demographic problems, problems in industry, exports, are considered. The main priorities of Ukraine in the conditions of the mobilization economy, the legislative basis for the activation of the activities of enterprises and businesses, which found themselves in difficult operating conditions, were studied. It was found that the IT industry revealed the prospects for development in wartime conditions, and the digitalization of the economy and society accelerated. The use of digital tools made it possible to expand the list of public services that can be obtained online through the «Diya» application. It is substantiated that the introduction of the mobilization economy under the conditions of cooperation between the Government, business, and civil society in the conditions of martial law in Ukraine will allow more effective concentration of efforts on solving traditional and new tasks. The mobilization economy in Ukraine requires enhanced state coordination of the development of economic processes and the functioning of the economy in emergency situations to ensure the defense, food, economic, and social security of the country. The mobilization model of the economy will be relevant even after the end of martial law, since the recovery of the economy and the reconstruction of the state will require increased attention, coordination and support of the state. A comprehensive systematic approach to deepening the theoretical and practical problems of the mobilization economy will contribute to the growth of the country's self-sufficiency, faster entry into the ways of increasing the efficiency of the economy of economic entities, the development of civil society, industrial and social collectives, citizens of Ukraine.
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Babo, Isabel, und Célia Taborda Silva. „Social Networks and Civic Mobilizations (Portugal, 2012)“. Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 6, s2 (01.07.2017): 49–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ajis-2018-0027.
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Abstract In Portugal, in 2012, the movement “To hell with troika! We want our lives!” emerged from digital social networks and with demonstration on the street on September 15. This social movement has patented new forms of public mobilization and protest motivated by citizens' dissatisfaction with the austerity measures of the Portuguese government, but it is part of the line of protest that has been taking place at the international level. Social networks were used to trigger mobilization, but the protest did not dispense with the traditional forms of expression in the public space, such as gatherings in the squares, rallies, marches and posters. Using a corpus taken from the written press, the event was analyzed using a theoretical and conceptual framework of theories of public space, social movements, and social networks. In this article we intend to reflect on the current protest movements, social networks and collective action, at a time when activism is exercised in electronic connections and in the street. Through this movement we aim to question whether we are facing new configurations of mobilization, visibility, public action and the creation of a common space, and / or if we are facing a continuity of the traditional social movement with the incorporation of new "repertoires of action".
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Nyatina, Natal'ya, Nikita Grigorik und Artem Molchanov. „Digitization of Socio-Political Interaction: Mobilization of Real and Virtual Communication“. Virtual Communication and Social Networks 2023, Nr. 3 (02.06.2023): 167–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2782-4799-2023-2-3-167-174.
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Digital communication allows almost every subject of social and political interaction to act as a communicator, interpreter, and broadcaster of information. Online users can also act as petitioners, appealing to the authorities, other citizens, opinion leaders, experts, etc. Government representatives are interpreters and administrators of political decisions. Digital communication gives them an opportunity to demonstrate their social positions, citizenship, solidarity, and attitudes. And this is where the following contradiction arrives. On the one hand, the authorities need to mobilize real and virtual communication. On the other hand, they perceive mobilized population as a threat: to be controlled, organized social communities require resources, as well as complex and expensive measures. The authors reviewed publications that featured socio-political interaction. The review revealed that the mobilization of civic participation remains understudied. Digitalization increases the importance and relevance of network practices of social activism. Traditional forms of interaction between community members and authorities are gradually being replaced by networked, flexible, and participatory ones. Constructive and destructive forms of mobilization transform socio-political relations. The review provided a diversification of constructive and destructive practices of public participation in decision-making at federal, regional, local, and company levels. Digital forms and methods of socio-political interaction increase in number, and theri measurement indicators keep changing.
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Mignenan, Victor. „Management of the Digitalization of Municipal Services: Influence on Citizen Collective Intelligence and Social Innovation Resilience“. International Business Research 17, Nr. 4 (04.07.2024): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ibr.v17n4p36.
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Studies on the digital transformation of organizational services have clearly revealed its effectiveness. However, the link between the management of the digitization of functions, citizen mobilization and social innovation is little investigated. Even research on the effectiveness of the management of the digitalization of municipal services is almost non-existent. To shed light on this gray area, research with municipal councillors and heads of departments of municipalities in Chad was conducted. The hybrid approach has been deployed. She facilitated the production of data through 15 semi-structured interviews and 210 surveys per survey. The approach of deconstructing the management of the digitalization of services into three constructs (management of the appropriation of social media, management of the operationalization of digital platforms and management of organizational agility) was used. The results showed that the management of social media appropriation and organizational agility promote the emergence and structuring of the dynamics of citizen collective intelligence. Then, the management of the operationalization of digital platforms is a real lever for the adaptation and resistance of the social innovation system. While the dynamics of collective intelligence increase the resilience of the social innovation system. However, the management of organizational agility has little significant contribution to citizen mobilization. This concerns the management of collective citizen intelligence, considered as a factor in the pooling of know-how which generates performance in social entrepreneurial innovation. The article can be useful to municipal councillors and department heads who will use it to improve citizen mobilization practices. While the government and its partners will find new directions to build the capacity of municipal services so that they are able to develop social innovation projects.
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Sutikno, Tole, und Lina Handayani. „Blockout 2024: digital mobilization movements’ role in raising global awareness and fostering change“. International Journal of Informatics and Communication Technology (IJ-ICT) 13, Nr. 3 (01.12.2024): 436. http://dx.doi.org/10.11591/ijict.v13i3.pp436-444.
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<p>Blockout 2024, a social media mobilization campaign, gained traction in response to celebrities’ and powerful people’s silence following the Met Gala in New York. Users who have remained silent or unconcerned about the humanitarian situation in Gaza are encouraged to block influencers’ accounts. The review seeks to investigate the Blockout 2024 phenomenon and how it affects celebrities’ social media. This review examines the impact of social media on power dynamics. On social media platforms such as TikTok, Instagram, and X, users have blocked the accounts (especially celebrities’ account) of those who have not responded to the humanitarian disaster. The movement emphasizes the importance of implementing change and making underrepresented voices heard in digital environments. While some celebrities have expressed their support, others have chosen to remain silent, which has resulted in criticism and lost followers. Finally, the Blockout 2024 campaign has gained significant traction on social media platforms such as X, Instagram, and TikTok. Users of social media are becoming more aware of their responsibility to denounce crimes and fight for justice, as evidenced by this group effort. The Blockout 2024 movement has highlighted the potential of digital mobilization to raise global awareness, address humanitarian crises, and hold influencers accountable.</p>
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Annisa, Rifka. „Digital feminist activism: Analyzing Jakarta Feminist as a collective identity, resources, network, information dissemination, and mobilization“. Jurnal Sosiologi Dialektika 16, Nr. 2 (13.09.2021): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jsd.v16i2.2021.175-186.
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The use of social media for feminist activism in Indonesia has increased in decades. Some studies have mentioned digital feminist activism as the three intersectional relations of collective agenda, civic network, and digital infrastructure. To deepen, this study aims to analyze digital feminist activism works to organize collective identities, develop resources, coordinate networks, disseminate information, and mobilize social actors, in the case of Jakarta Feminist through a qualitative approach combined with social and textual network analysis. As a result, the Jakarta Feminist collective’s identity formed based on their identities, concerns, and defaces to the right of all Indonesian women, and other minorities group succeeded in developing resources in the form of moral, cultural, material, human, and network. Jakarta Feminist disseminated activism information by using social media features, and their members’ ties. Mobilized actors by conducting internal group planning, themes, and hashtags, boosted by social media personalities digital campaigns, individual and cross-organization. This study concluded that feminist digital activism running by the combination of their work in online and offline spheres. The cross-sectional interrelated of feminist activism to other issues, movements, and entities are interesting topics for future research.
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Thakur, Arvind Kumar. „New Media and the Dalit Counter-public Sphere“. Television & New Media 21, Nr. 4 (03.09.2019): 360–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1527476419872133.
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The recent surge of online mobilization among Dalits, who belong to India’s most oppressed caste groups, signals a remarkable trend in Internet activism and political engagement. Analyzing Dalit mobilization online, this article argues that technological affordances and distinct cultural practices associated with digital media have enabled certain sections of Dalits to resist the dominant caste narrative, thereby contributing to mobilization against caste-based discrimination. However, multiple “counter-narratives” within the subaltern digital sphere and hybrid media systems have placed limitations on unified action, signaling the need to address mediated factional positions and caste Hindu narratives online in efforts to strengthen the Dalit social movement. This article forwards the argument by examining the expansion of web forums organized by Dalits, with a closer focus on a nationwide online agitation that drew reference to the Black Lives Matter movement in the United States.
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LeFebvre, Rebecca Kay, und Crystal Armstrong. „Grievance-based social movement mobilization in the #Ferguson Twitter storm“. New Media & Society 20, Nr. 1 (05.05.2016): 8–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444816644697.
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Existing literature on collective action suggests that social protest activity is often driven by structural out-group grievances. This article explores how a framework of grievance-based social movement participation applies to the digital media realm and how social media are reshaping the protest landscape. Our research looks specifically at the case of the #Ferguson Twitter storm that occurred in November 2014. During a 3-week period, over 6 million tweets were sent with the indicator #Ferguson. We examine the statistics and content of those tweets to show that the Ferguson Twitter storm was driven to an enormous volume by four key mobilizers. Tweet content included structural out-group grievances that reflect established expectations about drivers of social movements and protests. In contrast to the emphasis on violence by traditional mass media, online social movement participants emphasized peace, especially after the conflict escalated and rioting in the streets began.
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Rodríguez-Suárez, Julio, Lorena Morán-Neches und Juan-Bautista Herrero-Olaizola. „Online research, new languages and symbolism of digital activism: A systematic review“. Comunicar 29, Nr. 68 (01.07.2021): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3916/c68-2021-04.
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In recent years, digital networks have given rise to new spaces for socialization, action and protest, favouring the emergence of new forms of social participation that generate their own languages and new symbolic strategies. In order to analyze online mobilization within the Spanish context and in order to explore these realities in more depth, a systematic review of empirical articles with their own methodology was carried out. It includes those manuscripts published over the last decade by Spanish Sociology journals with the highest impact factor. After identifying 101 general studies that met the initial inclusion criteria, 34 were chosen whose subject of study included online social mobilization and/or used virtual ethnography as a research technique. The final sample for analysis was drawn from these, comprising the 16 publications that addressed this issue as the central topic. Among the main results obtained we have the scarcity of publications on the virtual dimension of social mobilization, as well as the growing use and adaptation of virtual ethnography as a research methodology for studying this field of knowledge. Likewise, the potential of the Internet to amplify the impact of demands, the need to break the online-offline dichotomy, the creation of new narratives and the transformation of the symbolic production of contemporary social movements are noteworthy. En los últimos años, las redes digitales han dado lugar a nuevos espacios de socialización, acción y protesta, favoreciendo la aparición de nuevas formas de participación social que generan lenguajes propios y nuevas estrategias simbólicas. A fin de analizar la movilización online en el contexto español y de profundizar en estas realidades, se ha llevado a cabo una revisión sistemática de los artículos empíricos, con metodología propia, publicados en la última década por las revistas españolas de Sociología de mayor índice de impacto. Tras identificar 101 estudios generales que cumplían los criterios de inclusión iniciales, se seleccionaron los 34 que tenían entre su objeto de estudio la movilización social online y/o utilizaban la etnografía virtual como técnica de investigación; de ellos se derivó la muestra de análisis final, compuesta por los 16 que abordaban esta cuestión de forma central. Entre los principales resultados obtenidos se encuentra la escasez de publicaciones sobre la dimensión virtual de la movilización, así como el creciente uso y adecuación de la etnografía virtual como metodología de investigación para el estudio de este campo de conocimiento. Así mismo, destaca la potencialidad de la red para ampliar el impacto de las reivindicaciones, la necesidad de romper la dicotomía online-offline, la creación de nuevas narrativas y la transformación de la producción simbólica de los movimientos sociales contemporáneos.
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Benaiah, Wendy Chinonyerem, und Dolapo Osuntoki. „The Impact of Social Media on Political Mobilization in Nigeria: A Case Study of the Obidient Movement“. American Journal of Arts and Human Science 3, Nr. 3 (02.09.2024): 228–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.54536/ajahs.v3i3.3336.
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This study demonstrates how the social media can be used for political mobilization, using the obidient movement as a case study. The emergence of the Obidient Movement in Nigeria has been intimately associated with the way in which the development of social media platforms has revolutionised political communication. This article looks at how social media affects political mobilisation in Nigeria, with a particular emphasis on the remarkable role that technology-driven communication played in the Obidient Movement’s success. The conventional boundaries of political campaigning have been rewritten with the rise of social media, giving non-traditional influencers, grassroots activism, and digital activism a greater chance to shape political discourse and election outcomes. The study employed the Uses and Gratification theory, to deduce how citizens were mobilized via social media to join the obidient movement. To achieve this, the study relied on qualitative research method that examines and synthesizes extant literature on political mobilization and the particular relevant literature on social media and political mobilization. The outcome of the study shows that despite the proliferation of fake news and misinformation on social media, it served as a tool for political mobilization for the obidient movement, as obidients used social media to form alliances, crowdfund, mobilse political support and interact with a wider audience. By exploring the pivotal role of social media in the recent Nigerian election, this article illuminates the transformative potential of these platforms in reshaping political mobilization and generating support for previously underrepresented political forces in the nation.
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Spenillo, Giuseppa M. D. „Network mobilization in virtual spaces: the digital era reflected in the social battles of resistance“. Revista Estudos do Século XX, Nr. 15 (2015): 95–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1647-8622_15_5.
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Nisrina, Tri Nada, und Osly Usman. „KOREAN BOY GROUP FANS IN INDONESIA: SNA STUDY #WE LOVE YOU JUNGKOOK VS #FULL ALBUM“. Journal of Economics, Business, and Government Challenges 4, Nr. 2 (01.11.2021): 95–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.33005/ebgc.v4i2.195.
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This study examines the role of #WE LOVE YOU JUNGKOOK and #FULL ALBUM on Twitter in shaping digital opinion support mobilization, measuring the comparison of networks, actors between hashtags, and digital opinion. The theory used is the Digital Movement of Opinion by looking at the level of actors and the system. The research method is a quantitative combination for communication networks with a sample of 5,000 tweet data: 2500 #WE LOVE YOU JUNGKOOK tweet data with 2964 actors, 1673 relationships and 2500 #FULL ALBUM tweet data with 2027 actors and 1478 relationships using netlytic with qualitative data to analyze the text study and explain social networks. The results showed that #FULL ALBUM is more capable of creating mobilization than #WE LOVE YOU JUNGKOOK.
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Абрамов, Maksim Abramov, Фильченков, Andrey Filchenkov, Азаров, Artur Azarov, Домбровская et al. „Internet technologies in the mobilization of political protest (on the example of Euromaidan)“. Central Russian Journal of Social Sciences 11, Nr. 4 (29.08.2016): 54–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/21318.
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The paper presents the results of cybermetric analysis of Ukrainian protesters` digital footprints in social media (January – February, 2014). Strategies of forming attitudes of protest behavior of Ukrainian citizens in global network are analyzed. Empirical research model included event-analysis, typology reports of events considered using online Internet service monitoring social media and messaging discourse analysis, forming protest attitudes in the Ukrainian users. Structural and meaningful analyses were subjected to digital traces of three periods of development of protest, identified during event analysis. Development of intensity markers allowed to carry out a structural analysis of Internet content, and determining the content of the markers provided semantic content circulating in the global communications network.
Discourse analysis of social media posts established dominance of certain technologies of negative mobilization of protesters: identification of political entities with public threat or sources of discontent; use anthropomorphic metaphors; broadcasting information of provocative character.
In the article the perspectives of further research, involving improvement of methods of analysis of formation protest activity on digital tracks are shown.
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Widyaningrum, Novi, und Laksono Trisnantoro. „Knowledge Mobilization of Anti-vaccine Movement in Social Media“. PCD Journal 10, Nr. 1 (30.12.2022): 181–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/pcd.v10i1.5898.
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This study observes social movement in digitalized world along with its role in public policy process. It is especially on how the social movement has access as well as spread and was formed the knowledge in the digitalized world. This study is essential to be further explored in order to enrich the theories of governance and public policies in the digital era. The case to be studied here is anti-vaccine movement in Facebook which has developed in the digitalized world in the context of socio-politics of the Indonesian people in 2018-2019 and using a Content Analysis as method. This study result is that the Anti-vaccine Movement in Indonesia rejected the vaccine program by attacking knowledge hegemony created by medical institutions and government. It has formed a new knowledge by issuing a counter discourse toward the medical discourse. The argument centered on moral anger and structural repression by government agencies, worldwide institutions, pharmacy industries and media and shows the strong logic based on the religious believe idea. This fact shows that the social media plays a role in spreading the ideas of anti-vaccine and gives a way for the movement to develop and to have a strong network which is dynamic and can survive for a long period of time. By mobilizing knowledge through a social movement in the digitalized world, the anti-vaccine movement in Indonesia has a wider network and has a potential to influence the successful of the government program.
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Yan, Grace, Ann Pegoraro und Nicholas M. Watanabe. „Student-Athletes’ Organization of Activism at the University of Missouri: Resource Mobilization on Twitter“. Journal of Sport Management 32, Nr. 1 (01.01.2018): 24–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/jsm.2017-0031.
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Although social media has been increasingly noted as an outlet for athletes to openly address social issues, there has been very little systematic examination on the organizational capacity of social media. To address this, our study seeks to focus on the strike organized by the football players through Twitter at the University of Missouri in 2015. Specifically, it adopts the theoretical framework of resource mobilization and conducts a comprehensive analysis composed of two parts. First, by identifying geographic characteristics and participant groups for #ConcernedStudent1950, it seeks to reveal the mobilization scope and impact. Second, a social network analysis is used to delineate the organizational dynamics of the players’ protest networks. The results yield both theoretical and practical implications for athletes’ engagement in social activism in the digital era.
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Bakhtiar Ramadhan, Reza, Ibnu Burdah und Mohammad Yunus Masrukhin. „POLITICAL-ECONOMIC NETWORKS AND SOCIAL MOBILIZATION OF THE BAZAARIS IN THE PERSIAN SPRING 2009“. Penamas 37, Nr. 1 (30.06.2024): 28–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31330/penamas.v37i1.786.
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This article examines the involvement and role of bazaaris in the Persian Spring from 2009 to 2011. As economic actors, these bazaaris participated in political activities that opposed Ahmadinejad’s victory in the Iranian presidential election. This rejection sparked mass mobilization, fueled by religious fervor, political and social ideologies, and economic concerns. The qualitative research approach employed in this study utilizes political sociology, drawing data from literature reviews and digital fieldwork. The data analysis conducted in this research employs the theory of conflict and mass mobilization, yielding two significant findings. First, it reveals that the political-economic network of bazaaris is cross-border and multi-dimensional. Second, it highlights that the mass mobilization of bazaaris against Ahmadinejad is primarily motivated by political and economic competition. Consequently, the findings of this study contribute to enriching the discourse of political sociology, particularly in conceptualizing popular resistance movements against authorities based on political-economic conflicts. These conflicts are intricately woven into the fabric of magnetic field politics, which tend to be transactional in nature.
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Siregar, Muhammad Habibi, und Yuldashev Mansurjon Alijanovich. „Symbiosis Identity: Islam, Culture (Urf) and Social Mobilization in Indonesia“. Jurnal Fuaduna : Jurnal Kajian Keagamaan dan Kemasyarakatan 6, Nr. 2 (31.12.2022): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.30983/fuaduna.v6i2.5808.
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<p>This article demonstrates that the extraction of Islamic value must be coped with social mobilization in the current situation. Voicing the importance of Islamic identity is to deal with the threat of global identity due to preserving the normative value. This article proposes that Islamic identity as the ultimate instrument to face the current challenges. Islamic Identity took a special code for anyone to insert oneself involved reality. Contrary with the assumed concept of globalism that could dismantle the traditional relation symbols amid the ethnicity is perceived as the stabilizer of social disruption in digital era. Recently, ethnicity gets the limelight due the globalism to strengthen the cohesive traditional connection to emerge showy. This article brings proven evidence to show a strong relations of ethnicity with nationality and religious values, which defend the establishment of the social order in nations such as Indonesia. Furthermore, this article found that the recent phenomena within the democracy system is to intake the dominant ethnic as the patron in politics, society, or religion. However, it is harnessed as potential threat to minorities’ identity in many fields.<strong></strong></p>
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Melsya Dwi Putri, Emilia Susanti, Lara Santri, Nopalia Susanti, Rasti Ananda und Daimatussalimah Daimatussalimah. „Analisis Dampak Perilaku Online Gen Z Terhadap Identitas Kewarganegaan Dalam Era Digital“. Khatulistiwa: Jurnal Pendidikan dan Sosial Humaniora 4, Nr. 2 (03.06.2024): 211–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.55606/khatulistiwa.v4i2.3300.
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This research analyzes the impact of generation Z's online behavior on civic identity in the digital era. By utilizing qualitative methodology, this study examines how interactions on social media, consumption of digital information, and participation in virtual communities influence Gen Z's civic views and attitudes. The results show that online behavior can strengthen political awareness, facilitate engagement in social issues, and influencing civic identity through the formation of public opinion and social mobilization. However, this research also reveals challenges such as the spread of disinformation and social fragmentation that can obscure broader understandings of citizenship. In conclusion, although Gen Z's online behavior has the potential to enrich civic identity, strong digital literacy and supporting policies are needed so that its positive impact can be optimized.
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Elliott, Thomas, und Jennifer Earl. „Online protest participation and the digital divide: Modeling the effect of the digital divide on online petition-signing“. New Media & Society 20, Nr. 2 (23.09.2016): 698–719. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444816669159.
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Scholars have long been concerned about the effect that digital inequalities might have on marginalized populations. Concern for the “digital divide” extends to social movement scholars, who worry that the digital divide will lead to social movements privileging the concerns of the middle class over those of disadvantaged groups. We argue for a novel way of testing for such effects—the use of a Heckman regression model to model participation in online activism. The Heckman model separately models selection effects (i.e. first-level digital divides that affect Internet access) and main effects (i.e. second-level digital divides and classic predictors of micro-mobilization). We find that the digital divide in access does not exert a selection effect and that the digital divide in usage exerts minimal effects in models predicting online petition-signing.
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Sulaiman, Afif. „Media Digital dan Gerakan Sosial: Analisis Logika Aksi Konektif“. Jurnal Indonesia : Manajemen Informatika dan Komunikasi 5, Nr. 2 (20.05.2024): 1913–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35870/jimik.v5i2.829.
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This research aims to analyze how digital media influence the political personalization of content and the coordination of collective action in social movements. This research uses a qualitative approach with case studies of two social movements that use digital media as a means of communication and mobilization, namely the Black Lives Matter Movement in the United States, and the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong. This research adapts the theoretical framework of Bennett & Segerberg in 2012 on the logic of collective action, which is a logic of collective action based on identity personalization, inclusive discourse, and digital media-based communication networks. The results of this study show that digital media allow social movement participants to express their identities individually and collectively, use adaptable discourses that reach a wide public, and coordinate their actions flexibly and dynamically through open and interactive communication networks. This research provides theoretical and empirical contributions to the study of digital media and social movements, as well as practical implications for social actors who want to use digital media as a tool for social change.
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Fernández-Zubieta, Ana, Juan Antonio Guevara, Rafael Caballero Roldan und José Manuel Robles. „Digital Activism Masked―The Fridays for Future Movement and the “Global Day of Climate Action”: Testing Social Function and Framing Typologies of Claims on Twitter“. Social Sciences 12, Nr. 12 (06.12.2023): 676. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci12120676.
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This article analyzed the Fridays for Future (FFF) movement and its online mobilization around the Global Day of Climate Action on 25 September 2020. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, this event is a unique opportunity to study digital activism as marchers were considered not appropriate. Using Twitter’s API with keywords “#climateStrike”, and “#FridaysForFuture”, we collected 111,844 unique tweets and retweets from 47,892 unique users. We used two typologies based on social media activism and framing literature to understand the main function of tweets (information opinion, mobilization, and blame) and their framing (diagnosis, prognosis, and motivational). We also analyzed its relationship and tested its automated classification potential. To do so we manually coded a randomly selected sample of 950 tweets that were used as input for the automated classification process (SVM algorithm with balancing classification techniques). We found that the automated classification of the COVID-19 pandemic appeared to not increase the mobilization function of tweets, as the frequencies of mobilization tweets were low. We also found a balanced diversity of framing tasks, with an important number of tweets that envisaged solutions to legislation and policy changes. COVID-related tweets were less frequently prognostically framed. We found that both typologies were not independent. Tweets with a blaming function tended to be framed in a prognostic way and therefore were related to possible solutions. The automated data classification model performed well, especially across social function typology and the “other” category. This indicated that these tools could help researchers working with social media data to process the information across categories that are currently mainly processed manually.
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Brodovskaya, Elena, Maria Davydova und Vladimir Lukushin. „INFORMATION FLOW OF PROTEST MOBILIZATION IN THE RUSSIAN SEGMENT OF SOCIAL MEDIA“. Political Expertise: POLITEX 19, Nr. 2 (2023): 195–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2023.204.
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This article presents the results of applied political research dedicated to the analysis of information flows of protest mobilization in the Russian segment of the social media. The context of the research is conditioned by the increasing external information pressure, destructive activities of opposition political actors, as well as protest processes in neighboring countries, which are used to implement the technology of contagion and distribution of protest activity on the territory of the Russian Federation. The research methodology is based on the use of a hybrid strategy and a combination of modern methods of socio-media predictive analytics: cognitive mapping of digital content, automated social media analysis, social graph method, and oculometric (eye-track) analysis. According to the results of the study the authors made a conclusion about the significant impact of the special military operation in Ukraine on the level of protest potential in the society: at the start of the special operation the growth of protest sentiments was determined, in the process of implementation the decrease and growth of social consolidation. During 2022 the moderators of protest information flows, following the ‘catch-all’ strategy use a variety of triggers: violation of political rights and freedoms, social problems, new geopolitical challenges. Protest communities generating digital content aimed at protest audiences are characterized by high controllability and density of internal connections. The greatest mobilization efficiency was demonstrated by communities with a high proportion of opinion leaders. At the same time in the process of formation of protest information flows continues to use the technology of demonstration of ‘peaceful’ protest, which allows to scale the user audience. Users characterized by a restlessness, impulsiveness, risky behavioral patterns and an external locus of control demonstrated loyalty to protest content.
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Makovsky, A. A., und S. S. Dmitriev. „“Political” and “Religious” Labels in Social Media as a Tool for Political Mobilization“. Vestnik Povolzhskogo instituta upravleniya 21, Nr. 3 (2021): 88–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1682-2358-2021-3-88-94.
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Ways and methods of digital mobilization of citizens through forming political labels for protest actions are considered. The most popular social media in the Russian Federation are analyzed in terms of forming political labels, as well as the tone of information and the mechanisms for mobilizing citizens. The authors come to the conclusion that most commonly in practice a political label is a trivial linguistic sign that establishes a negative, discriminatory connection between a signifier and a political phenomenon.
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Prihantoro, Edy, Fajar Rizali Rakhman und Rizky Wulan Ramadhani. „Digital Movement of Opinion Mobilization: SNA Study on #Dirumahaja Vs. #Pakaimasker“. Jurnal ASPIKOM 6, Nr. 1 (19.01.2021): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.24329/aspikom.v6i1.838.
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This study examines the role of #PakaiMasker and #DirumahAja hashtags on Twitter on shaping the mobilization of digital opinion support, measuring the effectiveness of the comparison of a network, actors between hashtags, and digital opinions. The theory used was Digital Movement of Opinion by looking at the level of actors and systems. The method used in this research is a mixture combining quantitative and qualitative methods. Quantitatively, this research looks at the communication networks from the sample of 2,000 tweet data: 1000 tweet data #PakaiMasker with 259 actors and 334 and 1000 tweet data #DirumahAja with 359 actors and 283 relationships using netlytic and gephi. Meanwhile, qualitatively, the researchers analyzed text that described and explained social networks. The results showed #DirumahAja was more able creating mobilization compared to #PakaiMasker. The success of the #DirumahAja was due to its extensive network system that able to reach actors using Twitter in giving their opinions regarding health campaigns during Covid-19 pandemic.
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Blasio, Emiliana De, und Lorenzo Viviani. „Platform Party between Digital Activism and Hyper-Leadership: The Reshaping of the Public Sphere“. Media and Communication 8, Nr. 4 (08.10.2020): 16–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v8i4.3230.
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The so-called crisis of representation has formed the theoretical framework of many studies on media and democracy of the past thirty years. Many researches have highlighted the crisis of legitimacy and credibility of the ‘traditional’ parties (Katz & Mair, 2018) and communication was considered, at the same time, one of the causes of acceleration towards post-representative politics (Keane, 2013) but also an indispensable tool for re-connecting citizens to politics. Various phenomena have developed within this framework: a) the birth of political aggregations as a result of mobilization in the digital ecosystem; b) the development of digital platforms for democratic participation; c) the birth of parties defined as ‘digital’ or ‘platform’; and d) the growing centrality of digital political activism, both as a phenomenon within the digital communicative ecosystem (also in the context of social media) and as a result of the transformation of social movements. This article studies the role of platform parties as a space for the emergence of authoritarian tendencies (hyper-leadership) but also as an organizational opportunity for the development of new forms of digital activism. In particular, the article presents a research on the use of digital platforms (and their political and organizational consequences) by political parties in Italy, France, and Spain. The study shows the relationships between the evolution of digital ecosystems and the way in which political organization is organised, also highlighting how the new forms of mobilization and aggregation have opened up different yet interconnected public spaces.
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Davis, Jenny L., Tony P. Love und Phoenicia Fares. „Collective Social Identity: Synthesizing Identity Theory and Social Identity Theory Using Digital Data“. Social Psychology Quarterly 82, Nr. 3 (26.06.2019): 254–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0190272519851025.
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Identity theory (IT) and social identity theory (SIT) are eminent research programs from sociology and psychology, respectively. We test collective identity as a point of convergence between the two programs. Collective identity is a subtheory of SIT that pertains to activist identification. Collective identity maps closely onto identity theory’s group/social identity, which refers to identification with socially situated identity categories. We propose conceptualizing collective identity as a type of group/social identity, integrating activist collectives into the identity theory model. We test this conceptualization by applying identity theory hypotheses to the “vegan” identity, which is both a social category and part of an active social movement. Data come from comments on two viral YouTube videos about veganism. One video negates prevailing meanings of the vegan identity. A response video brings shared vegan identity meanings back into focus. Identity theory predicts that nonverifying identity feedback elicits negative emotion and active behavioral response, while identity verification elicits positive emotion and an attenuated behavioral response. We test these tenets using sentiment analysis and word counts for comments across the two videos. Results show support for identity theory hypotheses as applied to a collective social identity. We supplement results with qualitative analysis of video comments. The findings position collective identity as a bridge between IT and SIT, demonstrate innovative digital methods, and provide theoretical scaffolding for mobilization research in light of emergent technologies and diverse modes of activist participation.
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Hsiao, Yuan. „Understanding digital natives in contentious politics: Explaining the effect of social media on protest participation through psychological incentives“. New Media & Society 20, Nr. 9 (03.01.2018): 3457–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444817749519.
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Many have observed that a new political generation of digital natives has heavily used social media as means of facilitating street protests. Nevertheless, the mechanisms by which social media affects protest participation are not completely understood due to the shortage of psychological explanations. This study employs a uniquely designed survey on a massive demonstration to address such concerns. Social media activity triggers the psychological incentives of anger, social incentives, identification, and individual efficacy. In particular, individual efficacy directly mediates the relationship between social media activity and protest participation. The findings substantiate new theories of connective action and suggest that social media may be a new mobilization structure via changing the decision-making processes of individuals. Theoretical implications on understanding digital natives and deliberative democracy are discussed.
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Schradie, Jen. „The Digital Activism Gap: How Class and Costs Shape Online Collective Action“. Social Problems 65, Nr. 1 (09.01.2018): 51–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spx042.
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Abstract What is the relationship between social class and online participation in social movements? Scholars suggest that low costs to digital activism broaden participation and challenge conventional collective action theories, but given the digital divide, little is known about cost variation across social movement organizations from different social classes. A focus on high levels of digital engagement and extraordinary events leaves scant information about the effect of social class on digital mobilization patterns and everyday practices within and across organizations. This study takes a field-level approach to incorporate all groups involved in one statewide political issue, thereby including organizations with different social class compositions, from Tea Parties to labor unions. Data collection spans online and off-line digital activism practices. With an index to measure digital engagement from an original data set of over 90,000 online posts, findings show deep digital activism inequalities between working-class and middle/upper-class groups. In-depth interviews and ethnographic observations reveal that the mechanisms of this digital activism gap are organizational resources, along with individual disparities in access, skills, empowerment and time. These factors create high costs of online participation for working-class groups. Rather than reduced costs equalizing online participation, substantial costs contribute to digital activism inequality.
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Irawan, Vina Devi Yekti, und Osly Usman. „DIGITAL MOVEMENT OF OPINION MOBILIZATION FOR FOOTBALL TOURNAMENT FANS IN INDONESIA: SNA STUDY #PIALAMENPORA2021 VS #PERSIJADAY“. Journal of Economics, Business, and Government Challenges 4, Nr. 2 (01.11.2021): 105–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.33005/ebgc.v4i2.196.
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This research examines the role of the #PialaMenpora2021 and #PersijaDay on Twitter in shaping the mobilization of digital opinion support, measuring network comparisons, actors between hashtags, and digital opinion. The theory used is the Digital Movement of Opinion by looking at the level of actors and systems. The method used in this research is to combine quantitative and qualitative methods. Quantitatively, this study looked at the communication network from a sample of 15,784 tweet data, with details of 7,456 #PialaMenpora2021 tweet data and 8,328 #PersijaDay tweet data using netlytic. Meanwhile, qualitatively, the researcher analyzed text that describes and explains social networks through library research. The results showed that both #PialaMenpora2021 and #PersijaDay are capable of creating mobilization. The success of the two of them has an extensive network and has a two-way interaction relationship in giving their opinions regarding the soccer tournament held in Indonesia
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Sá, Maria José, Sandro Serpa, Carlos Miguel Ferreira und Ana Isabel Santos. „Social Media Centrality in Identity (Re)construction in Higher Education“. Journal of Educational and Social Research 10, Nr. 1 (16.01.2020): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/jesr-2020-0002.
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Social media, including digital social networks, runs through a large part of society. This position paper analyses the social media centrality in identity (re)construction in higher education, seeking to add to the understanding of the social media’s role in the identity, both in the individual dimension – of several higher education actors (academics and students) – and in the identity of higher education institutions. In methodological terms, a selection and review of publications addressing this topic were conducted. Results allow concluding that it is critical to consider the growing relevance of digital social networks in shaping these actors’ identity, without disregarding the individual situations of great limitation or even rejection by the presence of digital social networks in identity (re)construction. Regarding the implications, at the theoretical level and according to the existing corpus of knowledge, there is a need for further studies to deepen the understanding of this topic. As a practical implication, while the presence of digital social media in human relationships is unavoidable in many instances, the intentional and relevant mobilization of these digital social media is crucial, both for higher effectiveness and efficacy of the academic-student interaction and for the dissemination and positive image of higher education institutions and academics.
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Gustafsson, Nils, und Noomi Weinryb. „The populist allure of social media activism: Individualized charismatic authority“. Organization 27, Nr. 3 (22.02.2019): 431–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350508419828565.
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This article argues that the type of individualized social media activism that has been conceptualized as ‘connective action’ has affinities to populism, and may have detrimental consequences for democratic procedures and the bureaucratic structures that enable them. We trace the normative allure of individualized digital engagement to the libertarian roots of techno-utopianism and argue that this, in combination with a form of mobilization fueled by digital enthusiasm, has potentially dire democratic and organizational consequences. Digital enthusiasm generated on social media platforms entails self-infatuation, here conceptualized as a form of individualized charismatic authority in the Weberian sense. This individualized form of charismatic authority is fundamentally focused on personalized engagement, and simultaneously interconnected through the technological affordances of social media platforms. If individualized charismatic authority becomes institutionalized as a legitimate and predominant manner of organizing, it may have large-scale implications for societal organizing at large by promoting populism. In sum, we argue that digital enthusiasm not only provides democratic opportunities for protest and contention in civil society, but that the fickleness of the individualized charismatic authority it generates may also put democratic procedures and respect for bureaucratic structures at risk.
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Pötzsch, Holger. „Archives and identity in the context of social media and algorithmic analytics: Towards an understanding of iArchive and predictive retention“. New Media & Society 20, Nr. 9 (24.12.2017): 3304–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444817748483.
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This article reconceptualizes the archive in the context of digital media ecologies. Drawing upon archival theory and critical approaches to the political economy of the Internet, I account for new dynamics and implications afforded by digital archives. Operating at both a user-controlled explicit and a state- and corporate-owned implicit level, the digital archive at once facilitates empowerment and enables unprecedented forms of management and control. Connecting the politics and economy of digital media with issues of identity formation and curation on social networking sites, I coin the terms iArchive and predictive retention to highlight how recent technological advances both provide new means for self-expression, mobilization and resistance and afford an almost ubiquitous tracking, profiling and, indeed, moulding of emergent subjectivities.
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Braida, Frederico, und Mariane Garcia Unanue. „Networks of digital manufacturing of face shields and the Covid-19: design, maker culture and social mobilization“. Strategic Design Research Journal 14, Nr. 1 (09.04.2021): 252–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.4013/sdrj.2021.141.21.
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This paper addresses the issue of the configuration of a network for the digital fabrication of personal protective equipment to fight the pandemic of COVID-19. The main aim is to highlight how creative and innovative design practices, based on digital fabrication, have contributed to combat the new coronavirus in Brazil, concerning the design, production and distribution of face shields. The paper is the result of both exploratory, descriptive and qualitative research. In addition to documentary data and revisiting design literature, this work sought to understand the network formation modus operandi for digital manufacture of face shields, based on examples carried out in every region of the country. In conclusion, it argued that these social mobilization networks are based on the assumptions of the maker culture and reveal the potential for an open, distributed and resilient design to face this contemporary and future crisis.
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Recollet, Karyn. „Gesturing Indigenous Futurities Through the Remix“. Dance Research Journal 48, Nr. 1 (April 2016): 91–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0149767715000492.
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This article explores Vancouver-based multi-media collective Skookum Sound System's Ay I Oh Stomp's (2012) mobilization of “decolonial gesturings” as they create a future imaginary attentive to the past, critiquing the present, and venturing into the beyond. These gestures activate Indigenous futurities through traditional style Kwakwaka'wakw dance and choreographies of sea travel, popping as a “street dance” of holds and releases, and the mobilization of digital polychromatic shifting and looping. I illustrate how the video is a form of radical imagination tantamount to social change, and how it remixes dance, movement and gestures that “jump scale” out of colonial cartographies.