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1

Nickens, Bradley Harrison. „Postmaterialism and Democracy: What Does the Postmaterialist Value Shift Mean for Democracy?“ Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/9913.

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This thesis explores the possible impact of a postmaterialist value shift on the future of democracy in advanced industrial democratic countries. Research over the past few decades has questioned the responsiveness of representative democratic institutions in advanced industrial democracies to individual and communal needs in society. Radical democratic theorists have called for direct action, structural reform, and other social and political changes to make democracy "stronger." Increased education levels brought on by continued economic and physical security in advanced industrial societies has led to a change in the ability of citizens to access the political process. How the relationship between the citizen and the state is altered as a result of continued prosperity is a primary motivation for this research. Working with World Values Survey data, I examine individual and societal level relationships between postmaterial values and direct political participation and acceptance of participatory values. Empirical evidence supports the hypotheses that postmaterial values are positively associated with direct political participation and as the level of Postmaterialists increases in a given society the level of participatory behavior and acceptance of participatory values will also increase. Substantive analysis suggests that increase in the level of postmaterialism in a country will lead to increases in alternative political activity and other forms of direct participation.
Master of Arts
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Eastling, Kyla L. „Education as Democratic Persuasion: Addressing Systemic Inequalities in Brettschneider's Value Democracy“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1726.

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In Corey Brettschneider’s book, Democratic Rights: The Substance of Self- Government, he builds the value theory of democracy wherein procedural and substantive rights are both grounded in the core values of democracy. In his second book, When the State Speaks, What Should It Say? How Democracies Can Protect Expression and Promote Equality, Brettschneider elaborates on his theory to provide an account of how a liberal democracy can address hateful and discriminatory views. In response to both theories, critics have charged that the ideal value democracy does not sufficiently account for systemic inequalities that women and black citizens face. In this paper, I will elaborate on his theory of democratic education and argue that this necessary development can address these critics’ concerns.
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Pires, Manoel da Nave. „Teoria democrática de Hans Kelsen: uma democracia procedimental valorativa“. Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-10042017-120519/.

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A dissertação contesta a tese de que a visão de Hans Kelsen sobre a democracia é meramente procedimental e visa identificar e esclarecer o conteúdo axiológico presente na teoria. Como estratégia teórica, contextualiza a teoria kelseniana ao lado e em oposição à teoria democrática de Schumpeter, ao mesmo tempo em que delimita suas oposições à teoria clássica baseada em Rousseau. A pesquisa investiga o seu conceito de democracia; a adequação de seus ideais na prática concreta das instituições. Problematiza seus elementos abstratos como relativismo e liberdade, inclusive estendendo a problematização à teoria jurídica kelseniana. Esclarece ainda o conteúdo político expresso na norma jurídica democrática, conformada numa incerteza institucionalizada. Ao final, ao invés de uma teoria formalista, a pesquisa apresenta uma teoria procedimental valorativa derivada de um complexo modelo filosófico, político e jurídico-institucional, construída sob as bases do relativismo e sob os cânones tradicionais de ciência do século XX. Uma democracia caracterizada como governo do povo que ainda se mantém como base para teorias que trabalham com a ideia de um pluralismo político.
The dissertation disputes the thesis that the vision of Hans Kelsen on democracy is purely procedural and aims to identify and clarify the axiological content present in theory. As theoretical strategy, contextualizes the kelsenian theory and in opposition to democratic theory of Schumpeter, while delimiting their oppositions to classical theory based on Rousseau. The research investigates their concept of democracy; the adequacy of his ideals in concrete practice of the institutions. Discusses its abstract elements like relativism and freedom, including extending the questioning legal theory kelsenian. Clarifies political content still expressed in democratic legal standard, formed in an institutionalized uncertainty. At the end, rather than a theory \"formalist\", the research presents a procedural \"evaluative theory\" derived from a complex philosophical, political and legal model-institutional, built under the foundations of relativism and under the traditional canons of 20TH century science. A democracy characterized as \"government of the people\" that still stands as the basis for theories that work with the idea of political pluralism.
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Shannon, Brooke M. „The Value of Deliberative Democratic Practices to Civic Education“. Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1183659204.

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5

Benson, Jonathan. „An epistemic theory of deliberative democracy“. Thesis, University of Manchester, 2019. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/an-epistemic-theory-of-deliberative-democracy(6583716a-470d-4b9e-b80e-44a1e71a4ff7).html.

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Democracy has been encountering an increasing number of critics. Whether it comes from a sympathy for autocrats, free-markets, or the more knowledgeable, this increasing democratic scepticism often takes an epistemic form. Democracy's critics argue that democratic procedures and institutions are unlikely to make good decisions or produce good outcomes in terms of justice or the common good, and should, therefore, be restricted if not completely rejected in favour of its more able alternatives. In the face of such scepticism, this thesis develops an epistemic theory of deliberative democracy. This theory has two principal aims. The first is to analyse and define the epistemic properties of deliberative democracy, and the second is to clarify the possible role epistemic values can play in a wider justification of democratic rule. In accordance with the first, the thesis analyses the ability of deliberative democratic institutions to make good or correct decisions in comparison to a broad range of prominent alternatives. These include traditional rivals such as autocracy and aristocracy, but also more modern and less considered alternatives such as free-markets, limited epistocracy and forms of technical calculation. Through these comparisons, it is argued that we have no good or clear epistemic reason to reject democracy. Deliberative democracy is found to be epistemically superior to many of its alternatives and epistemically equivalent to even its best competitors. The thesis, therefore, mounts a strong reply to democracy's epistemic sceptics. The analysis, however, also helps clarify which form of deliberative democracy is epistemically most valuable, pointing to the value systems approaches which give a prominent role to direct citizen deliberation. The epistemic theory of deliberative democracy also aims to clarify what role epistemic values can play in a wider justification of democratic rule. The thesis argues that deliberative democracy is epistemically superior to many of its rivals and no worse epistemically than even its best alternatives. This suggests that although epistemic values cannot mount a stand-alone defence of democracy, democrats would only be required to defend very weak non-epistemic values to produce a mixed justification. Far from being 'rule by the incompetent many' and therefore highly reliant on procedural values, the thesis will demonstrate that epistemic values can carry significant weight in an argument for democratic rule.
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Crockett, Gareth. „Global value chains and the labour process in South African textile cooperatives : workplace democracy and gender (in)equality“. Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2018. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/23108/.

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Worker cooperatives are widely recognised as a promising device for the facilitation of workplace democracy and the promotion of gender equality. However, cooperatives can face the challenge of being socially progressive organisations embedded within capitalist economies, making them vulnerable to influences from the market and the supply chain. Further, the recent rise of global value chains has seemingly intensified commercial and competitive pressures on worker owned firms. This study addresses these concerns by exploring the extent to which South African worker cooperatives promote workplace democracy and gender equality, examining GVCs and worker cooperatives, the impact of emerging market institutions, the implications of a fragmented and gendered labour process, and the increased disintegration of work across supply networks. Findings reveal that the worker-cooperatives had integrated into hybridised networks, comprising a social enterprise and several worker-owned organisations, in response to economic challenges previously inhibiting their access to global value chains. In terms of the labour process, the female-owned cooperatives were responsible for the lowest value aspects of production, with higher value activities retained by the social enterprise. As a result, female workers were forced to endure insecure jobs with limited social protection, while male production workers in the social enterprise experienced much better terms of employment. At the same time, the social enterprise was able to dictate decisions to the worker cooperatives, thereby undermining mechanisms of workplace democracy and undermining the influence of (female) production workers. Therefore, the main contribution of this study is to bring together new institutional theory, GVC analysis and gender in the workplace. It reveals how social enterprises can use their position in a GVC to dictate the labour process in worker cooperatives, fragmenting the gendered labour process and fracturing labour power at the point of production. It also highlights how social enterprises can cause non-congruent isomorphism, emboldening neoliberal assumptions relating to governance and management in worker cooperatives. Ultimately, the overall outcome was social downgrading in the form of limited workplace democracy and gender inequality.
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Bonic, Stephanie Alexis. „Educational value is not private! : defending the concept of public education“. Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/1111.

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The privatization of K-12 education in Canada is not new. The public and private sectors feel like natural elements of the Canadian education system because they have existed side by side since confederation. However, this thesis challenges that tradition and argues that private education undermines collective responsibility for education as a shared, public good by catering to private interests and isolating students from the public realm. Not only does private education reinforce the likelihood of socio-economic stratification, but the concept of a “public good” is increasingly destabilized as social services like education are privatized. Why, then, does the privatization of K-12 education continue to be an insignificant political issue in Canada? This question is particularly pertinent at a time when neoliberalism is in full swing in the United States, and all the time more apparent in Canada. Neoliberalism’s emphasis on the precedence of economic ideals over concerns for social welfare and democratic participation has transformed the way that we understand “value”. Drawing on a broad range of scholars including Charles Taylor, Richard Pildes, Janice Gross Stein, Henry Giroux, Francois-Lyotard and Michel Foucault, this thesis argues that the values involved in the very concept of private education reinforce, and are reinforced by, neoliberal views about the place of the individual within society, and that these values are detrimental to the concern for education as shared, public good.
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Ashmankas, Brian. „A Value Pluralist Approach to Political Ideology: The Six Universal and Conflicting Principles from which our Politics Derive“. Thesis, Boston College, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/2586.

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Thesis advisor: Nasser Behnegar
Political ideology can be described in terms of value pluralist theory. Much of the variation between political ideologies can be explained by the fact that the principles that are essential to society--liberty, equality, fraternity, peace, loyalty, and civilization--are incommensurable and often conflict forcing each person and community to emphasize some principles over others leading to an imperfect society. Each political ideology is a combination of interests and the selected balance of principles and thus can be essentially defined according to the level of preference for each of these six principles. This paper studies major political ideologies throughout the globe and develops a model for understanding them in these terms. This paper further argues for a pluralist democracy, with constantly shifting ideological dominance in a community as the next best thing to an impossible utopia and the only means of preventing the collapse of society due to a lack of essential principles. This model makes clear the fallacy of understanding political ideology in terms of "left" and "right," which not only oversimplify political ideology but also fundamentally misrepresent it. It also leads to narrowing visions of politics that prevent significant changes to a political system and undermine the possibility for pluralist democracy
Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2012
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
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Isaacs, Mogamat Zane. „Exploring government immovable asset management with reference to four selected case studies of closed down schools on the Cape Flats – post 1994 democracy“. University of the Western Cape, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4202.

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Masters in Public Administration - MPA
Government’s immovable assets are fundamental in achieving its service delivery objectives. If not put to productive uses the welfare of a country, or even its national income, could be reduced significantly. The value for money principle should resonate through effective asset management. “Poor management” of closed school buildings worth millions may be regarded as “financial wastage”. Four case studies reflecting various outcomes of re-use, abandonment and demolition will be reviewed. The application of legislation and policy on government immovable asset management are problematic when schools are closed down. The study focus will be on government immovable asset management and not the reasons for school closures. Literature in this field is very limited. The research findings could add value to the subject field by minimising the chances of a possible repetition of “bad management” of closed schools. Currently in public discourse is the possible closure of 26 schools in the Western Cape. The research could be used as a guiding document for stakeholders, administrators and other research scholars. The research objectives are to formulate a clear understanding on: The Governance of immovable asset management in government; The Responsibility of the different state stakeholders and their interaction on immovable asset management; and The participation of non-state stakeholders. A Qualitative research design is followed. Tools consist of four case studies, semi-structured interviews and questionnaires. A literature review and study of applicable legislative and policy documents was done and empirical data analysed. An international best practice model is also discussed. This study has revealed various research findings through the primary and secondary sources collected. Based on these findings specific recommendations are made to the various stakeholders. The wellbeing of all stakeholders and respondents were set above outcomes and objectives that the research could generate.
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Larsson, Jessika. „Hong Kong in Transition : The Hong Kong identity and value change in relation to the pro-democracy protests of 2003-2020“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-432441.

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The importance of protecting democracy and free speech in the world has never been moreparamount than in a time like now, when pro-democracy and independence movements areon the rise and democracy is declining. The aim of this thesis is to investigate the potentialstrengthening of the local identity in Hong Kong in relation to the 21st centurypro-democratic protests and the postmaterialist generation. This will be put in contrast toChina’s more totalitarian way of governing and resistance to democracy. Of which the globalcity of Hong Kong has been a special administrative region (SAR) within the one countrytwo systems design since the 1997. The investigation of the local identity is based on theWorld Value Survey's data set from 2005, 2014 and 2018. The survey data is analysed withstatistical tools of regression analysis, correlation and comparison over time. This study findssome correlation between the postmaterialist values and identity but no correlation betweenthe Hong Kong local identity and the pro-democracy movement. The results further suggest amoderate strengthening of the Hong Kong identity in the form of an increase in inherentpride, which this thesis contends may be induced by the clash of the values imposed bymainland China. This possibility requires further research as the identity of an autonomouspart of a nation, for example Hong Kong, is of importance for civic participation anddemocracy as a whole.
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Mpapela, Vuyo. „Our turn to eat?: an Interrogation of South African media discourse on allocation of value through cadre deployment“. Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/19179.

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South Africa‟s liberal democratic constitution allows for political competition for office, enhanced by the media‟s involvement or role, as both stakeholder and facilitator for debate between the public and political parties. The role of the media becomes a sensitive one as it entails perspectives on the political process and, as a consequence, certain perceptions of the political class, structures and electoral process will emerge. In previous elections the media has been cited for abdicating its objective stance in the narrative on political competition in view of candidate lists, party coalitions and allocation of value through cadre deployment, a term used for political appointments within party structures to positions of leadership in public office. Accordingly, it provokes intense debates in which the rationality of liberal-objective-observer to democratic process is criticized by thinking which argues that such rationality remains trapped by a devotion to „liberalist rituals‟, rituals detached from embedded meanings specific to South Africa‟s socio-political dynamics.
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Klein, Ana Maria. „"Escola e democracia: um estudo sobre a representação de alunos e alunas do ensino médio"“. Universidade de São Paulo, 2006. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/48/48134/tde-31032006-151616/.

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Trata-se de trabalho de investigação que se insere na área de estudos da psicologia e da educação moral. Buscou investigar que representações têm, sobre democracia e escola democrática, sujeitos que concluem o Ensino Médio. Seu desenvolvimento teórico sobre democracia repousa na conquista de direitos e nos valores que os inspiraram na consolidação deste modelo político. Adotando uma perspectiva histórica, são apresentados os direitos civis, políticos e sociais que possibilitaram o alargamento democrático. A discussão sobre valores democráticos alia-se à conquista dos direitos, atribuindo significado aos mesmos. Os Direitos Humanos ganham destaque na análise, na medida em que o respeito aos mesmos implica na realização do processo democrático. A escola democrática é discutida a partir do acesso universal e das suas práticas pedagógicas. O acesso universal à escola e ao conhecimento produzido socialmente está embasado em Comparato, Azanha e Carvalho. A escola democrática, enquanto prática pedagógica, discute os valores e práticas desenvolvidas no interior da instituição que contribuem para o processo formativo do indivíduo/cidadão autônomo. Os referenciais utilizados para discutir a escola democrática, enquanto prática pedagógica, estão embasados em Dewey e Teixeira e em autores contemporâneos como Puig e Araújo. Através das representações sociais (Moscovicci) buscamos a visão de democracia do sujeito que a vivencia em suas experiências cotidianas. A amostra do estudo foi composta por 80 sujeitos, 40 do sexo feminino e 40 do sexo masculino, alunos e alunas das redes pública e particular da cidade de São Paulo. O instrumento utilizado para a coleta de dados consistiu em um questionário sobre sociedade, escola e relações interpessoais democráticas, que incitava o sujeito a pensar sobre os temas colocando-se como foco central, ou seja, buscando suas próprias concepções. Os resultados encontrados revelam que os sujeitos valorizam prioritariamente os direitos de participação e expressão como práticas imprescindíveis à realização quer seja de uma sociedade, de uma escola ou de relações cotidianas democráticas. As variáveis consideradas neste estudo foram gênero e rede de ensino. Em relação à primeira não encontramos diferenças significativas. Em relação à segunda observamos diferenças, entre os grupos, apenas em suas representações sobre sociedade democrática. Os valores e práticas destacados pelos sujeitos nos fornecem elementos para uma reflexão sobre como a democracia é vivenciada pelos sujeitos, enquanto cidadãos, enquanto alunos (escola) e nas relações interpessoais.
This investigation work is inserted in the study area about the psychology and the moral education. It investigated what representation about democracy and democratic school have finishing secondary education subjects. Its theoretical support about democracy lies in the democratic rights and values that consolidated this political model. Its theoretical support about democratic school lies in the work of Dewey and Teixeira and contemporary work of Puig and Araújo. The study sample composed of eighty subjects, forty girls and forty boys. The students from public school and private school from Sao Paulo city. The instrument used to reap the data was a questionnaire about democratic society, school and relationship. The subjects thought the questions as himself central focus. The results achieved reveal that these subjects value involvement and expression rights as essential practice for democratic society, school or relationship. The study variables were gender and school system (public and private school). Specific differences in the gender were not observed. Taking into account the school system, observed differences in the democratic society representation.
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Davis, Robert M. „Asymmetrical Information Market Failure Triggered by the Chicago School's Profit Motive Paradigm: A Case Study of Virginia's Public Higher Education Market and Media Identification of Public Value Failure“. Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/23281.

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This paper presents a case study examination of the Commonwealth of Virginia\'s public higher education market and the use of asymmetrical information flows between providers and consumers by college and university institutions to intentionally create market failures to maximize brand building through increased revenue collections via profit maximization behaviors. Existing economic research in the financial services market hold that asymmetry of information generates inefficient allocation of goods and subsequent identification of market failure conditions. Market failures can lead to tipping points which may result in public values failures as threats to human subsistence (i.e. food, clothing, education) and imperfect public information. Market failures resulting in public values failures warrant government intervention to correct market inefficiency and ensure pareto efficiency in the allocation of goods. Mandatory non-educational fees increase the cost to attend a post-secondary institution which subsequently aid in increased student debt and reduced access and affordability for low income classification groups thus exacerbating societal cleavages identified as public values failures. This research identifies the application of economic and public administration theory to construct a policy recommendation to mitigate asymmetrical information and improve pareto efficiency involving transactions in the public higher education market.
Master of Public Administration
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Pironi, Cristiane Rachel. „Igualdade política e financiamento de campanhas eleitorais“. Universidade de São Paulo, 2009. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-07052009-170520/.

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A delicada relação entre economia e política contida na questão do financiamento de partidos políticos e campanhas eleitorais vem ocupando um lugar central na agenda política das democracias de todo o mundo, e com a América Latina não poderia ser diferente. Tomando como base as teorias da democracia e da justiça, esta dissertação procura analisar as formas de financiamento político existentes (público, privado e misto), tendo em vista a ameaça que a interferência do dinheiro na política pode acarretar à democracia e à manutenção do valor eqüitativo das liberdades políticas, no contexto das democracias contemporâneas.
The difficult relationship between economic power and democratic politics as it can be seen in political parties and electoral campaign financing issues, has been filling a central place in the political agenda of the democracies all over the world and it couldn´t be different regarding Latin America. Based on theories of democracy and justice, this dissertation analyses arrangements of political financing (public, private and mixed), dealing with the threat that the interference of money in politics might bring to democracy and to the maintenance of fair value of the equal political liberties, in the context of contemporary democracies.
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Pettersson, Lena, und Ewa Paulin-Larsson. „Så kan pedagoger göra det lättare för barn att vara barn : Pedagogers samsyn med barn som utgångspunkt“. Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för pedagogik (PED), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-29225.

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Syftet med studien är att ta reda på pedagogers perspektiv och förståelse för hur barn blir bemötta enligt riktlinjer om normer och värden i den reviderade läroplanen för förskolan, Lpfö 98 (Skolverket 2010). Forskningsfrågor i studie är: Hur tolkar pedagoger läroplanens riktlinjer om normer och värden? Vilket förhållningssätt utifrån normer och värden använder pedagoger sig av i förhållande till barn i verksamheten? Hur kan pedagogers perspektiv av normer och värden uttrycka sig i praktiken? Undersökningen i studie grundar sig på en kvalitativ forskningsstrategi. Skriftlig intervju och observationer med nio respondenter och sju ostrukturerade observationer på flera förskolor. Av resultatet från de skriftliga intervjuerna ser vi att diskussion om normer och värden på förskolorna är viktiga för att få en förståelse för riktlinjer i läroplanen, Lpfö 98 (2010). Att visa respekt mot barn är något som pedagogerna ansåg vara viktigt. Vilket uttrycktes av pedagoger på olika sätt. Resultatet av vår studie i stort är att normer och värde upplevs som svårtolkat av pedagoger. Barn blir bemötta på olika sätt av pedagoger. Det är viktigt att pedagoger har förståelse för sin maktposition i förhållande till barn. Pedagogers bemötande och förhållningssätt har betydelse för hur barn upplever pedagogers maktposition.
The study aims to find out the teachers' perspective and understanding of how children are treated in accordance with guidelines on norms and values ​​in the revised curriculum for preschool, Lpfö 98 (National Agency for Education 2010). Research issues in the study is: How do you interpret educators curriculum guidelines on standards and values​​? Which approach based on norms and values, use the educators themselves in relation to children in preschool? How can teachers' perspectives of norms and values ​​express themselves in practice? The survey of study based on a qualitative research approach. Written interviews and observations with nine respondents and seven unstructured observations at several preschools. By the results of the written interviews, we see that the discussion of the norms and values ​​of the preschools are important for an understanding of the guidelines in the curriculum, Lpfö 98 (2010). To show respect towards children is something that teachers deemed important. As expressed by teachers in various ways. The results of our study in general is that norms and values ​​are perceived as difficult to interpret by educators. Children are treated differently by teachers. It is important that educators understand their position of power in relation to children. Educators approach and attitude influences how children perceive teachers' position of power.
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Francisquini, Renato. „Democracia, liberdade de expressão e o valor equitativo das liberdades comunicativas“. Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-23012015-184904/.

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Este trabalho se fundamenta em uma concepção discursiva da democracia segundo a qual a comunicação pública é um elemento necessário à legitimidade da autoridade política. Segundo esse entendimento, a livre expressão de ideias é parte integral e condição essencial ao exercício das liberdades políticas em termos iguais. Tendo em vista a centralidade dos meios de comunicação na definição dos valores coletivos e na agência política, sustento que a sua estrutura deve ser orientada pelo reconhecimento de todos como pessoas livres e iguais. Uma orientação como essa se baseia na ideia de que às liberdades expressivas deve ser conferido um valor equitativo: isto é, a todos devem ser oferecidas as mesmas oportunidades e condições objetivas de exercer tais liberdades. Esta interpretação funda-se em uma compreensão deste ideal que extrapola os limites dos direitos e liberdades formais, incluindo as condições materiais e as bases sociais do autorrespeito
This work is founded in a discursive conception of democracy according to which public communication is a necessary element for the legitimacy of political authority. According to this understanding, freedom of expression is an integral part and an essential condition to the exercise of political liberties in equal terms. Given the centrality of mass media in the definition of the collective values and in political agency, I maintain the their structure must be oriented toward the acknowledgement of all as free and equal persons. An orientation like this is based on the idea that to the expressive liberties should be assigned a fair value: i.e. everyone is entitled to the same opportunities and objective conditions to exercise such liberties. This interpretation has its basis in a form of understanding such ideal that goes beyond the formal rights and freedoms to include the material conditions and the social basis of self-respect
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Smith, Graham Martin. „Pluralism, deliberative democracy and environmental values“. Thesis, University of Southampton, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.242671.

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Esmaeilpour, Fadakar Shahin. „Majority-Preferential Two-Round Electoral Formula: A Balanced Value-Driven Model for Canada“. Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/31025.

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This research is an enquiry to find an electoral formula that conforms to Canadian constitutional values. Three core values that are pertinent to the issue of electoral systems are identified: democracy, diversity, and efficiency. Each of these core values is divided into different aspects. These aspects will form the backbone of the evaluation of different electoral systems in this work. I will begin with an evaluation of the plurality model of elections, which is currently used in Canada. I will demonstrate that many of the attributes of the current system are not in tune with Canadian constitutional values, in particular with the progressive interpretation that the Supreme Court of Canada has given to the right to vote as enshrined in Section 3 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Although the interpretation of the right to vote will be the main thrust of the constitutional scrutiny in this work, attention will also be given to other pertinent rights such as equality rights, minority rights, and the freedom of expression. Next, I will examine provincial electoral reform initiatives that were initiated in five Canadian provinces. All of these initiatives - three of which were put to referenda and eventually defeated - proposed adopting a variant of proportional representation. Accordingly, I will evaluate proportional systems according to the intended values. I will conclude that these systems have problems of their own and they also cannot strike a fine balance between competing values. In the final stage, I will make a new proposal for elections to the Canadian Parliament. First, I will demonstrate that majority systems are better candidates to attain the envisioned values. Then I will introduce a new variant of the majority model, which I call a majority-preferential two-round variant. I will demonstrate that this new variant will outperform the other variants in the attainment of values if adopted for elections to the House of Commons. Finally, I will argue that the combination of a House of Commons elected through the majority-preferential formula and a proportionally elected Senate will result in a more balanced approach to the relevant constitutional values.
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Pearce, Emily Vachudová Milada Anna. „Exporting values conditionality, democracy and the European neighbourhood /“. Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,1322.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Apr. 25, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of a Master of Arts in the Department of Political Science." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.
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Goodlad, Stephen John. „Democracy and environment : rethinking our educational priorities /“. Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/7629.

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Smith, Antoinette Rachélle. „Democratic transition in South Africa : a case study of the public participation in development planning on local authority level in the West Coast Region“. Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51672.

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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The theme of this study is the practice of participatory democracy and its link to local development. The context is the current policy trend to consider the local authority as the core development agent. Governance is seen as a partnership between civil society and local state authority. The mechanism for linking democracy and development is the concept of integrated development planning. This study investigates the integrity of the process of public participation as reflected within integrated development planning. The democratic transition in South Africa forms the backdrop of the study. South Africa, a relatively newly formed democracy, has put legislation, political and social structures in place to support the transformation it intended. The question that remains and that is being researched in this study, is whether the lOP is a sincere attempt on the side of the government to install authentic participation on the part of the local community or is this another scheme for political expediency? The study reflects the transition to democracy on social and political level and on all levels of governance. In the case of local government, it describes the transformation of the role of local government to that of development agent in its jurisdiction of governance. A case study approach is used. The democratic transition in the field of local government and its application in a specific rural development region are selected as case material. The West Coast Development Region, a demarcated development region of the Western Cape, has been chosen as a testing ground for a number of reasons, but most importantly, because this region has taken the lead to implement the newly passed policy of integrated development planning in South Africa. The region also offered the most favorable circumstances for the study as it has been subjected to systematic and sustained development and capacity building inputs from the state since the elections in 1994. These include capacity building of ROP forums and Spatial Development Initiative. An empirical study of the process of public participation within the integrated development planning in this region was done after the first round of the process in 1997/1998. A group administered questiormaire is used to measure the knowledge and attitudes of participants who attended the workshops that were held by the local authority as medium of participation. Two measurements, one at the start of the workshop and one at the end, provided comparable data on changes in attitudes and levels of knowledge. The results indicated definite change in knowledge levels, but did not impact significantly on the attitudes of participants. The findings are presented here and form the basis of a wider study in local democracy and development to be proposed.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tema van hierdie studie is die praktyk van deelnemende demokrasie en die verband met plaaslike ontwikkeling. Die konteks is die huidige beleidsrigting wat die plaaslike owerheid as die sentrale ontwikkelingsagent beskou. Regering word gesien as 'n vennootskap tussen die burgerlike gemeenskap en die plaaslike staatsowerheid. Die meganisme om demokrasie en ontwikkeling met mekaar te verbind, is die konsep van geintegreerde ontwikkelingsbeplanning. Hierdie studie ondersoek die integriteit van publieke deelname soos dit manifesteer in geintegreerde ontwikkelingsbeplanning. Die demokratiese transformasie van Suid Afrika vorm die agtergrond van die studie. Suid Afrika, 'n relatief nuutgevormde demokrasie, het wetgewing daar gestel om die voorgenome demokratiese oorgang te ondersteun. Die vraag wat gevra en ondersoek word in hierdie studie, is of die geintegreerde ontwikkelingsbeplanning 'n opregte poging is om ware deelname aan die kant van die gemeenskap te bewerkstellig of is hierdie nog 'n skema vir politieke gewin. Die studie reflekteer die oorgang na 'n demokrasie op sosiale en politieke vlak sowel as in alle vlakke van regering. In die geval van plaaslike regering, word transformasie in die rol van die plaaslike owerheid na die van ontwikkelingsagent in sy regsgebied beskryf. 'n Gevallestudie benadering word gebruik. Die demokratiese oorgang op die gebied van plaaslike regering en die toepassing daarvan in 'n spesifieke ontwikkelingstreek word gebruik as gevallestudiemateriaal. Die Weskus Ontwikkelingstreek, 'n afgebakende ontwikkelingstreek van die Wes-Kaap Provinsie is gekies as toetsingsgebied om verskeie redes. Die belangrikste hiervan is omdat hierdie streek die leiding geneem het om die nuutgeproklameerde wetgewing van geintegreerde ontwikkelingsbeplanning in Suid Afrika te implimenteer. Die streek het ook die mees gunstige omstandighede gebied vir die studie, aangesien dit sedert die 1994 verkiesing onderwerp is aan volgehoue en sistematiese ontwikkelings- en bemagtigende insette deur die staat. Dit sluit onder andere in kapasiteitsbouprogramme vir HOP forums en 'n ruimtelike ontwikkelingsinisiatief. 'n Empiriese studie is gedoen oor die proses van publieke deelname in die ge'integreerde ontwikkelingsbepanning in die streek kort na die voltooiing van die eerste rondte daarvan in 1997/1998. 'n Groepgeadministreerde vraelys is gebruik om die kennis en houdings van deelnemers wat werkswinkels bygewoon het, te toets. Hierdie werkswinkels is deur die plaaslike owerheid gehou as medium van deelname. Twee metings, een aan die begin en een aan die einde van elke werkswinkel is geneem. Dit het vergelykbare data om veranderings in kennis vlakke en houdings aan te dui, gebied. Die resultate het aangedui dat daar defnitiewe veranderings in kennis plaasgevind het, maar dit het nie beduidende verskil gemaak aan houdings van deelnemers nie. Die bevindinge word hier aangebied en vorm die basis van 'n wyer studie in demokrasie en ontwikkeling wat aanbeveel word.
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Anders, Eriksson, und Sandberg Ludvig. „I en förvandlad stad : En flerfallsstudie om Malmö stads syn på temporära aktiviteter“. Thesis, Malmö universitet, Institutionen för Urbana Studier (US), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-42614.

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Den här studien undersöker vilken roll temporära aktiviteter ges i Malmö stads stadsplaneringsprocess.Temporära aktiviteter är en term som omfattar en mängd olika aktiviteter i det offentliga rummen,men vår studie utgår från temporära aktiviteter som fysiskt förändrar och omgestaltar stadsrummet.Temporära aktiviteter och temporär användning har i takt med globaliseringen fått ett allt större utrymme ivästerländska städer, det kan därför ses som en motreaktion på en osäker framtid som präglas av växandeekonomiska, sociala och teknologiska förändringar. Tillämpningen av temporära aktiviteter är ett exempelpå att skapa mer flexibla och dynamiska platser för att ge städer mer livfulla stadsrum, det bidrar till ettdiversifierat och mer heterogent stadslandskap samt med ett förhöjt demokrativärde. Vår forskning baseras på en flerfallstudie av tre olika exempel på temporära aktiviteter som skiljer sig åtutifrån initiativtagarens intention och syfte med användningen. De tre exempel som presenteras i studien ärSteppe Side, Pig Barrier och Naturmolnet. Vi har i fallstudien genomfört två kvalitativa intervjuer gällandedessa exempel, samt genomfört en dokumentanalys för att tolka Malmö stads syn på temporära aktiviteter.Utifrån det empiriska materialet analyseras och diskuteras detta i förhållande till den teoretiska ingången. Studien visar att Malmö stad tillämpar en övergripande instrumentell syn på temporära aktiviteter, vilketinnebär att den ges en underordnad roll och endast fyller ett tomrum i väntan på att en mer gynnsamexploatering tar vid. Med en instrumentell syn på det temporära används det i marknadsföringssyfte och föratt bibehålla skenet av en urban tillväxt. Vad som går förlorat är de mervärden en temporär aktivitet medfördå syftet inte längre är för användarna, utan istället används som ett verktyg som riskerar att bidra till enökad gentrifiering. Vad vi också uppmärksammar i studien är att vi ser försök från Malmö stad till att gå moten mer flexibel och dynamisk planeringsprocess, men att de ännu inte är i det stadiet där det temporära kansamexistera med den långvariga planeringen. Avslutningsvis lyfter studien exempel på åtgärder som vi anserkan bidra till att nå till det stadie där det temporära lever i symbios med det permanenta.
This study examines the role of temporary activities in the City of Malmö’s urban planning process.Temporary activities are a term that encompasses a variety of activities in public spaces, but our study isbased on temporary activities that physically change and transform the urban space. Temporary activitiesand temporary use have, in step with globalization, gained increasing space in Western cities, whichcan therefore be seen as a counter-reaction to an uncertain future characterized by growing economic,social and technological changes. The application of temporary activities is an example of creating moreflexible and dynamic places to give cities more lively urban spaces, it contributes to a diversified and moreheterogeneous urban landscape with an increased democratic value. Our research is based on a multiple-case study of three different examples of temporary activities that differbased on the initiator’s intention and purpose of use. The three examples presented in the study are SteppeSide, Pig Barrier and Naturmolnet. In the case study, we conducted two qualitative interviews regardingthese examples, and conducted a document analysis to interpret the City of Malmö’s view of temporaryactivities. Based on the empirical material, this is analyzed and discussed in relation to the theoreticalframework. The study shows that the City of Malmö applies an overall instrumental view of temporary activities,which means that it is given a subordinate role and only fills a void while waiting for a more favorabledevelopment to take over. With an instrumental view of the temporary, it is used for marketing purposesand to maintain the appearance of urban growth. What is lost is the added value a temporary activity entailsas the purpose is no longer for the users, but instead is used as a tool that risks contributing to increasedgentrification. The study also draws attention to the attempts from the City of Malmö to move towards amore flexible and dynamic planning process, but that they are not yet at the stage where the temporary cancoexist with the long-term planning. Finally, the study highlights examples of measures that we believe cancontribute to reaching the stage where the temporary lives in symbiosis with the permanent.
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Eliferova, Irina Dmitrievna. „Democratic values and Muslim countries prospects of cooperation /“. Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2008.

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Lundström, Sara, und Anna Råberg. „“Kan bli för stramt och fyrkantigt” : En enkätstudie om pedagogers upplevelser och erfarenheter av arbetet med konflikthantering i förskolan: tankestilars roll och påverkan kring hur relationer inramas och formuleras“. Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Pedagogik, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-29264.

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Konstruktiv hantering av konflikter kan bidra till lärandesituationer. Som en del i att synliggöra det vardagliga arbetet lyfter studien pedagogers erfarenheter och upplevelser kring konflikthanteringsarbetet i förskolan. I en strävan att utveckla både värdegrundsarbete och verksamhet, har det efterfrågats och skett ett sökande efter kunskap och verksamma strategier för att hantera vardagliga konflikter mellan barnen. Konflikthantering utgör dock ett mångfacetterat fält, hanteras och uppfattas på olika sätt, både i arbetslag och verksamhet. Det praktiska arbetet kan därmed upplevas svårt av pedagogerna att orientera sig i och ett helhetsarbete genomsyrar därmed inte alltid verksamheten. Tankestilar är starkt sammankopplade med förhållningssätt vilket bidrar till att styra blicken mot hur arbetet med konflikter bör hanteras. Med pedagogernas blick riktad mot det ”det goda arbetet” kan lätt normer och värden osynliggöras inom verksamheten och påverka vad som blir möjligt för barnen att vara en del av. Studien belyser förskolors olika strategier att hantera konflikter och därmed vilka områden som fokuseras. Utifrån enkäter har pedagogernas svar utgjort en grund för att problematisera vilken roll konflikthantering och användandet av konflikthanteringsmodeller spelar i det relationella vardagliga arbetet -i strävan mot ett demokratiskt klimat och social hållbar utveckling. Resultatet visar att bland annat kunskap, tid och avsaknad av samsyn utgör faktorer som hindrar ett gemensamt arbete med konflikthantering i förskolan. Genom samtal, reflektion, granskning och utvärdering finns dock möjlighet att lyfta olika perspektiv och tankar kring använda strategier och hur de kan anpassas till verksamhetens ständigt reviderade behov. Där motsättningar ges utrymme får tankestilar möjlighet att mötas och utvecklas. Studien belyser därmed vikten av pedagogernas behov av utrymme för att löpande kunna granska och problematisera både förhållningssätt samt val av konflikthanteringsstrategier.
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Schoening, Joel. „Democracy derailed : cooperative values confront market demands at a worker owned firm /“. view abstract or download file of text, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1335361171&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=11238&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2007.
Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 201-206). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
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Khaw, Kevin Keng Hor. „Asian values and Mahathir's leadership /“. Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 2003. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ARM/09armk456.pdf.

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Haglund, Agnes-Cecilia. „Wandering away from apartheid : A study on interracial bridging social capital in South African small-town society“. Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-80345.

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Trust, cooperation and equal value. The purpose of the current study has been to present evidence of interracial bridging social capital between groups and individuals in South African small-town society. An ethnological field study has been executed by searching, observing and interviewing citizens at various meeting points in civil society where interracial interaction is taking place. The collected empirical data will be evaluated in relation to established theories regarding the importance of social capital in relation to political prospering of liberal democracies. This will be done in order to answer the question: in what way and in which spheres of South African society can evidence of bridging social capital be found? The discussion and conclusion will be dependent on to what extent bridging social capital is taking place in conjunction with interracial meetings. The research will be divided into three phases. The first phase will be presenting the idea of the research and the preparation of how it is going to be performed. The second phase demonstrates the execution of data gathering with the theories at its core. Finally, the third phase of the essay will be carried out by discussing the results and how it contributes to the existing science base (George and Bennet, 2005, p. 73). In conclusion, the study showed that bridging social capital is possible to find primarily in the spheres of education and Christian parishes close to communities where the middle and upper-class live.
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Subramaniam, Surainder. „Situating global ideas in local discourses a comparative study of the transferability of values, norms, and cultures of liberal democratic governance in contemporary Malaysia and Singapore /“. access full-text online access from Digital dissertation consortium, 2001. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?3020987.

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Carlsson, Christin. „Sverigedemokraterna och skolans värdegrund : En jämförelse mellan Sverigedemokraternas partiprogram och skolans grundläggande värderingar“. Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-47942.

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I denna uppsats kommer värdegrunden i Sverigedemokraternas parti att granskas utifrån de partipolitiska program som finns tillgängliga sedan 1989. Sverigedemokraterna kom in i Sveriges riksdag år 2010 och gör nu stora politiska framsteg som tredje största partiet i svensk riksdag. De är hyllade av många och kanske precis lika fruktade för sin historiska bakgrund. Syftet är att undersöka om de värderingar som utgör skolans värdegrund uttrycks i SD:s partiprogram. Metoden som har använts är en innehållsanalys med intresse för partiets formulerade värdegrund och hur Sverigedemokraterna förhåller sig till värdegrunden. Resultatet som presenteras är att Sverigedemokraterna har en historisk bakgrund som de inte kommer ifrån. De har utvecklats från år 1989 och de har blivit mer rumsrena. Idag företräder Sverigedemokraterna ett konservativt samhälle som har kristna värderingar.
In this essay the core values of the Sweden Democrats Party will be reviewed on the basis of political party programs available since 1989. The Sweden Democrats entered the Swedish parliament in 2010 and are now making major political progress as the third largest party in the Swedish parliament. They are acclaimed by many and perhaps equally feared for their historical background. The purpose is to investigate if the values that make up the school´s values are expressed in SD´s party program. The method used is content analysis with the interest of the party’s formulated values and how the Sweden Democrats relate to the core values. The results that will be presented are that Sweden Democrats have a historical background that they never can escape from. They have made progress from the year 1989 and have become more accepted. Today Sweden Democrats represent a conservative society with Christian values.
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Furusawa, Katsuto. „Values and democracy postmaterialist shift versus cultural particularity in Russia, the USA, Britain and Japan /“. Thesis, Connect to e-thesis, 2008. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/247/.

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Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Glasgow, 2008.
Ph.D. thesis submitted to the Department of Politics, Faculty of Law, Business and Social Sciences, University of Glasgow, 2008. Includes bibliographical references. Print version also available.
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Harmes, Riccardo Lucian Paul. „Localism and the design of political systems“. Thesis, University of Exeter, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/30140.

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Localism places a special value on the local, and is increasingly prominent as a political doctrine. The literature suggests localism operates in three ways: bottom-up, top down and mutualistic. To assess its impact, localism needs to be seen within the broader context of multi-level governance. Here localism is examined in relation to three major themes: place, public value (PV), and institutional design. Regarding place, a key distinction is drawn between old and new localism. Old localism is about established local government, while new localism highlights the increasing room for manoeuvre that localities have in contemporary politics. This enables them to influence wider power structures, for example through trans-local organizing. With regard to public value, localist thinking makes a key contribution to core PV domains such as sustainability, wellbeing and democracy, as well as to others like territorial cohesion and intergovernmental mutuality. As for institutional design, the study is particularly concerned with ‘sub-continental’ political systems. A set of principles for the overall design of such systems is proposed, together with a framework of desirable policy outcomes at the local level. This can be used to evaluate how effective political systems are at creating public value in local settings. The thesis presents a comparative study of localism in two significant, sub-continental clusters: India/Kerala/Kollam and the EU/UK/England/Cornwall. Both can be seen as contrasting ‘exemplars’ of localism in action. In India, localism was a major factor in the nationwide local self-government reforms of 1993 and their subsequent enactment in the state of Kerala. In the EU, localism has been pursued through an economic federalism based on regions and sub-regions. This is at odds with the top-down tradition in British politics. The tension between the two approaches is being played out currently in the peripheral sub-region of Cornwall/Isles of Scilly. Cornwall’s dilemma has been sharpened by Britain’s recent decision to leave the EU. The thesis considers the wider implications of the case studies, and presents some proposals for policymakers and legislators to consider, together with suggestions for further research.
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Corkin, Lucy Jane. „A decade of democracy : comparing trends in support for democracy in South Africa and Brazil since democratic transition“. Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/16271.

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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Brazil and South Africa were both part of the global “third-wave” of democracy, the beginnings of their democratic transitions occurring in 1985 and 1994 respectively. Despite having been formerly subjected to decades of authoritarian rule, both countries experienced a modicum of democratic practice, however limited in franchise, under the previous regimes. The purpose of this study is to investigate the levels of support for democracy in Brazil and South Africa since democratic transition. Two types of political support are identified as crucial for democratic sustainability: diffuse support, or support for democracy’s intrinsic principles, and specific support, support which is conditional on the positive evaluation of the regime institutions and incumbents. These two types of political support are conceptualized as encompassing five levels or objects of political support, according to the Norris model: the political community, regime principles, regime performance (diffuse support), regime institutions and political actors (specific support). This study proposes that because vestiges of democratic norms and practices have been present within these countries’ political systems for some time, it is possible that they will manifest trends in support similar to much older, more established democracies. These global trends indicate that diffuse support for democracy is being maintained while specific support for democracy is waning. A longitudinal quantitative study was conducted, using consecutive waves of World Values Survey to operationalize support for democracy in terms of the five abovementioned political objects and the results of South Africa and Brazil compared. These results show that both case studies could be interpreted as having fairly high levels of diffuse support and decreasing levels of specific support for democracy. It is however acknowledged that results are not conclusive and further research is required, especially with respect to how respondents conceptualize the term ‘democracy’.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Brasilië en Suid-Afrika was albei deel van die globale “derde golf” van demokrasie, met die aanvang van hulle oorgang na demokrasie onderskeidelik in 1985 en 1994. Ten spyte daarvan dat hierdie twee lande voormalig aan dekades van outoritêre gesag onderwerp is, het albei, hoewel beperk in stemreg, ’n mate van demokratiese praktyk onder ’n vorige bestel ervaar. Die doel van hierdie studie is om die steunvlakke vir demokrasie in Brasilië en Suid- Afrika sedert hulle oorgang na demokrasie te ondersoek. Twee soorte politieke steun word geïdentifiseer as deurslaggewend vir demokratiese volhoubaarheid: verspreide steun – of steun vir die intrinsieke beginsels van demokrasie – en spesifieke steun – steun wat van die positiewe evaluering van die regime se instellings en ampsbekleders afhang. Hierdie twee soorte politieke steun word deur vyf konsepte voorgestel wat die vyf vlakke of voorwerpe van politieke steun volgens die Norris-model dek: die politieke gemeenskap, regimebeginsels, regimeprestasie (verspreide steun), regime-instellings en politieke akteurs (spesifieke steun). Hierdie studie stel voor dat, aangesien spore van demokratiese norme en praktyke vir ’n geruime tyd binne hierdie lande se politieke stelsels teenwoordig was, dit moontlik is dat hulle steuntendense sal toon wat aan baie ouer, meer gevestigde demokrasieë soortgelyk is. Hierdie globale tendense toon dat verspreide steun vir demokrasie gehandhaaf word terwyl spesifieke steun vir demokrasie aan die kwyn is. ’n Longitudinale kwantitatiewe studie is onderneem wat van opeenvolgende siklusse van die “World Values Survey” gebruik maak om steun vir demokrasie in terme van die vyf bogenoemde politieke voorwerpe uit te beeld. Die resultate van Suid-Afrika en Brasilië is daarna vergelyk. Uit hierdie resultate sou afgelei kon word dat redelik hoë vlakke van verspreide steun en dalende vlakke van spesifieke steun vir demokrasie in beide gevalle voorkom. Daar word egter erken dat resultate nie beslissend is nie en dat verdere navorsing nodig is, in besonder met betrekking tot respondente se begrip van die term ‘demokrasie’.
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Kolouh-Westin, Lidija. „Learning Democracy Together in School? : Student and Teacher Attitudes in Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : Institute of International Education [Institutionen för internationell pedagogik], Univ, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-82.

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Essa, Fatima. „Do values in education create spaces for democratic citizenship?“ Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52808.

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Thesis (MEd)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The "Values in Education" initiative of the Department of Education seems to have become an important facet of the transformation of education agenda in South Africa. My argument in favour of a "Values in Education" initiative to be implemented in schools along the lines of democratic citizenship can be considered as an attempt to contribute to the democratisation of schooling post- 1994. This thesis develops a link between "Values in Education", intersubjectivity and democratic citizenship and argues that "Values in Education" can cultivate democratic citizenship in South African schools. KEYWORDS: Values in education, intersubjectivity, democracy and citizenship.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Departement van Onderwys se 'Waardes in Onderwys" inisiatief blyk om 'n belangrike faset van die Suid-Afrikaanse agenda oor die transformasie van die onderwys te wees. My argument ten gunste van die implementering van 'n "Waardes in Onderwys" inisiatief in skole volgens die gedagtes van demokratiese burgerskap kan beskou word as 'n poging tot die bydrae van die demokratisering van skole na die 1994 onderwysbedeling. In hierdie tesis word die verwantskap tussen "Waardes in Onderwys", intersubjektiwiteit en demokratiese burgerskap ontwikkel en terselfdertyd word daar geargumenteer dat "Waardes in Onderwys" wel demokratiese burgerskap in skole kan bevorder. KERNBEGRIPPE: Waardes in onderwys, intersubjektiwiteit, demokrasie en burgerskap.
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Collinet-Ourthe, Mathilde. „Analyses et perspectives du pilotage de l’action sociale : recherches-interventions à l’échelle locale“. Thesis, Pau, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020PAUU2086.

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La gestion publique des problèmes sociaux complexes est associée au pluralisme social et s’inscrit dans un contexte décentralisé qui entrave leur compréhension et leur traitement collectifs. Cette recherche doctorale propose ainsi d’investiguer les voies d’amélioration au pilotage de l’action sociale locale et défend une approche exploratoire chemin faisant, au plus proche des problématiques de terrain : celles de trois Centres Communaux et Intercommunaux d’Action Sociale et d’un Conseil Départemental. Dans un mode de raisonnement abductif faisant dialoguer en permanence théorie et pratique, trois recherches-interventions et une observation participante sont progressivement mobilisées. Dans un premier temps, la modélisation de l’Analyse des Besoins Sociaux comme projet territorial participatif de connaissances et de problématisation collective, montre un paradoxe : la volonté des parties prenantes de voir la transversalité inter-organisationnelle pénétrer les pratiques professionnelles quotidiennes versus les habitudes managériales culturellement incompatibles avec ces formes de délibération démocratiques, ignorant les résultats de l’activité collective ou illégitimant son processus de fabrication. Face à de nouvelles opportunités pratiques révélées dans l’action, et mobilisant le concept fédérateur de communauté d’enquête, une deuxième phase de recherche vient préciser les conditions d’émergence et d’animation de l’action conjointe durable : l’activité dialogique médiatisée par l’intérêt des publics de l’action sociale ; l’existence d’espaces physiques dédiés à sa pratique ; une temporalité respectant les altérités professionnelles ; la présence d’un leader-médiateur… La thèse montre que la recherche de cette forme fragile de coopération, par sa capacité à bouleverser les habitudes dans l’action, est porteuse de réelles innovations pour la pratique quotidienne et représente une voie prometteuse d’un pilotage renouvelé des politiques de solidarité
Public management of complex social problems is associated with social pluralism and takes place in a decentralized context disrupting their collective understanding and treatment. This doctoral research – through an exploratory approach along the way and based on three different French local Social Action Centers and one Departmental Council – investigates possible ways of improving the definition and management of local social action. Using an abductive methodology that brings theory and practice into constant dialogue, three research-interventions and one participant observation are gradually mobilized. First, the formalization of the Social Needs Analysis (Analyse des Besoins Sociaux) through a participatory project (collective problematization and knowledge creation) shows a paradox: the desire of stakeholders to see inter-organizational transversality penetrate daily professional practices versus managerial habits which are quite incompatible with these forms of democratic deliberation, ignoring the results of collective activity or illegitimating its construction process. Secondly, in the face of new practical opportunities revealed in action, and using the concept of community of inquiry, the doctoral research clarifies the conditions for the emergence and animation of sustainable collective action, in particular the dialogical activity mediated by the interest of the publics of social action; the existence of physical spaces dedicated to its practice; taking the time respecting professional alterities and the presence of a leader-mediator. The thesis enlightens that the search for this fragile form of cooperation, by its capacity to disrupt habits in action, represents a promising way of innovative management applied to social public policies
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Özbank, R. Murat (Ridvan Murat) Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. „Understanding a misunderstanding democracy and dialogue in the west vs. non-west controversy over the universality of human rights“. Ottawa, 2000.

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Fährstedt, Sara, und Sophia Notman. „Utopiska premisser och praktiska exempel : Att få vara barn i spänningsvidden mellan läroplan och vuxenstyrning“. Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Lärarutbildningen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-29918.

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In this study, our aim is to problematize the curriculum's core values through practical examples drawn from observations in children’s recreation centers. We want to examine the premises and common assumptions that are written up in the elementary school, pre-school and recreation center curriculum (Lgr11), in relation to current values on the ideal pupil and how these can be problematized. We do this by focusing on how children's acting space is limited by normative processes in the recreation center from a power perspective. Our empirical work consists of three excerpts in the Lgr11 values that we argue contains utopian premises and common assumptions; transferring basic values, articulate and convey, and from one generation to the next. We also point out two examples from the observations in a recreation center we have done for our B-level, where we indicate what we believe exemplifies the discrepancy we see between the school's practical activities and curriculum formulations. Through our theoretical framework consisting of conceptions in relation to age, power and democratic intentions, we have analyzed our material and found that the premises and common assumptions that are projected promote and maintain an asymmetric power relation in the relationship between teachers and students. The analysis also shows the importance of students' participation in values-oriented work, and the importance of discussing the meaning of the values that are put forward.
I detta självständiga arbete är vårt syfte är att problematisera läroplanens värdegrund genom praktiska exempel hämtade från observationer i fritidshemmet. Vi vill undersöka vilka premisser och förgivettaganden som uttrycks i Lgr11 gällande värderingar kring den ideala eleven och hur dessa kan problematiseras. Detta gör vi med fokus på hur barns handlingsutrymme begränsas via normativa processer i fritidshemmet utifrån ett maktperspektiv. Vår empiri består av tre utdrag ur Lgr11s värdegrund som vi menar innehåller utopiska premisser och förgivettaganden; överföra grundläggande värden, gestalta och förmedla samt från en generation till nästa, vilket vi kommer pröva med en teoretisk begreppsanalys. Vi redogör även för två exempel ur de observationer i ett fritidshem vi tidigare gjort till vår B-uppsats, där vi lyfter den diskrepans vi uppfattar finns mellan skolans praktiska verksamhet och läroplanens formuleringar. Genom vår teoretiska ram bestående av begrepp i relation till ålder, makt och demokratiska intentioner har vi analyserat vårt material och funnit att de premisser och förgivettaganden som uttrycks främjar och upprätthåller en asymmetrisk maktbalans i relationen mellan pedagoger och elever. Analysen visar även på vikten av elevers delaktighet vid värdegrundsarbete samt vikten av att diskutera innebörden i de värden som anses ska gälla.
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Stamenkovic, Lazar. „Värdegrunds- och demokratiarbete i SO-undervisningen : -En kvalitativ studie som lyfter fem grundskolelärares tolkningar, behandling av och förhållningssätt till värdegrunds- och demokratiarbete“. Thesis, Jönköping University, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-54631.

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Syftet med studien var att synliggöra fem grundskolelärares tolkning, förhållningssätt och behandling av värdegrunds- och demokratiarbetet. Studien har utgått från två forskningsfrågor och samtliga fem lärare har återgett sina utsagor för att studien ska kunna ge en klar bild av syftet. Studien har utgått från kvalitativa metoder där semi-strukturerade intervjuer ligger till grund för insamling av empiri. Lärarna som blivit intervjuade kommer från två olika skolor, fördelade i två olika städer i södra Sverige. Studien har sin utgångspunkt i deliberativ- och deltagande demokrati teori. Samtliga grundskolelärare har med sina tolkningar, behandlat och förhållit sig till värdegrunden och det demokratiska uppdraget på varierande sätt. De hade enad uppfattning att kärnan i värdegrundsarbetet är alla människors lika värde. I det demokratiska arbetet var samtliga lärare eniga om att kärnan av arbetet utgörs av att eleverna ska få vara aktiva i diskussioner och samtal där de får yttra sina ståndpunkter. En ytterligare uppfattning lärarna var enade om av det demokratiska arbetet är att eleverna ska få vara delaktiga och påverka, exempelvis genom att få vara med och rösta i demokratiska sammanhang. Slutsatsen är att värdegrunden och det demokratiska uppdraget är grundskolelärarens främsta uppdrag i skolväsendet och den ska genomsyra hela verksamheten och undervisningen. För att skolan ska kunna fostra sina elever till demokratiska samhällsmedborgare så behöver verksamheten präglas av värden och demokratiska förhållningssätt för att förbereda eleverna till framtida samhällsmedborgare.
The purpose of this study was to examine how five teachers in two different primary schools interpret, process and approach democracy and values in their education. The study is based on two research questions and all five teachers have reproduced their statement so that the study can provide a clear picture of the purpose. The study has been based on qualitative methods where semi-structured interviews formed the basis for data collection. The teachers who have been interviewed originates from two different schools, distributed in two different cities in the southern part of Sweden. The study is based on deliberative- and participatory democracy theory. Following five teachers interpreted, treated, and related to the Swedish value-system and the democracy mission in different ways. All teachers had a common view on how to work with the Swedish value-system and that the core of the value-system is the human equality. In the democratic mission, all teachers agreed on the meaning of the democracy task which the pupils should be active in discussions and conversations where they can express their opinions. A further view such as the teachers agreed on was in order that the pupils should be allowed to participate and influence, for instance be allowed to participate and vote in democratic contexts. The conclusion is that the Swedish value-system and the democratic mission are teacher’s main task in the school system and must permeate entire school activity and the education. The school need to be able to educate the pupils to become democratic citizens and the school activities need to be characterized by values and democratic attitudes to prepare the pupils to become future citizens.
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Matrakova, Marta. „Political reforms in the EU-Russia shared neighbourhood. Geopolitics and values as opportunities or challenges for the Quality of Democracy“. Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2020. https://dipot.ulb.ac.be/dspace/bitstream/2013/316064/4/Thesis.pdf.

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This research explains how does the interaction between foreign and domestic policy domains take place and how it influences domestic political change. For this purpose, the cases of Armenia, Georgia and Moldova are analysed with specific focus on the external influence of Russia and the European Union. Consequently, this study traces the interaction between domestic and international actors at the light of the broader regional context, including the Eurasian Economic Union and the European Union. The research uses the analytical tool defined by Morlino (2011), with theoretical contributions from social constructivism and historical institutionalism in order to emphasize the need to contextualise the actions, preferences and identities of domestic actors in a broader historical perspective, which acknowledges the relevance of past legacies. Following the analytical tool, suggested by Morlino (2011), the research focuses on institutional reforms in Rule of Law, Inter-Institutional and Electoral Accountability, in addition to Participation and Competition as horizontal dimensions. A combination of process- tracing and network analysis provides insight on the strategies of domestic and international actors intervening in the reform processes.The research argues that the increased competition between the European Union and Russia is used by different domestic elite groups to strengthen their power positions and as an opportunity to diversify the foreign policy relations in the case of relatively small economic partners as Armenia, Georgia and Moldova. Such strategy is pursued through the development of focused relations with each international partner, while avoiding an exclusive geopolitical choice. Therefore, the EU is a preferred partner in democracy support, development of institutional capacities and trade; while Russia’s collaboration is sought in fields as trade, energy, etc). In addition, the EU and Russia have developed more flexible approaches in the relations with their neighbours. The EU seeks a more pragmatic geopolitically-informed approach in addition to its traditional normative role. On the other hand, Russia adopts a mimicking strategy of Western normative policies in support of its identity-based approach towards Russian-speaking communities in addition to its traditional geopolitical use of regional interdependencies for influencing the choices of the its neighbours.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Berwall, Isac. „Democracy, Culture and Language Teaching : A Study on the Promotion of Cultural Awareness and Democratic Values in the SwedishEnglish Language Classroom“. Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-51287.

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Casariego, Manrique Isabel Ventura. „Actitudes democráticas en estudiantes de inglés y francés de la Universidad Nacional de Educación Enrique Guzmán y Valle en el 2012“. Master's thesis, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2016. https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12672/6039.

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Determina cómo se manifiesta las actitudes democráticas en las relaciones socioacadémicas de los estudiantes de inglés y francés de pre-grado, en la Universidad Nacional de Educación Enrique Guzmán y Valle, en el 2012. Es un estudio aplicado a la educación basándose en la descripción y exposición sustantiva, cuantitativa y cualitativa. La investigación hace uso del método descriptivo y diseño no experimental transversal, con los cuales se ha precisado las expresiones de las actitudes democráticas en una muestra censal basada en 90 estudiantes. La información es recopilada en dos cuestionarios en la forma de escalas de Likert, el primero sobre actitudes democráticas, y el segundo acerca de relaciones socioacadémicas; también en un focus group sobre tolerancia y disposición a escuchar al otro. Concluye que existe una manifestación positiva, considerable y representativa de las actitudes democráticas en las relaciones socio académicas de los estudiantes de inglés y francés encuestados.
Tesis
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King, Gregory. „The role of the principal in fostering the practice of democratic values in primary school“. Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&amp.

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This study attempted to determine the principal's role in fostering democratic values in schools, which will enable learners to participate meaningfully in society
as well as to suggest attainable recommendations to empower school principals to form or maintain democratically run learning organizations. International and local research has shown that it is widely accepted that schools are important training grounds for democratic practices, because schooling is the largest and most important collective enterprise undertaken in modern societies. It therefore has the potential to have greater influence on values, skills and work habits than any other public institution.
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Sim, Soek-Fang. „Asian values, Asian democracy : the legitimation of authority and de-legitimation of dissent in everyday popular discourse in singapore in the late 1990s“. Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.272271.

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Sarajlic-Maglic, Denisa. „The potential of EU normative power to diffuse values to post-conflict states with divisive governance structures : case study of Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Thesis, University of Bath, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.687337.

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The role of the European Union (EU) in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) was strengthened in 2011, when the mandate of the EU Special Representative was transferred from the High Representative of the International Community, to the Head of the EU Delegation in BiH. The EU thus assumed a leading role within the international community in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as a state-builder and as democratiser. The EU’s growing prominence puts on it even more responsibility for the future of democratisation in BiH, but it continues to suffer from inconsistencies between its principles and actions, weak legitimacy, and a lack of credibility. Although I subscribe to Ian Manners’ concept of the EU normative power, I argue that the EU does not act as normative power in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This thesis argues that the EU is a normative power in principle, but not in practice, and provides a critique of the EU’s role in promoting and strengthening democracy in BiH. I attribute the exceptionalism of BiH to a restrictive context that is saturated with ethnic nationalism, which permeates all aspects of political life, including constitutional structures, institutions, decision-making, political parties, their policies and rhetoric. I argue that in this post-conflict society in which democracy has not consolidated, the promotion of EU norms is hampered by elite agency, an unfavourable context, and the exiting norms and values that are incompatible with EU norms. Based on my findings about the quality of democracy in BiH, I label it an eclectically unconsolidated democracy, which contains many features of different types of unsuccessful democracies. I argue that the legitimacy, identity, and effectiveness of the EU normative power have been compromised and weakened in the context of an unconsolidated democracy. The case of BiH is exceptional, which the EU fails to recognise, and it falsely applies a ‘cookie-cutter approach’ that treats it as any other aspiring democracy and potential member state. Rather than having a distinct international identity (Manners & Whitman, 1998), the EU suffers from a ‘confused international identity’, which is a consequence of many discrepancies in the way in which various EU actors see their own role in BiH, and how they see the role of the EU. My intention is not to dismiss some aspects of EU normative power, but rather to enrich a debate by providing an alternative perspective. For that purpose, I apply a tailor-made framework of analysis which assesses the level of normative transformation under EU democratisation in the case of two dimensions of democratic quality: equality and trust.
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Kriisa, Elaine. „Att undervisa elever med en religiös tro : En intervjustudie med gymnasielärare i den sekulära och mångkulturella skolan“. Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för livsvetenskaper, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-18067.

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The Swedish state and educational system are secular, so to say they do not depend on the former protestant state church anymore. Many people in Sweden are also secular. Even so, in school teachers meet students with a religious faith. The purpose of this study is to examine how teachers without a religious belonging experience the encounter with religious students. The method used was semistructured interviews with five teachers in a upper secondary school in a multicultural suburb of Stockholm. In this school, most students have a religious faith and the majority are Muslims or Christians. The prevalent discourses about religion and secularism in Sweden today are found through the teachers speech about the teachers and the students living in two different worlds. The dichotomy is more clearly expressed by the less religious teachers. The meaning of the double assignment of the curriculum is interpreted differently by the different teachers and the teachers have experienced conflicts of values regarding the following subjects: freedom of speech, sexuality (including homosexuality and gender equality), antisemitism and intolerance. The teachers use discussions and debates to handle the conflicts. In their statements, the teachers place the conflicts of value in a public sphere, not in an individual, which means they do not hesitate to act against unscientific approaches and/or antidemocratic views. Thus, the conflicts of values can be used as tools to foster democracy, tolerance and human rights. The teachers believe that they have the assignment to change the students religiously anchored values, but not to influence them to become secular.
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Forsman, Sebastian. „Fundamental Undemocratic Values in Robert A. Heinlein’s Starship Troopers: How to Make Upper Secondary School Students More Self-aware of Their Fundamental Democratic Values“. Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Engelska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-169752.

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Democracy and democratic values have stagnated and are under attack. Current criticism of democracy points towards problems with efficiency, leniency towards undemocratic elements, collective problem-solving, and a suspension of the rule of law for public good. One solution to these problems could be to focus on teaching democratic values through literature in school. A suitable novel for this endeavor is the science-fiction novel Starship Troopers, written by Robert A. Heinlein in 1959, since it functions as fictional criticism and an alternative to democracy. However, most of the previous research conducted on Starship Troopers have focused on aspects regarding militarism and fascism. This research paper differs because it focuses specifically on how democracy is critiqued in the novel and how this critique could be used to teach democratic values. Teaching democratic values should be conducted since democracy and democratic values are arguably the most essential aspects of the fundamental values of the Swedish school system. Still, the relevant school policy documents do not define how these fundamental values are connected to the system of democracy and how they could be taught in a classroom. In order to fill that gap, this paper aims to use the theories and methods of didactic potential, Socratic pedagogy, and the politics of advocacy, attack, and assent to help students become more self-aware of their fundamental democratic values. The analysis demonstrates that Starship Troopers criticizes essential elements of democracy and complements those elements with its own alternative fundamental elements and values. The analysis also demonstrates how this critique can be used as a complement in a philosophical discussion that helps students become more self-aware of their fundamental democratic values.
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Vallin, Olesya. „Circuits of Civilization: Progressive Democratic Character Education in the Process of Globalization“. Thesis, Linköping University, Centre for Applied Ethics, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-9199.

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This thesis interprets John Dewey’s theory of the moral life in the global context in order to shed a light on major ethical challenges of the process of globalization. Dewey’s perspective provides an explanation of (1) formation of the individual commitments to particular sets of values,(2) justification of the responsibilities to the distanced peoples as opposed to the responsibilities to the nearest and dearest peoples and (3)the meaning of democratic social arrangements on the global scale.

In order to find a theoretical basis for justification of democracy in the globalizing world, the thesis reviews Dewey’s educational philosophy. His inquiry in the underlying ideas of public education reveals its core democratic meaning which points out the necessity of progressive democratic character education. This thesis suggests that in the current global context the existing educational bodies (such as UNDP and UNESCO) are insufficient in providing such a humanistic education which would actualize democracy as interdependence of all humans within civilization.

In order to establish a just social order which would be responsive to every human being within civilization there is the need to maintain a democratic mode of associated living on the global scale where every human partakes in the accumulation of knowledge of civilization and benefits from it in return. Relying on Dewey's theoretical basis the thesis suggests the criteria which the global educational institution should fulfil in order to maintain democracy as a mode of associated living in the global society.

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Björkwall, Michaela. „Art as an educational tool to improve inner-health within the context of the organization Saturday Art Class in India“. Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för lärande och samhälle (LS), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-33516.

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This study examines how art is used as an educational tool to improve inner-health. The study is conducted in India to gain a cultural perspective different from Sweden. In the study, unstructured qualitative interviews are made mainly with volunteers from the organization Saturday Art Class, but also with the principal at the Sir J. J. Collage of Architecture. The interviews focus on the respondents view on: art as an educational tool, art as a tool to deal with inner-health and the respondent’s view on art and emotions from a cultural perspective. A thematic analyze is applied to understand and structure the collected material and John Dewey’s theory on art, education and experience is used as a theoretical framework when discussing the result. The study discusses what it is about art that makes it improve inner-health and how art, as an educational tool, can help shape both individuals and the society. In relation to the respondent’s experiences, earlier research and Dewey’s theoretical approach, the study identifies three different and co-related perspectives within the art practice that can help art teachers conduct their education for it to benefit inner-health among students, which are: the art practice in itself, reflection through an interactive dialogue and emotional aims. The study also discusses the connection between artistic freedom and democratic values as well as the role of the art teacher during the artistic practice. Lastly, the cultural context in India and SAC is compared to Swedish art education.
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Gustavsson, Johanna. „Lågstadiets demokrati och värdegrund i och omkring ämnet samhällskunskap“. Thesis, Karlstads universitet, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-84968.

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Skolan har ett viktigt arbete i att förbereda eleverna för ett liv i vårt demokratiska samhälle och utbilda dem till goda medborgare med kunskaper om demokrati och värdegrund vilket ska leda till att de ska kunna verka för dessa. Förskning kring demokrati och värdegrund är främst riktad mot grundskolans högre år och gymnasiet. På mellanstadiet finns inte lika mycket gjort och forskning på lågstadiet är så gott som obefintlig. Min studie handlar om arbetet med och undervisningen om demokrati och värdegrund på lågstadiet. Syftet är att undersöka hur demokrati och värdegrund kommer till uttryck i läroplanen, kursplanen, läromedel och lärares tal på svenskt lågstadium, både som en del i ämnet samhällskunskap och ett generellt uppdrag för skolan. Läroplanen, kursplanen och läromedel utgör betingelserna för demokrati och värdegrund i skolan och undervisningen medan talet om detta representerar iscensättningen. Genom textanalys har jag undersökt innehållet i betingelserna medan jag använt intervjuer för att undersöka iscensättningen av demokrati och värdegrund både som samhällskunskapsundervisning och skolarbetet mer allmänt. Resultaten av studien visar att lärarna arbetar mycket med demokrati och värdegrund både i ämnet samhällskunskap och det övergripande uppdraget, tydligt uppbackad av läroplan, kursplan och läroböcker. I undervisningen handlar det mycket om klassråd och majoritetsprincipen. I värdegrunden är kompistema om bemötande och allas lika värde centrala delar. Det som står klart med studien är att det viktiga arbetet kring demokrati och värdegrund startar redan på lågstadiet och är väl etablerat både som betingelser som iscensättning.
The school has an important task in preparing students for life in our democratic society by educating them to be good citizens with knowledge of democracy and the values our society rest on. Research on democracy and values is mainly aimed at the upper school and upper secondary school. In the middle school there is less research to found and even lesser in primary school.   My study is focus on the work with and teaching about democracy and values in primary school. The purpose is to investigate how democracy and values are expressed in the curriculum, syllabus, teaching materials and teachers´accounts at Swedish primary school, both as part of the subject social studies and a general assignment for the school. The curriculum, syllabus and teaching materials constitute conditions for democracy and values in school and teaching, while teachers’ accounrs about this represents what it means to put this into work.   Through text analysis, I have examined the content of the conditions while I have used interviews to examine how democracy and values is put to work, both as social studies teaching and school work more generally. The results of the study show that the teachers work a lot with democracy and values both in the subject of social studies and the overall mission, backed up by the curriuculum, syllabis abd textbooks. In teaching, it is very much about class councils and the majority principle. Regarding values, it often consists of how to be a good friend, how to treat eachother and how to learn about the idea of equal rights and equal value. What is clear from the study is that the important work on democracy and values already starts in primary school and is well established both as conditions and everyday work.
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Rasby, Emelie. „Tanzania's failure in consolidating a strong democracy : A comparative case study of Tanzania and Botswana's democratization processes between 1961-2015“. Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-65163.

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This study allocates the issue of democratization in Tanzania and Botswana between 1961-2015. The purpose is to explain why Tanzania’s democratization process between 1961 and 2015 has not developed into a solid democracy. Nine factors, both internal and external that has affected the countries democratization process has been highlighted and compared in a macro-perspective in order to find explanatory factors the aim. A qualitative, theory consuming approach is used, where methodological understandings such as the method of difference and the congruence method are applied. Furthermore an analytical framework is used to pinpoint important differences between the two countries democratization processes that are considered being valid explanations to why contemporary Tanzania is not considered being a full-scale working democracy. The comparative conclusion showed that there are three explanatory factors to Tanzania’s present democracy status. The lack of free values, an economic development and authoritarian divisions within the country has proven being vital in the failure of consolidating a democracy.
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