Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Dependency on communist countries“
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1
Wu, Yu-Shan, und Tsai-Wei Sun. „Four Faces of Vietnamese Communism: Small Countries' Institutional Choice Under Hegemony“. Communist and Post-Communist Studies 31, Nr. 4 (01.12.1998): 381–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(98)00018-x.
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Since 1975, Vietnamese communism has changed face three times. These frequent and radical institutional permutations have been unprecedented among communist countries. This paper argues that hegemonic dependence, domestic economic imperative, and elite idealism are the three main factors that determine Vietnam's institutional configuration. Among the three, dependence on a hegemon means the dominance of the developmental model and institutional preferences of that hegemon. Only when there is no hegemonic dependence do domestic economic imperative and elite idealism emerge as the crucial factors in determining institutional arrangements. Historically there have been four developmental stages for Vietnam's communist regime: independent socialism (1975–1977), orthodox socialism (1978–1985), glasnost socialism (1986–1990), and market socialism (1991–now). Among the four stages, orthodox socialism and glasnost socialism are the direct result of Hanoi's dependence on Moscow. After examining Vietnam's historical experience, we conclude that small countries' institutional choice under hegemon is extremely limited, but they regain latitude when hegemonic dependence is removed.
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Ptáček, Pavel. „Institutional framework and typology of economic transition in post-communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe: the role of Bretton Woods institutions“. Journal for Geography 3, Nr. 1 (30.06.2008): 81–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.18690/rg.3.1.3132.
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Departing from the concept of transformation and transition, this article highlights some main directions and problem areas of this process. It starts with description of transitory architecture in countries of Central and Eastern Europe based mostly on the concept of “Washington consensus” as the main method being used during the first stages of transition in many post-communist countries. Firstly we start with description of “Washington consensus” and its application in different countries in transition – from Latin America to the region of post-communist countries. After this theoretical part we start with concrete examples from particular countries where the key transitional processes will be described. Main focus will be put on the privatisation process in the Czech Republic in comparison to other post-communist countries. Typology of transitory processes in particular countries from “shock therapy” to “gradualist” ones will be placed. Than alternative approaches to transition will be introduced, focusing on the concept of path dependency, network analysis, regulation theory and their approaches to state socialism and post-communist transformations. Summarisation of main findings and the counterbalance to neo-liberal approach will be discussed. Is there some “post-Washington consensus” which has learnt from previous mistakes?
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Iacobută, Andreea-Oana, und Gabriel Claudiu Mursa. „Social Dependency Mentality in Romania – Consequence of Path Dependence or Result of Social Protection Policies?“ Timisoara Journal of Economics and Business 11, Nr. 1 (01.06.2018): 21–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/tjeb-2018-0002.
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Abstract This paper discusses whether the social dependency mentality in Romania is a consequence of path (past) dependence (that is, the country’s cultural and historical inheritance), or of the failure of social protection policies implemented after 1990. By taking a deductive approach and using data from Eurobarometers and several international databases, as well as by conducting several statistical analyses, we first identify the socio-economic and institutional factors associated with social dependency mentality in former communist countries, today members of the EU. Drawing on the results obtained, we then characterize the situation in Romania and provide explanations on two levels: dependence mentality as cultural inheritance - hypothesis supported by sociological, psychological and cultural-anthropological studies - and dependence mentality as a consequence of the implemented social protection policies which did not solve the issue of poverty but rather speak about incoherence, lack of vision, populism etc. We conclude that social dependency mentality is associated with the burden of the past, but also with the level and quality of education and the government strength to implement policies and provide incentives for individual responsibility in a free market. The limitations in terms of data coverage do not allow us to establish the exact weight each of the factors has in explaining social dependency mentality and, consequently, further studies are necessary considering the importance this issue currently has in poverty reduction.
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Michalski, Tomasz, und Joanna Stępień. „Ageing in European post-communist countries – is it a threat to the welfare system?“ Environmental & Socio-economic Studies 9, Nr. 2 (01.06.2021): 63–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/environ-2021-0011.
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Abstract The aim of the study was to diagnose the current and projected pace of ageing in the societies of European post-communist countries from the point of view of its being an increasing economic burden on the economically active population. The analysis covered the years 1990–2050. Ageing is already visible and, according to the forecast, the process will accelerate even more. The old-age dependency ratio (OADR) is expected to exceed 50 in half of the countries in the study by 2050. This will result in major threats to the further development of these countries and will lead to poverty and social exclusion of the elderly. In order to slow down the ageing process, the authorities of these countries should take a number of actions, the most important of which are the implementation of an effective and efficient pro-natal policy (so that the total fertility rate would increase above 2.1), and a well-thought-out migration policy.
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Ivanov, Laurentiu. „A Study Of The Agriculture Of Poland And Romania In Post-Communist Period“. European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, Nr. 10 (29.04.2016): 470. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n10p470.
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In terms of size of territory and population, Poland and Romania are the largest former socialist countries, now, members of the European Union. In the last 25 years of transition to a market economy, Poland has excellent managed its natural potential and is, now, an economic model for other former socialist countries, including Romania. Poland has not experienced economic recession; its positive economic evolution was completely different from the evolution of the largest European economies, many of them facing distressful situations for long periods of time. The question to be addressed in this paper is: „How could we explain the present success of Polish agriculture? Could the present economic realities be partially influenced by the historical evolution of a country? “ In an attempt to provide an answer to this question, the present paper will highlight the economic developments in Romania and Poland in relation to developed countries for the last about 100 years in terms of “path dependency theory” and will conduct a comparative analysis between the two countries.
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Lebediuk, Vitalii. „Determinants of political stability: explanation of the process of institutional change in post-communist countries (1990-2020)“. Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne 7, Nr. 1 (06.10.2021): 13–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/we.2021.7.1.13-43.
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This article examines the institutional changes in 22 post-communist countries during the 1990-2020 period. The objective of the study was to find out why some countries achieved democracy while others failed to establish or strengthen democratic institutions, and what factors influenced the political stability of post-communist countries. During the study, available statistical information on the functioning of the main institutions was collected and processed. The analysis shows that the most significant institutional changes were observed among the non-democratic countries and those that fell into the category of hybrid political regimes. The correction of the initially chosen form of government is evidence in support of the theory of endogenous change, indicating “path-dependency”. The influence of endogenous factors determines the quality of democratic change and the level of political stability in post-communist countries. Democratic changes in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe were associated with a commitment to rapid reform in the early stages, and Euro-Atlantic integration only supported the democratic quality of the institutions. The institutional framework of the countries, that embarked on the path of European integration, was relatively stable during the period under the study, and did not deal with changes in the system of power distribution. While the countries of the former Soviet Union most often resorted to changes in the primary law of the country, and these changes were related to the redistribution of powers between the branches of power and the extension of the time in the office of the President. In addition to the overall level of democratization of the country, the level of emancipatory values and the weight of presidential power have the greatest impact on political stability.
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Czyżewski, Andrzej, und Jakub Staniszewski. „Changes in the production factor’s structures in agriculture in the light of price adjustments. A case study of selected EU countries“. Management 19, Nr. 2 (01.12.2015): 136–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/manment-2015-0019.
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Summary The conducted research concerns the issue of the impact of the prices on the volume and the productivity of labour and capital factors. The purpose of the article is to compare to what extend changes in the structures of agricultural production factors in the agriculture of selected EU countries (Poland, Hungary, Italy) in years 1999-2013 are the consequence of adaptation to price conditions on the agricultural products markets and production factors markets. The studies prove the low elasticity of production factor structures relative to the price scissors index in the all countries. However, in the case of Hungary and Poland it is particularly low, which can be connected with low capitalization of agriculture in those countries, on the one hand, and the “path dependency” effect in the context of communist past of these countries, on the other.
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Suwandy, Dhanico, Triesanto Romulo Simanjuntak und Roberto Octavianus Cornelis Seba. „HUBUNGAN LINTAS SELAT TAIWAN DAN TIONGKOK TERKAIT KETERGANTUNGAN DAGANG PADA PEMERINTAHAN TSAI ING-WEN“. BHUVANA: Journal of Global Studies 1, Nr. 2 (03.10.2023): 209–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.59408/bjgs.v1i2.66.
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Taiwan and China are two countries that have a long history of ideology, government, and territory. The two countries have been at war since 1920 between the Chinese Communist Party and the Kuomintang until the ROC government finally moved to the island of Taiwan. Since then, cross-strait relations politically have not been good. On the other hand, trade between the two countries is very good, especially after the formation of the ECFA trade agreement in 2010 which made exports and imports easier. In trade expectations theory, this research analyzes the existence of a “peaceful trade” relationship between the two countries through trade and investment. China has trade dependence on Taiwan in integrated circuit commodities because Taiwan can produce good quality integrated circuits. Based on the principle of dependency, trade relations create “peaceful trade” conditions for cross-strait relations in unstable political conditions. Integrated circuits are also needed by many countries so that Taiwan can control 60% of trade in the global market. Taiwan also has dependence on China for FDI. The value of Taiwan’s FDI to China in 2021 is 46 times higher than integrated circuit exports to China in 2021. This research looks at cross-strait relations between Taiwan and China in ECFA cooperation regarding cross-border trade during the Tsai Ing-wen administration. The qualitative method used in this research took data from the Ministry of Finance of Taiwan. This research analyzes the trade relations between the two countries from exports, imports and FDI as the main findings so that the dependence of the economies of the two countries to date has created conditions for cross-strait relations.
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Zarycki, Tomasz. „Crises of the communist and neoliberal orders 30 years later: A structural comparison between 1975 and 2019 Poland“. Social Science Information 59, Nr. 3 (September 2020): 484–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018420951668.
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This article proposes to look at the current moment in the recent history of the so-called Central-European countries, with Poland as a critical case study, through a structural comparison with an earlier historical cycle, that is one of the first three decades of the communist rule in the region. Thus, I propose to compare the social and economic situation in Poland of circa 1975 with that of 2019, so 30 years after the establishment of a new given political order (30 years after 1945 and 1989 respectively). The paper will offer a general overview of the trajectory of Poland in the post-war era, based primarily on the perspective of the world-system theory and that of the critical sociology of elites, one which will also point to the essential structural contexts of the post-communist dynamics of society. This paper will be based on a basic observation: even if both the 1970s and late 2010s can be considered as periods of relative political stabilization and economic growth for the region as such, and Poland in particular, these countries are, at the same time, subjected to a considerable and even increasing economic dependence on the Western core. In the conclusions, it is argued that the proposed comparative approach, taking into account both an earlier historical cycle and the broader structural dependency of the region, may allow to cast a new light on the nature of current dynamics in Polish politics as well as on the possible future trajectories of the country.
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Dewi, Nevy Rusmarina. „Pendekatan Rational Choice Pada Reformasi Ekonomi (Doi Moi) Di Vietnam“. POLITEA 1, Nr. 2 (01.12.2018): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/politea.v1i2.4327.
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<p class="06IsiAbstrak"><span lang="EN-GB">The development of world globalization after the end of the Cold War made many countries in the world adapt to the changes in the existing world constellation. The countries that were most affected were those who supported the Eastern Bloc with communist ideology. Some countries in Asia with communist ideology, such as China, Vietnam, and Laos, have had to face such rapid changes in the world. The conflict between maintaining ideology by adopting the values of globalization is a very important issue. China strives not to be trapped in the entanglement of the globalization of the world by changing the pattern of thinking for the achievement of its economy through economic reform. Economic reform by opening up the economy in welcoming world free trade to take advantage of world trade, but still maintaining communist ideology is the solution for China. China's success in its economic reforms was taken into consideration for Vietnam, its communist ally, to adopt the same steps. With very bad economic conditions after the end of the Vietnam War and its limitations in carrying out reconstruction, real action was greatly needed by Vietnam amid the end of dependence on the Soviet Union. The economic reform movement through "Doi Moi" took effect since 1986 to overcome economic turmoil and efforts to carry out reconstruction reconstruction. The ideology he embraced made it a barrier for the international community to provide assistance to Vietnam. Globalization cannot be rejected because it provides an opportunity for the development and economic growth of a country.</span></p>
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Salman, Doaa M. „Venezuela foreseen economic path under fire“. Bussecon Review of Finance & Banking (2687-2501) 2, Nr. 1 (25.02.2020): 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.36096/brfb.v2i1.179.
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The paper provides analysis on one of the feeblest countries that was once one of the richest. The country is actually facing several economic and political crises. This crisis originated from the continuous communist economic system and its’ heavily dependence on oil as source of revenue. The dependence of oil and the absent of other sources put the country under high risk not for the country only but for the whole region. The paper provides an overview for the reasons for escalating the current situation and its implications on the neighbor countries and a conclusion reflecting the foreseen possible economic situations way out.
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Salman, Doaa M. „Venezuela foreseen economic path under fire“. Bussecon Review of Social Sciences (2687-2285) 3, Nr. 2 (17.12.2021): 18–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.36096/brss.v3i2.291.
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The paper provides an analysis of one of the feeblest countries that were once one of the richest. The country is actually facing several economic and political crises. This crisis originated from the continuous communist economic system and its’ heavy dependence on oil as a source of revenue. The dependence on oil and the absence of other sources put the country at high risk not for the country only but for the whole region. The paper provides an overview of the reasons for escalating the current situation and its implications on the neighbor countries and a conclusion reflecting the foreseen possible economic situations way out.
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Carelli, Paolo. „Italianization Accomplished“. Television Histories in (Post)Socialist Europe 3, Nr. 5 (24.06.2014): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.18146/2213-0969.2014.jethc058.
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After the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of communist regimes in 1989, national media systems of the Eastern European countries belonging to the Soviet bloc began a process of transformation along the way of liberalization and commercialization. In Albania, this process occurred in different phases, but with a common trend, that is the Italian television as a structural, economic and cultural model to inspire. In this article, I try to outline the deep influences and legacies between Italian and Albanian television systems (dating back to the last years of the regime) showing how, despite a progressive sliding towards americanization, they remain a typical landmark of Albanian media. From the formats of the first programmes after the regime to the recent appearances of Italian Tv presenters (in particular, from Berlusconi's channels) on Albanian private channels, we can observe a subtle but rooted and continuous dependency from the country on the other side of the Adriatic Sea.
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Azam, Lkram. „The Muslim World“. American Journal of Islam and Society 6, Nr. 1 (01.09.1989): 170–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v6i1.2704.
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This book owes its origin to a major international conference held inApril by the Association of Muslim Social Scientists at Iowa State Universityin April 1983. The papers cover "a wide range of topics to match the widerange of crises in which the Muslim world finds itself." It includes forty-sixillustrative maps and figures and twenty-six tables. which make the texts moremeaningful.In recent times, the issues of Third World development and technologytransfer have stirred much controversy, resulting in a polarization of views.On one hand is the Third/Muslim World view that the so-called transfer oftechnology, whether from the capitalist or communist countries, iscounterproductive and exploitive, generating a client/dependency relationship.On the other hand, the donors feel that their "technological giveaways" promote"interdependence, collective self-reliance, and mutual interest." Between thesetwo extremes lies Muslim resurgence and Islamic revivalism, with Islam asa sociopolitical force providing its own ideological and institutional solutionsto the issues of development and technology transfer. The emphasis is onconscientious "value-patterned" socioeconomic development. Iowa StateUniversity's 1983 Conference and the present book focus on this motivatingtheme. They advocate alternate development strategies which are basicallyIslamic in spirit, substance, and system.In section 1 of the book, trends and issues typical of the Muslim worldare evaluated, specifically with reference to Pakistan. The first paper is acomparatively short study of coloniaJism (capitalist and communist) vis-avisthe Muslim world. The remedial recipe is an Islamic DevelopmentPolicy/Strategy. The second paper discusses the development dilemma of theIslamic countries, in the light of Islanuc values. The third author emphasizesthat Islamic development is holistic, aiming at the moral man in a moralsociety. Taken together, these first three papers form a contextual frameworkfor specific area case studies analyzing the influence of alien aid and alienatingdevelopment strategies ...
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Heurlin, Christopher. „Authoritarian Aid and Regime Durability: Soviet Aid to the Developing World and Donor–Recipient Institutional Complementarity and Capacity“. International Studies Quarterly 64, Nr. 4 (01.09.2020): 968–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa064.
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Abstract How does authoritarian aid influence the durability of dictatorships? Western aid is thought to facilitate authoritarian durability because it can provide patronage. Authoritarian aid, by contrast, has received far less attention. This article examines both Soviet economic and military assistance, developing a theory of donor–recipient institutional complementarity to explain the impact of Soviet aid during the Cold War. The argument is developed through case studies of Vietnam and Ghana and a cross-national statistical analysis of Soviet economic aid and military assistance to developing countries from 1955 to 1991. Soviet economic aid was tied to the purchase of Soviet industrial equipment. When recipient states shared the Soviet Union's centrally planned economy, economic aid strengthened state infrastructural power by (1) enhancing fiscal capacity and (2) cultivating the dependency of the population on the state. Aid flows helped consolidate and maintain authoritarian institutions, promoting authoritarian durability. By contrast, while Soviet economic aid to noncommunist regimes provided some opportunities for patronage through employment in SOEs, the lack of institutional complementarity in planning institutions and overall lack of capacity of these institutions caused Soviet aid to contribute to inflation and fiscal crises. Economic problems, in turn, increased the vulnerability of noncommunist regimes to military coups, particularly when ideological splits emerged between pro-Soviet rulers and pro-Western militaries that undermined elite cohesion. The institutional subordination of the military to communist parties insulated communist regimes from the risk of coups.
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Soroka, Svitlana, und Yuliana Palagnyuk. „Historical Path Dependency and Media Freedom: Poland and Ukraine in the 1990s“. Studia Warmińskie 57 (31.12.2020): 401–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/sw.4629.
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The paper’s objective is to explain the different levels of media freedom in the post-socialist counties of Central and Eastern Europe in the 1990s, particularly in Poland and Ukraine. Even though these two countries are very close geographically, they started the process of transition from communism to democracy and initiated media reforms in the same period, in 10 years the results of these processes were different: Poland achieved the level of free media whereas Ukraine did not. The theories of Putnam’s deep long-term historical path dependence approach, East Central European historians and path dependence approaches of the economic reforms in the 1990s in the Central and Eastern European countries of post-socialist transitions are combined and applied for the analysis of media freedom in the 1990s and its deep historical predecessors in the sample countries.
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Prina, A. Matthew, Yu-Tzu Wu, Carolina Kralj, Daisy Acosta, Isaac Acosta, Mariella Guerra, Yueqin Huang et al. „Dependence- and Disability-Free Life Expectancy Across Eight Low- and Middle-Income Countries: A 10/66 Study“. Journal of Aging and Health 32, Nr. 5-6 (30.01.2019): 401–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0898264319825767.
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Objective: The objective of this study was to estimate healthy life expectancies in eight low- and middle-income countries (LMICs), using two indicators: disability-free life expectancy (DFLE) and dependence-free life expectancy (DepFLE). Method: Using the Sullivan method, healthy life expectancy was calculated based on the prevalence of dependence and disability from the 10/66 cohort study, which included 16,990 people aged 65 or above in China, Cuba, Dominican Republic, India, Mexico, Peru, Puerto Rico, and Venezuela, and country-specific life tables from the World Population Prospects 2017. Results: DFLE and DepFLE declined with older age across all sites and were higher in women than men. Mexico reported the highest DFLE at age 65 for men (15.4, SE = 0.5) and women (16.5, SE = 0.4), whereas India had the lowest with (11.5, SE = 0.3) in men and women (11.7, SE = 0.4). Discussion: Healthy life expectancy based on disability and dependency can be a critical indicator for aging research and policy planning in LMICs.
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Raun, Alo. „Too Much Development or Not Enough Democracy? Exploring an Anomaly in the Democratization of Post-Communist Countries“. Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies 16, Nr. 3 (18.12.2023): 30–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.22215/cjers.v16i3.4097.
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This study of 28 post-communist regimes distinguishes a group of countries significantly less democratic than predicted by its very high Human Development Index score: Russia, Kazakhstan, and Belarus. It also appears that, contrary to theoretical assumptions, such ‘developed dictatorships’ convert their economic growth into human development remarkably well. To measure such conversion, a new tool, the Growth Conversion Index is introduced. Considering these results, the explanatory power of several theories is briefly examined. While some theories imply possible explanations (e.g., the concept of patronal politics and the conditional approach to resource dependence), none of them discloses sufficiently the actual workings of such conversion mechanism, implying the need for more in-depth studies.
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Zhao, Suisheng. „A State-Led Nationalism: The Patriotic Education Campaign in Post-Tiananmen China“. Communist and Post-Communist Studies 31, Nr. 3 (01.09.1998): 287–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(98)00009-9.
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The decline of Communism after the end of the post-Cold War has seen the rise of nationalism in many parts of the former Communist world. In countries such as the former Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, nationalism was pursued largely from the bottom up as ethnic and separatist movements. Some observers also take this bottom-up approach to find the major cause of Chinese nationalism and believe that “the nationalist wave in China is a spontaneous public reaction to a series of international events, not a government propaganda.” (Zhang, M. (1997) The new thinking of Sino–US relations. Journal of Contemporary China, 6(14), 117–123). They see Chinese nationalism as “a belated response to the talk of containing China among journalists and politicians” in the United States and “a public protest against the mistreatment from the US in the last several years.” (Li, H. (1997) China talks back: anti-Americanism or nationalism? Journal of Contemporary China, 6(14), 153–160). This position concurs with the authors of nationalistic books in China, such as The China That Can Say No: Political and Sentimental Choice in the Post-Cold War Era (Song, Q., Zhang Z., Qiao B. (1996) Zhongguo Keyi Shuo Bu (The China That Can Say No). Zhonghua Gongshang Lianhe Chubanshe. Beijing), which called upon Chinese political elites to say no to the US, and argue that the rise of nationalism was not a result of the official propaganda but a reflection of the state of mind of a new generation of Chinese intelligentsia in response to the foreign pressures in the post-Cold War era. Indeed, Chinese nationalism was mainly reactive sentiments to foreign suppressions in modern history, and this new wave of nationalist sentiment also harbored a sense of wounded national pride and an anti-foreign (particularly the US and Japan) resentment. Many Chinese intellectuals gave voice to a rising nationalistic discourse in the 1990s (Zhao, S. (1997) Chinese intellectuals' quest for national greatness and nationalistic writing in the 1990s. The China Quarterly, 152, 725–745). However, Chinese nationalism in the 1990s was also constructed and enacted from the top by the Communist state. There were no major military threats to China's security after the end of the Cold War. Instead, the internal legitimacy crisis became a grave concern of the Chinese Communist regime because of the rapid decay of Communist ideology. In response, the Communist regime substituted performance legitimacy provided by surging economic development and nationalist legitimacy provided by invocation of the distinctive characteristics of Chinese culture in place of Marxist–Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. As one of the most important maneuvers to enact Chinese nationalism, the Communist government launched an extensive propaganda campaign of patriotic education after the Tiananmen Incident in 1989. The patriotic education campaign was well-engineered and appealed to nationalism in the name of patriotism to ensure loyalty in a population that was otherwise subject to many domestic discontents. The Communist regime, striving to maintain authoritarian control while Communist ideology was becoming obsolete in the post-Cold War era, warned of the existence of hostile international forces in the world perpetuating imperialist insult to Chinese pride. The patriotic education campaign was a state-led nationalist movement, which redefined the legitimacy of the post-Tiananmen leadership in a way that would permit the Communist Party's rule to continue on the basis of a non-Communist ideology. Patriotism was thus used to bolster CCP power in a country that was portrayed as besieged and embattled. The dependence on patriotism to build support for the government and the patriotic education campaign by the Communist propagandists were directly responsible for the nationalistic sentiment of the Chinese people in the mid-1990s. This paper focuses on the Communist state as the architect of nationalism in China and seeks to understand the rise of Chinese nationalism by examining the patriotic education campaign. It begins with an analysis of how nationalism took the place of the official ideology as the coalescing force in the post-Tiananmen years. It then goes on to examine the process, contents, methods and effectiveness of the patriotic education campaign. The conclusion offers a perspective on the instrumental aspect of state-led nationalism.
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Czekalski, Tadeusz. „Balkan Orthodox Churches in Soviet Union policy (in the first years after the Second World War)“. Balcanica Posnaniensia. Acta et studia 30 (01.12.2023): 207–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bp.2023.30.13.
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The aim of the article is to present the concept and actions taken by the Soviet diplomacy and the hierarchy of the Russian Orthodox Church to subjugate the Orthodox communities in the communist Balkan countries. The mechanism of the subjugation of the Balkan churches has been included into a comparative perspective and integrated into the broader concept of the Moscow Patriarchate towards gaining a leading role in the Orthodox world in the first years after the end of the Second World War. The process of dependency and its effects are reflected in diplomatic documents, but also in those produced by the Orthodox Churches themselves. The key element for gaining central position in the Orthodox world by Moscow was the organisation of anniversary celebrations and conferences to integrate the community and to involve it in the implementation of plans towards Soviet political domination. The results of these efforts were very limited in relation to ambitions outlined by the leadership of the Soviet state, revealing differing positions of the major patriarchates, as well as a real strength of authority and prestige that the Ecumenical Patriarchate invariably enjoyed.
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Wojtaszak, Andrzej. „Inicjatywa Trójmorza a perspektywy rozwoju państw regionu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej w drugiej dekadzie XXI wieku“. Sprawy Międzynarodowe 73, Nr. 2 (21.12.2020): 65–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/sm.2020.73.2.06.
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Among the consequences of geopolitical changes in the twenty-first century is the increase in the political and economic activity of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Between the Baltic Sea, the Black Sea and the Adriatic lies a group of post-communist countries whose economic development is lower than that of other countries belonging to the ‘old’ European Union (EU). A group of these countries has launched a joint political and economic initiative (Three Seas Initiative) in an attempt to limit the growing energy dependence on the Russian Federation and to create prospects for the region’s development. The beginning of 2020 confirmed the desire to intensify this cooperation, which goes beyond the EU environment, creating transatlantic unions and counting on the support of the United States and inducing interest in China (including the concept of ‘One Belt, One Road’ – OBOR). The Three Seas Initiative is part of the broader context of EU development and is not in competition with the EU.
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Tamilina, Larysa, und Natalya Tamilina. „Post-communist Transition as a Path Break: Comparing Legal Institutional Effects on Economic Growth between Path-breaking and Path-drifting Institutional Reforms“. Margin: The Journal of Applied Economic Research 11, Nr. 3 (August 2017): 315–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973801017703513.
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This article explains the peculiarities of institutional effects on growth rates in postcommunist countries. By proposing a certain dependence of the institution–growth nexus on the mode of institutional grafting, the distinction between drift-phase and path-breaking institutional change is introduced. Theoretical juxtapositions show that transition countries’ institutions built through path-breaking institutional reforms differ from those that emerge evolutionarily in the drift phase in a twofold manner in their relationship to growth. Growth rates of their economies are less likely to depend on the quality of legal institutions and are more likely to be a function of the maturity of political institutions. In addition, legal institutional change in the post-communist world is a product of the quality of the political environment to a greater extent than their drift-phase alternatives. These propositions are tested empirically based on a sample of 87 countries derived from the POLITY IV Project’s website. JEL Classification: O17, O43, O57, P26, P37
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Wojnicki, Jacek. „Przywództwo polityczne I sekretarzy w okresie realnego socjalizmu“. Politeja 19, Nr. 5(80) (22.02.2023): 221–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.19.2022.80.11.
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POLITICAL LEADERSHIP OF THE FIRST SECRETARIES IN THE PERIOD OF REAL SOCIALISM The subject of the analysis is the issue of the political leadership of the leaders of communist parties in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Formed and functioning political systems were characterized by an undemocratic and centralized internal character. Although the degree of repressiveness of the system evolved and changed (from the condemnation of crimes and the so-called distortion of Stalinism), the above features characterized the analyzed countries until the end of the 1980s, becoming an inherent element of the power system. In the discussed context, the states of the region in question (except for Yugoslavia after 1948 and Albania after 1961) remained in the so-called In the Soviet sphere of influence, external factors are an important element of leadership, i.e. the degree of dependence (or autonomy) of bloc politicians from the Kremlin and politicians from the leadership of the USSR.
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Thuan, Nguyen Quang. „China’s Strategic Adjustments“. China Report 53, Nr. 3 (24.07.2017): 367–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445517711522.
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After the eighteenth Congress of the Chinese Communist Party, China adjusted its diplomatic strategy and transformed its pattern of economic development. This has had and will continue to have both a positive and a negative impact on the international financial institutions and the regional and global economy. The ‘One Belt, One Road’ (OBOR) strategy, combined with the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and the internationalisation of the yuan, is the main focus, and exerts a strong impact on the existing international financial institutions as well as the economic relations between China and many other countries in the world. It has attracted many developed and developing countries to join the AIIB. It also has made many emerging economies become closely linked to China. Moreover, it contributes to the emergence of many ‘asymmetric’ pairs of economic relations between China and its neighbours. China is now connected with Europe through an overland route as well as through the boosting of economic, trade and investment ties between Asia and Europe. Furthermore, while Europe has been concerned about China’s unfair competition and the dependence on Chinese investment, ASEAN has increasingly deepened the mutual economic dependence between itself and Beijing. A negative outcome of this is the rising economic dependence on China of quite a few ASEAN member states, including Vietnam.
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Klimiuk, Zbigniew. „Uwarunkowania rozwoju stosunków finansowo-kredytowych krajów bloku radzieckiego z Zachodem w latach 80. XX wieku“. Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 14, Nr. 2 (24.12.2023): 105–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.9705.
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Economic relations between Comecon countries led by the Soviet Union (communist bloc) and OECD countries (Western Europe, the USA, Canada and Japan) in the 1980s were characterized by deep stagnation in all areas of mutual cooperation. This was due to many negative factors interconnected in a short time. They were very diverse in terms of nature, range and durability of impact. The article contains an analysis of the development of the financial and credit relations of the Soviet bloc countries with the West in the 1980s in the existing political and economic conditions of East-West relations. The financial and credit dependence of the socialist countries was very clear and intense at that time. Its elimination or reduction as a result of the development of connections in other directions was only partially possible. Its negative impact also covered areas vital for individual economies. In addition, it was of a long-term nature, which made this type of dependence useful as an economic instrument for political purposes, both in the aspect of short-term and long-term pressure on the implementation of political intentions. When analyzing the entirety of East-West economic contacts, one cannot omit the problem of the debt of the Comecon countries, which largely determines the development of all areas of cooperation. In the 1980s, in Comecon-OECD credit relations, two trends clearly intersected: negative and positive. A negative trend was manifested in the increase in debt burdening the economies of many Central and Eastern European countries. This was caused by an increase in payment liabilities for servicing debts resulting from the postponement of loan repayment dates.
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Bukhtereva, Irina N. „“MARSHALL PLAN” AS A PROGRAM FOR THE RESTORATION OF WESTERN EUROPE AFTER WORLD WAR II AND THE REASON FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT OF US WORLD DOMINATION“. Science and art of management / Bulletin of the Institute of Economics, Management and Law of the Russian State University for the Humanities, Nr. 4 (2023): 65–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2782-2222-2023-4-65-79.
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The article considers the reasons for the economic and political dependence of the countries of Western Europe on the United States of America. The foundations of that dependence were laid with the beginning of the implementation of the “Marshall Plan” in Europe. After World War II, the economies of European countries were in devastation, people were left without means of subsistence, without food, work and housing, and American industry had just regained its power, and it was not at all in its benefit to have the main consumers of its products plunged into a new crisis, into another Great Depression. Therefore, in the United States, the “Program for the Recovery of Europe” was developed, under which European countries received financial assistance to restore their economies, but in addition, the Americans put forward a number of conditions, the fulfillment of which led to just that very dependence on the donor country. Those conditions were: preventing representatives of communist parties from entering national governments, full control of Americans in the political sphere, over the use of funds, provision of complete information about the state of the economy, science, development of technology, priority of getting everything necessary for the development of the American economy from Europe, switching to the dollar, as a reserve currency and the transfer of all gold and foreign exchange reserves to USA. European countries had to guarantee American entrepreneurs the protection of their interests and investments. Thanks to such harsh conditions and total control, the United States managed not only to establish its influence on the countries of Western Europe and subjugate them to its power, but also to return all the funds spent on the implementation of the Marshall Plan, significantly increasing them.
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McMahon, Maeve. „Everyday Life After Communism: Some Observations from Lithuania“. Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, Nr. 1605 (01.01.2002): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.2002.120.
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What Is Everyday Life Like After Communism? East European countries have been experiencing a ~ajor peri~d oftransition. State Communism, dependence, and command economres are bemg superseded by democracy, independence, andcapitalism. Yet, within are latively short period, it has become clear that many East Europeans are ambivalent about these changes. This has been reflected, for example, in the electoral victories of former Communists in various countries. What has been far less clear for many foreign observers is why such ambivalent sentiments have become prevalent.
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Petrova, Tsveta. „Diffusion and the Production of Eastern Europe“. East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 29, Nr. 2 (Mai 2015): 487–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325415570965.
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This article argues that Eastern Europe continues to be defined and redefined not just by the actual patterns of socio-economic and political reproduction of the distant and proximate regimes governing the region but also through the perceptions of such legacies as generating fundamental similarities. Such perceived similarities, whether or not closely mapped on the objective parallels among countries in Eastern Europe, facilitate intra-region diffusion that results in (further) spatio-temporal socio-economic and political similarities specific to the region. To illustrate this relationship between precommunist and communist legacies, intra-region diffusion, and the production of Eastern Europe, the article examines Slovakia’s diffusion entrepreneurship in the wave of electoral breakthroughs in Eastern Europe in the late 1990s and early 2000s. This article contributes to the literatures on Eastern Europe and comparative democratization in two main ways. First, it adds to the work on the impact of spatio-temporal dependence on transition outcomes, such as democratization, in Eastern Europe. Second, by doing so, the article also documents the impact of an understudied set of democracy promoters—the Eastern European countries.
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Rabikowska, Marta. „The ghosts of the past: 20 years after the fall of communism in Europe“. Communist and Post-Communist Studies 42, Nr. 2 (13.05.2009): 165–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2009.04.007.
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Twenty years after the fall of communism in Europe, the post-Soviet countries have not achieved a similar stage of democratic development. They have shown to be too diverse and historically too independent to follow one path of consolidation. This volume questions the premises of transitology, homogeneity, and path dependency theories and suggests an insight into the continuities and discontinuities within particular contexts of the given countries (Russia, Belarus, Estonia, Georgia, Ukraine, Poland and others). The latter quite often collide with each other and with the Western democratic values, thus putting a concept of a harmonious dialogue or a definite democratic solution for Europe into doubt. This volume challenges one-directional analyses of both communism and capitalism and offers an examination of their inner contrasts and contradictions that are a part of transitions to democracy. The irreconcilable differences between the two systems of ideologies determined by universalisms, such as utilitarianism, liberalism, harmony, and productivity, were derived from the post-Enlightenment heritage of the humanist ideals which today cannot be acknowledged without criticism. To grasp the dynamics of the post-Soviet countries that are developing their own democratic models requires looking into their political struggles, social fissures and complexities within their past and present, rather than observing them from the epistemological standpoint. Such a standpoint is criticised in this volume for seeing those countries as locked in one homogenous totalitarian paradigm. The abstractness of the universalist and utopian concept of transition imposed on concrete social relations is criticised, while the theoriticisation of democratic ideals is related to the political legitimisation.
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Valila, Jacinto, Jr. „MOZAMBIQUE AND NEPAL: REVOLUTIONARY EXPERIENCES ON THE CUSP OF SOCIALISM WHICH REMAINS UNBORN“. Journal of Asian and African Social Science and Humanities 10, Nr. 2 (01.07.2024): 13–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.55327/jaash.v10i2.336.
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The revolutionary experiences of Mozambique and Nepal present a stark case of revolutions on the verge of socialism which remains unborn. Owing to several factors, the communists and socialists at the helm of these states for several years now have faltered to embark on decisive socialist paths despite their firm hold of state power. The same reportedly hindered its march to socialism. In 1985, Frelimo finally shredded its Marxist-Leninist ideology and embraced the neo-liberal policies in the guise of development and modernity in exchange for loans and aid from multilateral financial agencies of the West. Nepal, on the other hand, is being led by an alliance of communist and socialist parties. However, its march towards socialism is supposedly hampered by the country’s economic backwardness, dependence on aid and labor wages from India and the Middle Eastern countries, ballooning debt from multilateral institutions, the predominance of the peasant class over the proletariat, and the inability of the ruling coalition to forge on a single road to socialist construction. This paper looks into the feasibility of socialism being attained in Nepal and Mozambique whose economies and productive forces are undeveloped, with their people in subsistence living and a meager awareness of socialist ideals among the masses. ? The paper argues the possibility of building socialism as shown by the Soviet and Chinese experience, provided that there is a strong proletarian party whose vision and ardor are consistent with the Marxist theory of history and class struggle.
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Boyd, Michal, Clive Bowman, Joanna B. Broad und Martin J. Connolly. „International comparison of long-term care resident dependency across four countries (1998-2009): A descriptive study“. Australasian Journal on Ageing 31, Nr. 4 (04.04.2012): 233–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-6612.2011.00584.x.
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Björnberg, Ulla. „Ökad press på allt fler ensamstående mödrar“. Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 15, Nr. 2 (21.06.2022): 12–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v15i2.4900.
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The article illuminates the situation for single mothers in the ex-communist countries - Poland, Russia (the European part), ex. DDR and in Sweden and West Germany. The purpose is to discuss the mothers' situation with reference to their relation to three spheres - tlie family and social networks, public social policies and the working life. One basic question that is if the situation of single women with children is more exposed tlian that of the married women, and what possible consequences this might have for themselves and their children. How do single mothers differ from married mothers in the respective countries as far as education, incomes, work and views on the future are concerned? Despite comprising economic and social dissimilarities between these countries, comparisons are interesting since we focus the comparisons on married and single mothers with children. Hereby we get a measure of the structures and processes within these countries, and it can be discussed whether these are generally applied or not. An important aspect is to what extent the social policies or other factors lead to different attitudes in the countries. The results show that the transformation in the former communist nations afflict particularly women, and only in a negative manner. Large groups of women are rejected from the labour märket, and end up in a situation of poverty and dependence. The investigations in all the countries show that single mothers are more exposed than married mothers. They run a greater risk of losing their jobs than the married mothers do, and they thus run a greater risk of ending up in miserable poverty - particularly the mothers in Poland and Russia. The situation of single mothers in Sweden is better from a material point of view. In spite of this, many lone mothers feel worried about their economy - a worry that can be expected to increase along with increasing fees for social services, child care, health- and medical care, increased residential costs etc. The results indicate that the largest disability that women have on the labour märket is not the motherhood in itself, nor is it the gender, but the absence of marriage, in combination with being female. Comprising international research shows that poverty and exposition in one-parent families tend to be reproduced to the next generation. There is no automatic relationship in the relation between divorce, one-parenthood and social problems. It is rather the stigmatisation in different forms that is concerned, in combination with shortages in the possibilities of support that can lead to an assimilation of prolems. Via stigmatising treatment, both the mothers and the children lose their dignity and their self-assured identity.
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Dobbins, Michael. „Exploring higher education governance in Poland and Romania: Re-convergence after divergence?“ European Educational Research Journal 16, Nr. 5 (14.06.2017): 684–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474904116684138.
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This analysis focuses on changes in higher education governance in Poland and Romania in the post-communist era. The author applies a theoretical framework based on institutional isomorphism and historical institutionalism and maps the policy trajectories of both systems on the basis of three governance ideal-types. The public higher education systems of both countries initially took a markedly different reform path after 1989. Polish higher education by and large returned to its historical model of ‘academic self-rule’ and has resisted pressures for stronger marketization, even during the Bologna Process, while Romania has been characterized by an early and strong isomorphic orientation towards higher education models primarily of Anglo-American inspiration. The main argument of the paper is that – after a period of marked divergence – both systems are visibly ‘re-converging’ towards a new hybrid governance model. The new governance model aims to (re-)embed the research mission of universities to foster homegrown research and innovations. These new hybrid constellations enable both countries to simultaneously deal with global pressures for change and liberate themselves from economic dependence on the West, while not throwing historical institutions entirely overboard.
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Mlađenović, Mirjana. „Analysis of the degree of legal independence of the Croatian National bank and the National bank of the Republic of North Macedonia“. Glasnik Advokatske komore Vojvodine 95, Nr. 2 (2023): 733–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/gakv95-40950.
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The stability of each country's monetary system depends on the quality of operations of its Central Bank, as one of the most important institutions. Due to their great importance, central banks hold a special place in scientific analysis. For a Central Bank to successfully achieve its objectives, it has to operate independently of the executive and legislative powers. Through content analysis and the comparative method, this paper analyzes and compares different parameters and indices measuring the independence of the central banks of the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of North Macedonia. Considering that the independence of a Central Bank is inextricably linked with its credibility, this paper conducts research that answers the question - what is the level of legal independence of the Croatian National Bank and the National Bank of the Republic of North Macedonia? It can be said that, in the last decade, both the legal and actual independence of these central banks has reached its peak, but a certain degree of political dependence is still noticeable. There are certain differences in terms of political influence from country to country, but in any case, the syndrome of political dependence in former Yugoslav countries when compared to developed countries is extremely recognizable. The Republic of Croatia, as a member of the European Union, had to harmonize its laws on this issue, so it can be said that there are certain differences compared to other countries in this region. Central banks in countries that once belonged to the same Communist bloc, and which today have different statuses in relation to the European Union, are excellent examples for analyzing the degree of operational independence in relation to state power. The status of the Central Bank in a certain national and economic system depends on the legislation of that country, i.e., the constitutional norms and laws governing the Central Bank.
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Moliterno, James E., und Peter Čuroš. „Recent Attacks on Judicial Independence: The Vulgar, the Systemic, and the Insidious“. German Law Journal 22, Nr. 7 (Oktober 2021): 1159–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/glj.2021.63.
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AbstractThis article offers an opening to Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) situation and attacks against the judiciary in this region since 2010. The focus is not primarily on historical path dependence like the rest of this issue. Instead, the focus aims at the nature of attacks on the judiciary. Such attacks have appeared in CEE and the US in recent years. Its interest lies in explaining similar patterns visible in the judiciaries of CEE. Particularly, it looks at the current conditions in the Czech judiciary, political interventions in Poland since 2015 and in Hungary since 2010, and undermining of trust towards judiciary in the U.S., where attempts for delegitimizing the judiciary have happened since 2016. The article draws on similarities of attacks of authoritarian governments and responses of judiciaries. The authors highlight similarities and diversities of CEE countries 30 years after the fall of the communist regime and a path of these resemblances and varieties.
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Md Zain, Rodziah, Mohammad Faisol Keling und Marzura Ibrahim. „FACTORS AFFECTING MALAYSIAN DEFENSE POLICY IN THE ERA OF TUN MAHATHIR MOHAMAD 1981-2003“. International Journal of Modern Trends in Social Sciences 6, Nr. 24 (19.09.2023): 01–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.35631/ijmtss.624001.
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Since 1957, Malaysia has developed a National Defense Policy (NDP) to ensure national security and sovereignty. The DPN reflects Malaysia's desire to be able to defend its strategic interests and maintain national security. During Mahathir's era, the defense policy was inclined towards self-reliance and changed its pattern i.e. upward, where before his administration it was in the form of dependency and neutrality and had a horizontal pattern. In the international arena, Tun's voice resonated to voice the aspirations of Third World countries and the commitment shown above other leaders. Self-reliance under Tun Mahathir's administration made aspects of Malaysia's defense policy more modern so that Tun Mahathir became a reference and attention throughout the world, especially Third World Countries. The three main factors that influenced Malaysia's defense policy during the era of Tun Mahathir Mohamad 1981-2003 that will be discussed, namely internal factors (internal factors), external factors (external factors) and Tun Mahathir Mohamad's idiosyncratic factors which made the aspects of Malaysia's security and defense policy more modern and 'gah' on the international stage.
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Bednarikova, Zuzana, Miroslava Bavorova und Elena Ponkina. „Entrepreneurial intention of agriculture undergraduates in Russia“. Agricultural and Resource Economics: International Scientific E-Journal 6, Nr. 1 (20.03.2020): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.51599/are.2020.06.01.01.
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Purpose. This paper aimed to investigate factors that influence the intention of educated youth in remote areas of Siberia to start-up business under the specific conditions with post-communist legacy. Special attention is paid to the willingness of graduates to run a business in agriculture.
Methodology / approach. We surveyed 470 university students and applied logistic regression to analyze the probability of becoming self-employed.
Results. Study results reveal that being male, an existing family entrepreneurial tradition, and effort of respondents to increase their quality of life, such as a desire for a higher income and career efforts, improve the intention to be self-employed. Preference to live in rural areas decreases the entrepreneurial intention. We identified an important path dependency problem that arises from the low entrepreneurial literacy and tradition of the families because setting up a private business is a novelty in Russia.
Originality / scientific novelty. The Global Entrepreneurial Monitor Review ranks Russia among countries with the lowest entrepreneurial intention. This fact may threaten the development of the country as self-employment represents an important trigger for the economic development of a region, especially for its rural and remote part. Entrepreneurs in agriculture might help in re-cultivation of the abandoned land in Russian Siberia if the entrepreneurial education and incentives were set properly.
Practical value / implications. A promotion of entrepreneurship education at the universities, removing administrative barriers to business development, and launching programs to support young entrepreneurs, especially in rural areas, might be crucial in increasing the entrepreneurial activity of youth. This study has important implications for policymakers and education system as youth entrepreneurship provides an opportunity to decrease unemployment, ensure the income of the rural population, and promote sustainable growth of rural areas.
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Adam, Frane, Primož Kristan und Matevž Tomsšič. „Varieties of capitalism in Eastern Europe (with special emphasis on Estonia and Slovenia)“. Communist and Post-Communist Studies 42, Nr. 1 (25.02.2009): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2009.02.005.
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The authors proceed from the assumption that the institutional and economic efficiency of a particular country (or society) depends on its historic legacy or ‘path-dependence’, strategic interactions of the elite and the impact of the international environment. Estonia and Slovenia are both — not only economically, but also institutionally — perceived as relatively successful and prominent post-communist countries and new members of the EU. Yet they have developed completely different — in some aspects even diametrically opposite — regulative settings and socio-political arrangements. The main emphasis is on the connection between the dynamics and ideological preferences of political actors and the pace of reforms as well as institutional regulations. One can argue that the political elite in Estonia encouraged the shaping of the state in a direction close to the liberal-market model, whereas Slovenia is closer to the corporatist social welfare-state model. In both cases, some dysfunctional effects are evident that represent a new challenge to the elites and, at the same time, a test of their credibility and competence.
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Gorian, Ella. „The Chinese Concept of National Security in the "New Era": Preliminary Results of the XX National Congress of the Communist Party of China“. Национальная безопасность / nota bene, Nr. 6 (Juni 2022): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0668.2022.6.39220.
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The object of the study is the relations in the field of international security arising from the exercise of State sovereignty by the People's Republic of China. The subject of the study is presented by the normative legal acts and sources of "soft law" of China, as well as the doctrinal developments of Chinese and Russian scientists in the field of national security. The idea of a "community of a single destiny of mankind" promoted in international relations is considered. Objective prerequisites for clarifying the concept of national security are characterized as signs of the onset of an "era of change" in international relations. The role of the speech of Secretary General Xi Jinping at the opening of the XX National Congress of the Communist Party of China in consolidating the content of the foreign policy and domestic policy of the state is determined. The concept of China's national security is embodied in the "comprehensive security concept" model, its implementation in the "new era" has the following features. First, it is strengthening coordination and positive interaction with other major States to build relations characterized by peaceful coexistence, general stability and balanced development. Such relations will help counteract unilateral economic sanctions. Secondly, it is government support for the key technology sector as a counterbalance to radical trade policy measures of unfriendly countries. Thirdly, it is a direct dependence of national security on social stability. And finally, it is the promotion of the idea of a "new international order" as a natural way out of the impasse in the development of a unipolar world system in which countries representing a tenth of humanity. The new type of global order emphasizes peace, development, equality and democracy. This idea of the Chinese leadership is very popular all over the world and sharply contrasts with the anachronistic principles of the current system.
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Diplomatov, Andrey. „The idea of armed struggle in the left movement of Latin American in the period 1920-1940s.“ Latin-American Historical Almanac 37, Nr. 1 (28.03.2023): 30–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2023-37-1-30-59.
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The first half of the XX century was marked for Latin America by a pe-riod of struggle for the political independence of the states of the conti-nent. In the context of direct interference in the state policy of Latin American countries by the United Kingdom and, to an even greater ex-tent, the United States, and the flagship in the struggle for national in-dependence often turned out to be the left movement. At the same time, when determining their strategies and tactics, the Latin American left (both themselves and in discussions with the Third, Communist Inter-national, which "discovered" the continent in 1927) often developed the concept and ideas of an armed seizure of power in order to carry out in-ternal political and economic reforms and ensure the desired national independence. As a result of comparing the ideas and implementation of plans for armed struggle in the left movement of Venezuela, Colom-bia and Cuba, the author comes to the following results: despite the presence of a "coordinating body" in the form of the Comintern, colos-sal differences in the political situation, economic situation and experi-ence of spreading leftist ideas led to the idea of an armed struggle for power in each of the these countries developed separately from the rest. For two decades, events have taken place in the region that allow today to conduct a comparative analysis of the theory and implementation of the idea of an armed struggle for power in different Latin American countries, giving a general assessment of this phenomenon, revealing its general and particular characteristics.
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Lozynskyy, Roman M., und Halina V. Kushniruk. „Dynamics and geographical structure of inbound tourism in political transit countries: case of Ukraine“. Journal of Geology, Geography and Geoecology 29, Nr. 2 (08.07.2020): 335–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/112030.
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Ukraine is an important component of the world market for inbound tourism. From the beginning of the twentieth century in some years it was included in the list of the world leading tourist countries in terms of international tourist arrivals. To study modern trends in the development of inbound tourism in Ukraine, during the period of independence, the concept of tourist transit, developed by D. Hill, is applied. It is а part of the wider concept of political and economic transit, well known in the social sciences. The indicators of dynamics of tourist arrivals, incomes from incoming tourism and its geographical structure analyzed in the article indicate incompleteness of tourist transit in Ukraine. Tourist arrivals in Ukraine are more vulnerable to economic and political crises compared with developed countries. Incomes from foreign tourism are an order of magnitude lower. The share of several neighboring countries – Moldova, Belarus, Russia, Poland, Romania, and Hungary – in the geographical structure of the inbound tourists is too high. Accordingly, the index of geographical concentration of inbound tourism is considerably higher than the optimal one; that is the market of inbound tourism in Ukraine is not sufficiently diversified. The development of tourism is negatively affected by the unsettled military conflict in the eastern part of the country. Some indicators of the development of inbound tourism, in particular, its excessive dependence on Russia by 2014, too high share in the structure of arrivals of tourists from countries that were a part of the former USSR, bring Ukraine closer to post-colonial countries. For the sustainable development of inbound tourism in Ukraine, it is necessary to continue the democratic reforms in order to complete the political transit, to overcome finally the consequences of the domination of the communist authoritarian regime. Also, important tasks are the settlement of the political conflict in the East, the improvement of the tourism policy and the improvement of branding of the national tourism product, the creation of competitive niche tourism products, as well as the improvement of the quality of tourist services. If these tasks are not fulfilled, foreign tourism in Ukraine will enter the stage of stagnation.
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Ibrahim, Muhammad. „The Political Role of Russia: A Case Study of Central Asian Muslim States“. Journal of Public Administration and Governance 5, Nr. 1 (05.04.2015): 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v5i1.7389.
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Capitalism and Socialism prevail over and converted world into bipolar. U.S.S.R was super power of world and leader of Eastern Europe and Socialist Block. There was a state of constant confrontation between two Super powers, the United States and the Soviet Union that led to disintegration of USSR. Central Asian states get independence from USSR. It changed the political significance of Russia at global forums. The politics of world converted to unipolar world. Socio-economic reconstruction calls for the strength of a democratic state capable of inspiring its citizen to self-interested voluntary cooperation. Achieving the constructive project, and organizing a social consensus for its implementation. The purpose of study is to analyze vision of political leadership of Russia for dominance in central Asian Muslim states. This perception has started from the day of independence of states of Central Asia. New shift has occurred in the region. The political significance is independent variable and dependency of Asian States is dependent variable with assumption. It is in debate that communism is sufficient political system for survival for regional countries in leadership of Russia.
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Krasilshchikov, V. A. „Is It Possible to Repeat the Experience of East Asia? The External Factors of East Asian ‘Miracle’“. Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 13, Nr. 3 (20.08.2020): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2020-13-3-1.
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The paper focuses on the widespread presupposition about a possibility for the developing countries beyond the East Asian region to follow the development path of the newly industrialised countries (NICs) of East and Southeast Asia known as ‘tigers’. The author underlines that the ‘tigers’ success story was the effect of fortune combination of the external and internal factors of fast modernisation of the countries under scrutiny. The subject of the given paper is a set of the external factors of the East Asian ‘miracle’. In the author’s opinion, there were three main external factors of successful development in the East Asian NICs. Firstly, there was a strong influence of cold war in the region. Since the early‑1960s the rivalry between the USSR and USA was here ‘supplemented’ by pretensions of the Maoist China to the role of ‘torch’ for the poor and wretched peoples of Asia. Thus, there was the specific triangle of foreign forces that operated in the region. The US ruling circles conceived that the best way to ‘the containment of communism’ was to create a show case of ‘good capitalism’: to eradicate mass poverty, to build contemporary effective economy, to open the channels of vertical social mobility for youth, and, thereby, to erode the social soil for the Leftist ideas. Secondly, the business and political leaders of the considerable countries understood a necessity to modernise their economies. The local elites, being in vassal dependency on the American protection, were obliged to follow the path of development that corresponded mostly to the interests of US. This circumstance determined, to a big degree, a choice of the outward‑looking industrialisation. Thirdly, the export‑oriented industrialisation in East Asia coincided with profound structural changes in Western economies. The NICs could occupy niches at the internal markets of industrial countries, exporting their manufactured goods to the West. It provided the growth of incomes for further accumulation. The neoconservatism in politics and neoliberalism in economics in the West helped to the East Asian ‘tigers’ to carry out their modernisation. Since the called external factors of East Asian ‘miracle’ do not recently exist in other developing regions, the author comes to conclusion that none of these regions can repeat the success story of the Asian NICs.
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Markowska-Przybyła, Urszula. „Does Social Capital Matter for Total Factor Productivity? Exploratory Evidence from Poland“. Sustainability 12, Nr. 23 (29.11.2020): 9978. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12239978.
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Two issues connected with sustainable development are analysed in this article: total factor productivity (TFP), which measures the efficiency of transforming physical capital and labour into production, and social capital, which is increasingly considered as a factor of TFP. TFP is sometimes viewed as a measure of sustainability, and its high value indicates an effective way of combining and using limited resources. Social capital, in turn, is a determining factor in the social, economic, and environmental dimensions of development. The subject of this analysis is the impact of social capital on TFP. Social capital generates synergistic effects and creates added value using the existing resources. Therefore, it is legitimate to regard it as one of the determinants of TFP. The role of social capital in sustainable development is theoretically grounded and confirmed by numerous empirical studies. Nevertheless, due to the deep dependence on the context, the mechanisms of the impact of this capital on economic effects are still not fully understood. In this paper, social capital is analysed in the context of the post-transformation economy. This context seems to be interesting for two reasons: the relative weakness of social capital in post-communist countries and extensive nature of development these countries have experienced in recent decades, which together can be a barrier to long-term growth in these economies. The purpose of the paper is to identify and assess the impact of social capital in Poland on TFP in a regional breakdown (Nomenclature of Territorial Units for Statistics II - NUTS II). The research period covers the years 2002–2016 and employs econometric modelling methods. Social capital turns out to be a factor in explaining the level of TFP in Polish regions.
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BUT, Stanislav. „MILITARY-TECHNICAL COOPERATION AS A TOOL OF CHINA'S FOREIGN POLICY“. Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. International relations, Nr. 1 (57) (2023): 50–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2292.2023/1-57/50-57.
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Background. From the moment of its proclamation, the People's Republic of China sought to modernize the armed forces – the People's Liberation Army. The lack of a military-industrial complex was a significant problem, which the Chinese communist leadership has been trying to solve through active military-technical cooperation with international actors. Indeed, the active procurement of weapons allowed the PRC to reach parity or even surpass the US in a number of aspects. Meanwhile, the MTC has turned into not only a mechanism for strengthening national security, but also a tool of foreign policy. Methods. The following methods were used: analytical, historical, statistical, generalization. In the course of the research, the author relied on the principle of objectivism. Results. Solving the problem of the weakness of the technical and technological level of the PLA, China used the geopolitical conjuncture to obtain arms supplies. A key role was played by cooperation first with the USSR, and then with the russian federation. This partnership was associated with the introduction of an embargo by Western countries due to the events in Tiananmen Square. An important factor was also the supply of military equipment from Ukraine. At the same time, in the conditions of a full-scale russian-Ukrainian war, Beijing became an exporter of dual purpose products to russia. Overall, using the factors of unauthorized copying, low price policies and arms sales to sanctioned regimes, Beijing has become one of the world's top five arms exporters. China mainly exports weapons to Asian countries, and has also significantly strengthened its position in the African market. However, quality and service issues are causing more and more questions from buyers. Conclusions. Among the consequences of China's MTC: 1. creation of its own autonomous military industry; 2. obtaining an additional source for financing the modernization of the PLA; 3. significant strengthening of military capabilities in the context of global rivalry with the USA; 4. increased aggressiveness in foreign policy and worsening of relations with neighboring countries and the USA; 5. course on militarization of neighboring Asian countries and strengthening of their cooperation with the USA; 6. creating additional opportunities for strengthening authoritarian regimes through military and technical support and even promoting its aggressiveness towards other countries; 7. fueling bloody wars by non-democratic regimes; 8. obtaining greater access to the minerals of the countries of the Global South and increasing the level of dependence on cooperation with Beijing; 9. strengthening of new arms exporters (such as Pakistan) and weakening of others (russia, USA, Germany).
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Katola, Olga. „The publicism of Ivan Franko: seditious thoughts at the background of modernity“. Proceedings of Research and Scientific Institute for Periodicals, Nr. 10(28) (Januar 2020): 350–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.37222/2524-0331-2020-10(28)-25.
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The article seeks to analyze a little-known publicism of I. Franko. It was prohibited in the period of the Soviet totalitarianism, and was made available for research only during the modern era of history of Ukraine. Publicistic articles of I. Franko covering problems of emergence, molding and development of the Ukrainian state, contain deep reflections on ultimate need of its existence as a fundamental basis for progress and prosperity of the Ukrainian people. A necessity of studying the indicated publicistic works is determined not only by restoration of historical justice, but also awareness of their resonance with many contemporary Ukrainian problems rooted in the very old times and yet awaiting their solutions. Furthermore, Ukraine faces new challenges ― a need to make up the lost time to preserve and strengthen its positions in complex world geopolitical situation; overcoming tough economic dependence on other countries; war with the Russian Federation, a problem of not nominal, but real unity of the country, as well as spiritual one. Ivan Franko is regarded as one of the first critics of the essential flaws of scholarly socialism, communist concept of state, social and democratic doctrines. He considers in his publicistic articles, a vulnerability of the Marxism theory, as well as raises issues with academic integrity of its creators (specifically, attribution of other scholars’ copyright). Keywords: Ivan Franko, publicism, national ideal, state independence, Malorussianism, Moscowphilism, social-democratic ideology, historical memory, challenges of modernity.
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Subotic, Milan. „Postcolonial studies and post-Soviet societies: The possibilities and the limitations of their intersection“. Filozofija i drustvo 26, Nr. 2 (2015): 458–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1502458s.
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Starting with a short review of the postcolonial studies? origins, this paper considers the question of their application in the study of history and contemporary state of the post-Soviet societies. Aspirations of the leading theorists of postcolonial studies not to restrict their field of research on the relation of imperial metropoles (First World) and its (post)colonial periphery (Third World) have not met with the acceptance in post-Soviet societies? academia. With the exception of the famous debates on ?the Balkans? that are not the subject of this paper, the paradigm of post-colonialism is rarely used in the interpretation of past and present of the former socialist states (Second World). Rejecting the thesis of their own (post)colonial status in most of Eastern European countries is usually based on a rejection of the assumption of the Soviet-style communism?s ?civilizing mission?. From the same perspective, the Soviet Union is not considered a colonial metropole, but an occupying force, and the epoch of socialism is interpreted as externally imposed breach of the historical developments based on the European model. On the other hand, the concept of these countries? transition opens up the issue of their (post)colonial status in relation to ?Europe? as the center of economic, political and cultural power. Therefore, the postcolonial critique of post-Soviet societies is more often focused on the thematisation of neo-imperial domination and neo-colonial dependency phenomena, than on the explanation of their socialist past. The author?s opinion is that it doesn?t mean that a number of concepts of postcolonial theory - such as ?internal colonialism? - cannot be productively used to a fuller understanding of the Soviet past, nor that in the interpretation of post-Soviet realities? ?hybrid forms? the postcolonial studies cannot be of use.
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Leksyutina, Ya V. „U.S. AND ITS “ONE CHINA” POLICY“. Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, Nr. 5 (20.12.2017): 99–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-5-99-115.
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Amongst top national goals of the contemporary China’s leadership, the Taiwan issue occupies a particular place. This issue bears a fundamental significance since it deals with national pride, state sovereignty, territorial integrity and the unity of the PRC. Its resolution has also an applied significance – it promotes the legitimacy of the ruling China’s Communist Party and resolves some geopolitical difficulties China faces. Currently relying on the creation of island’s all-pervading economic dependency on China, yet not excluding military invasion as an option, Beijing expects to resolve the Taiwan issue by 2049, the 100th anniversary of the PRC. By using economic statecraft and exerting pressure on the world’s countries and international organizations, Beijing has succeeded in narrowing Taiwan’s international space, thus coming close to the desired goal of bringing back the island. Still, a crucial impediment to the resolution of the Taiwan issue is the US’ support of Taiwan. The article reveals specifics of the so-called “One China” policy, a policy that the US pursues towards the Taiwan issue ever since 1970s. By analyzing in details the provisions of the documents that lay the basis of “One China” policy, the author identifies its enduring principles. The author emphasizes the dual character of the US’ “One China” policy, which is its simultaneous orientation to promote relations with the PRC and to support Taiwan. The author further explains the motivation of the American support of Taiwan. The nature of the China-Taiwan relations – either confrontational (which has been the case with a few exceptions) or peaceful (like in the beginning of the 1990s and 2008–2016) – is seen in the article as a major determinant of the formulation of the US’ Taiwan policy. Beijing’s readiness to return the island with the use of force and China’s rapid military power accumulation determine the US-Taiwan close military ties, including arms sales to the island. By analyzing the development of the situation in the Taiwan Strait through the examples of three Taiwan administrations (the ones of Chen Shui-bian, Ma Ying-jeou and Tsai Ing-wen), the author shows that in the 21st century Taiwan leadership’s policy towards mainland China and the independence issue plays the defining role in the Taiwan-China-US triangle relations. It concludes that changes in the basics of the US’s “One China” policy and the termination of Washington’s support of Taiwan are highly unlikely.
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Vaičaitis, Vaidotas A. „The Multi-Stage Adoption of the 1992 Lithuanian Constitution in Comparative Perspective and Some Constitutional Paradoxes“. Journal of the University of Latvia. Law 16 (16.10.2023): 7–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/jull.16.01.
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This article is the first attempt to analyse the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania of 1992 from the perspective of the comparative concept of multi-stage constitution-making. The article consists of three parts: the first two explain, why the 1992 Lithuanian Constitution is not only a result of the 1989–1992 political and legal events in the country, but also bears some conceptual similarities in the latter legal steps with those of 1918–1922. From a comparative perspective, we can see that the multi-stage constitution-making in Lithuania (as well as other Baltic states) in the late 1980s and beginning of 1990s differs from some countries in the region of Central Eastern Europe (e.g., Poland and Hungary), because it includes the concept of continuity with the inter-war republics and does not include the phenomenon of “round tables” between the Communist party and so-called new People’s Front movements. The third difference is that the new constitutions were adopted in Lithuania and Estonia (and re-adopted in Latvia) at the beginning of 1990s, i.e., during the so-called “constitutional moment”, while in Poland and Hungary this happened a bit later. The last chapter of the article shows some constitutional paradoxes of constitution-making, namely: the paradox concerning the legitimacy of the authority having the power to adopt a constituent act; the paradox of mutual inter-dependence between the constituent authority and the constituent act, adopted by this authority; the so-called paradox of “illegality of law” of the constituent act (including the constitution adoption process) and the paradox of retrospectivity of the constituent act.
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Rueschemeyer, Marilyn. „Research in Communist Countries“. Problems of Post-Communism 60, Nr. 4 (Juli 2013): 3–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/ppc1075-8216600400.
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