Zeitschriftenartikel: „Democracy in India“

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Mishra, Atul. „India’s Non-liberal Democracy and the Discourse of Democracy Promotion“. South Asian Survey 19, Nr. 1 (März 2012): 33–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971523114539584.

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Emphasis on democracy in Indian and international perspectives on India’s foreign policy has grown over the past decade. Claiming that India is a ‘successful’ example of a non-Western liberal democracy, these perspectives prescribe a role for India in international democratisation efforts. The keener among these suggests that India must participate in Western-style, or Western initiatives of, democracy promotion. This article offers a critique of these prescriptions. Recent theorisations of India’s democratic practices argue that India is a predominantly non-liberal democracy. Drawing upon these theorisations, this article outlines the non-liberal features inherent in the practices of Indian democracy. It also outlines the democratic processes that restrain India’s foreign policy from acquiring an other-regarding orientation. Contesting the characterisations of India as a liberal democracy, this article questions the basis on which the calls for India to participate in liberal democracy promotion projects are made.

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Bhunia, Nani Gopal. „Democracy in India is at Stake: Image of the Last Decade“. RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 9, Nr. 2 (15.02.2024): 60–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2024.v09.n02.006.

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Indian democracy is going to step its 75 years of journey. Indian democracy is still singing even after happening many ups and downs in the country and in the world. Ours is a world largest democracy. We are really, proud of it. Democracy has a long tradition and rich history in India. That means the idea that democratic ethos and principles are not new to the Indian subcontinent. Our rich democratic heritage, sets a precedent a for promoting civic culture, political participation, and a well understanding of democratic principles among its citizens. In recent, India's G20 presidency reflects its commitment to democratic values and international cooperation. The country sets an example to promote global democratic principles. The Parliament 20 (P20) Summit in New Delhi put forwards India's rich democratic heritage and core values to the world. The inclusivity, equality, and harmony are central to Indian democracy. But the scholars and theorists of Indian democracy come to realize that, the picture of our democracy of the last one decade is not so satisfactory. Democracy-watching organizations categorize democracies differently. They all classify India today as a “hybrid regime”—that is, neither a full democracy nor a full autocracy. And this is new one. In 2021, in view of Freedom House, India’s freedom rating is Partly Free (the only remaining category is Not Free). That same year, the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) project India as “electoral autocracy” on its scale of closed autocracy, electoral autocracy, electoral democracy, or liberal democracy. And the Economist Intelligence Unit stated India to be “flawed democracy” on its scale of full democracy, flawed democracy, hybrid regime, and authoritarian regime. Keeping all these things in mind, in this paper, I have tried to critically examine the Indian democracy of the last one decade on the basis of a small ground level study.

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3

Singh, Dr Surya Bhan. „Diversity and Democracy in India“. Indian Journal of Applied Research 4, Nr. 8 (01.10.2011): 555–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15373/2249555x/august2014/145.

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4

Singh, Mayengbam Nandakishwor. „Election Commission, Electoral Democracy and Constitutionalization of Elections in India“. Indian Journal of Public Administration 67, Nr. 2 (Juni 2021): 165–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00195561211022579.

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Amid the debates as to whether India practises democracy in the true fashion, the stupendous role of the Election Commission of India (ECI) clearly exhibits that India adopts at least a robust electoral democracy. Stringent election codes of conduct are imposed on political parties. The ECI ensures that all Indian citizens eligible for political rights exercise their franchise independently. They are sufficiently empowered to choose their representatives. Since the responsibilities of ensuring free and fair elections are shouldered by the Election Commission, there is no doubt that it holds one of the worthiest roles in shaping Indian democracy. This article seeks to examine the changing role of the ECI in building electoral democracy in the country. Most importantly, the present article attempts to examine the noteworthy measures undertaken by the ECI to bolster the electoral democracy in India in the 21st century.

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Basu, Rumki. „Indian Politics @ 75: Issues and Challenges“. Journal of Contemporary Politics 1, Nr. 1 (15.09.2022): 13–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.53989/jcp.v1i1.1.

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The India story at 75 is an extraordinarily consequential and researchable one. The single biggest challenge for anyone analyzing Indian politics is that the subject seems like a “Project in Progress”, conveying a sense of a country perennially in a state of transformation. For the study of Indian politics is, in many ways, the study of India’s democracy, understood in the most comprehensive sense. The constitutional foundation and the institutional framework on which India’s politics rests, is to my mind also the bases of democratic politics in India. Indian democracy today remains the unwritten evolving subtext of any discussion on Indian politics. Our transformation from a “soft” state to a “hard” state should make us more confident, compassionate inclusive and humane- qualities that the world’s largest democracy can well afford to stand for and stand by, because these are the qualities that have sustained our democracy in 75 years. Keywords: India; Politics; Democracy; Institutions; Transformation

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6

Mendelsohn, Oliver. „Democracy in India“. Asian Studies Review 17, Nr. 1 (Juli 1993): 43–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03147539308712897.

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7

Mendelsohn, Oliver. „Democracy in India“. Asian Studies Review 21, Nr. 2-3 (November 1997): 42–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03147539708713159.

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8

Cartwright, Jan. „India's Regional and International Support for Democracy: Rhetoric or Reality?“ Asian Survey 49, Nr. 3 (01.05.2009): 403–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2009.49.3.403.

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Abstract In recent years, Indian leaders have elevated the prominence of democratic rhetoric in their regional and international political discourse. This paper examines India's record of democracy promotion. It argues that India has much to gain by selectively supporting democracy in neighboring countries. Furthermore, participating in multinational efforts at democracy promotion offers India a potential vehicle for global leadership.

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Alam, Dr Md Aftab. „Causes and Consequences of the Decline of the “One Party Dominance” of the Indian National Congress“. Praxis International Journal of Social Science and Literature 6, Nr. 6 (25.06.2023): 55–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.51879/pijssl/060608.

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When India got independence and chose to be a democracy, experts were skeptical whether India will survive as a democracy, because it was not a middle income country, industrialisation had not taken place in India, and it was large and highly diverse country, these were preconditions for democracy. Congress has been one of the most important institutions in India’s modern political development trajectory. Congress has played a significant role, while remaining as a dominant party in a competitive party system, in evolving an institutionalized democracy in post-independent India. But, we have witnessed Congress’ decline since 1980s while there has been some points of recoveries as well in between. The paper dwells upon the reasons for the decline of Congress, as well as the consequences of decline of Congress for Indian democracy at large.

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Sivaramakrishnan, K. „Environment, Law, and Democracy in India“. Journal of Asian Studies 70, Nr. 4 (November 2011): 905–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911811001719.

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Some years ago, in his contribution to a collection of essays on the Supreme Court and the Indian Constitution, Pratap Bhanu Mehta emphasized the political significance of the Court, saying, “there is not a single important issue of political life in India that has not been, by accident or design, profoundly shaped by its interventions … the courts participate and collaborate in governing India” (Mehta 2006, 162). How exactly might this happen? In beginning to explore answers to this question, I want to focus on the formation of a distinct environmental jurisprudence and its relationship to the changing and dynamic qualities of a democratic polity in India. And in formulating my analysis I draw here on my current work on courts and the environment in India or how the environment came to be a legal object in India over the last century.

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Kumar, S. Y. Surendra . „Indian Parliament in Transition: A Perspective (2004-2021)“. Journal of Contemporary Politics 2, Nr. 3 (06.09.2023): 88–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.53989/jcp.v2i3.23.surendra.

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India has been successful in sustaining the ethos and functioning of parliamentary democracy for more than 70 years, which is undoubtedly an achievement. India’s experiment with parliamentary democracy has succeeded in influencing its neighbours to endorse such a form of democracy. However, since the past few decades, the functioning of the Indian Parliament has been witnessing a transformation in terms of its composition; the number of parliamentary sittings held and the time spent; debates and the passing of bills; issue of ordinances; increasing disruption of sessions and so on. This article attempts to critically analyse the performance of the Indian Parliament since 2004 onwards and the way forward. If effective measures are not initiated to prevent the decline in its functioning, it would not only lead to the failure of the institutions of democracy, but democracy itself. Keywords Parliament, India, South Asia, Disruption, Bills, Democracy

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12

Sundar, Nandini. „Hostages to Democracy*“. Critical Times 1, Nr. 1 (01.04.2018): 80–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/26410478-1.1.80.

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Abstract This article explores the aporias of democracy to show how both procedural and substantive democracy, or at least certain constructions of “need,” operate to render the lives of sections of the citizenry precarious. More specifically, in the context of an ongoing civil war in central India between Maoist guerillas and the Indian state, I argue that, far from being a palliative for or alternative to insurgency, Indian democracy as practiced today—both in its procedural electoral aspects and its substantive welfare aspects—may serve as an active tool of counterinsurgency and a means of evading accountability.

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Dey, Yashoroop. „changing status of Indian democracy :“. Jindal Journal of Public Policy 6, Nr. 1 (01.01.2022): 54–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjpp.v6i1.150.

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A democracy is widely accepted to be a system that efficiently manifests public opinion of the electorate while also maintaining a checks and balance on power through free elections. However, India continues to show an increasing incidence of rent-seeking and criminal politics, even while the exercise of democracy remains intact. This paper employs North, Wallis and Weingast's conceptualisation of social organisation as access orders in a society to show that Indian democracy has a system of political representation with an inefficient system of political access. The analysis further contributes to the literature by conceptualising the means of access in societies and argues that India is a society of limited access orders. Using this framework, the paper argues that the limited access in Indian democracy occurs as a result of manipulation of the means of access by a small politico-economic elite, using a system of privileged and personal inter-elite relationships that results in a growing convergence of rent-seeking practices in Indian politics.

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14

Choedon, Yeshi. „India and Democracy Promotion“. India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 71, Nr. 2 (Juni 2015): 160–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928414568618.

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15

Gupta, A. „India: democracy and dissent“. Parliamentary Affairs 53, Nr. 1 (01.01.2000): 181–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/53.1.181.

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16

Schaffer, Teresita, und Hemani Saigal‐Arora. „India: A fragmented democracy“. Washington Quarterly 22, Nr. 4 (Dezember 1999): 141–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01636609909550429.

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17

Yadav, Vineeta. „India in 2022“. Asian Survey 63, Nr. 2 (März 2023): 199–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2023.63.2.199.

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India continued its recovery from COVID-19 in 2022. The Omicron strain was less lethal than previous waves and consequently had a smaller economic footprint. The economy began rebounding, with trade and foreign direct and portfolio investments recovering to pre-pandemic levels. India remained one of the fastest-growing economies in the world in 2022. However, it suffered very significant setbacks to its democracy, with increased attacks on civil and political liberties and human rights, and on its institutions, by BJP-led governments at the center and in the states. India effectively managed foreign policy challenges stemming from the Ukraine–Russia conflict, incursions into Indian territory by China, and the Islamophobic rhetoric of its own party leaders. Overall, 2022 was marked by a slew of BJP victories in six out of seven states and by the negative consequences of the BJP’s political strength for Indian democracy.

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Nitza-Makowska, Agnieszka. „The role of political parties in building democracy in India and Pakistan. A party-oriented approach towards democratisation processes“. Securitologia 23, Nr. 1 (30.12.2016): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0009.5272.

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Political parties in India and Pakistan consider democracy a desirable regime for their countries. In order to introduce their own vision of a democratic state, they violate rules of free and fair elec-tions, undermining the very procedures that constitute democracy. The Indian National Congress and the Muslim League made different kinds of impacts on the democratisation processes in India and Pakistan respectively. In just a few years, the Indian National Congress, contrary to its counterpart in Pakistan, introduced a constitution and organised elections.

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Talukdar., Dr Subhash. „CHAPTER : MAJOR POLITICAL PARTIES IN ASSAM.“ International Journal of Modern Agriculture 9, Nr. 3 (01.12.2020): 351–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/ijma.v9i3.157.

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Party system is the important factor in the working of representative form of Government. India is a democratic state. In the democratic state, political parties are said to be the life – blood of democracies. Modern democracies are indirect in character. They can function with the help of political parties. In the absence of political parties democracy cannot deliver the goods. Well organized political parties constitute the best form of democracy. India has the largest democracy in the world. It introduced universal adult franchise as the basis of voting right in the country. Now the voting age has been lowered down to 18. Most of the Indian voters are not politically matured and they do not have the political education in the proper sense. Political parties in India are classified by the Election Commission of India. It was classified for the allocation of symbol. The Election Commission of India classified parties into three main heads: National parties, State parties and registered (unrecognized) parties.

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20

Zakharov, Aleksei. „The Indian Model Of Democracy: Between West and East“. Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, Nr. 6 (2022): 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080023367-0.

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Currently, experts and researchers have a wide discussion on the crisis of liberal world order and the rollback of the “third wave” of democratization proposed by S. Huntington. The Indian democracy seems to be at the nexus of Western and Eastern political system. On the one hand, India has a successfully functioning parliamentary democracy built on the principles of the Westminster system, which has demonstrated its sustainability even during periods of political crises. On the other hand, the Indian socio-political structure includes some elements that noticeably distinguish it from the Western states: the caste system, complex interethnic relations and sectarian divisions, occasionally resulting in communal violence. Critics of Indian democracy often note departure from liberal practices, particularly in terms of respect for individual liberties, and the emergence of authoritarian tendencies in state policies. In the first part of the work, the authors review the political system of India and the functioning of various branches of the government. The second part examines main theoretical concepts of the non-Western models of democracy. The authors analyze approaches by R. Dahl, L. Pye, A. Lijphart and assess their applicability to the Indian model of democracy. It may be argued that the Indian model is best explained by the theory of consociational democracy, which takes into account the multi-ethnic and multiconfessional composition of the Indian society. The inequalities and deep cultural divisions inherent in the Indian social order make the implementation of democracy a necessary condition for building loyalty of the population and strengthening the statehood.

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21

Varshney, Ashutosh. „Asian Democracy through an Indian Prism“. Journal of Asian Studies 74, Nr. 4 (November 2015): 917–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911815001643.

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The essays in this symposium are longing for completion. A heavy Indian shadow hangs over them. Asian democracy is the overall theme of the symposium, but India, Asia's biggest “democratic behemoth,” to use Edward Aspinall's phrase, is more or less missing. Why is a discussion of Indian democracy necessary for this symposium? What would it add to the arguments made here and the themes discussed?

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22

Lijphart, Arend. „The Puzzle of Indian Democracy: A Consociational Interpretation“. American Political Science Review 90, Nr. 2 (Juni 1996): 258–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082883.

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India has been the one major deviant case for consociational (power-sharing) theory, and its sheer size makes the exception especially damaging. A deeply divided society with, supposedly, a mainly majoritarian type of democracy, India nevertheless has been able to maintain its democratic system. Careful examination reveals, however, that Indian democracy has displayed all four crucial elements of power-sharing theory. In fact, it was a perfectly and thoroughly consociational system during its first two decades. From the late 1960s on, although India has remained basically consociational, some of its power-sharing elements have weakened under the pressure of greater mass mobilization. Concomitantly, in accordance with consociational theory, intergroup hostility and violence have increased. Therefore, India is not a deviant case for consociational theory but, instead, an impressive confirming case.

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Zafar, Muhammad Naeem. „India National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA) and BJP: A Comparative Study“. Bulletin of Business and Economics (BBE) 12, Nr. 3 (04.02.2024): 819–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.61506/01.00133.

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This article focusses on the formation of a new alliance, namely the India National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA). The Indian National Congress, which has long dominated Indian politics, leads the Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance. Opposition parties formed the India National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA) to challenge the BJP in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. The coalition contends that the BJP is endangering India’s multiparty democracy and secular principles. The “Collective Resolve” campaign includes a pledge to preserve and uphold the idea of India as it is expressed in the Constitution of India. Efforts are being done to resist the claimed systemic conspiracy by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to target, punish, and suppress specific Indians and address polarization. Findings of the reveal that there have been instances of Hindu extremist groups initiating anti-Muslim operations, resulting in numerous casualties and injuries among the Muslim community, as well as other minority groups within the region. The BJP challenged the Indian National Congress, the Nehruvian state, and secular democracy. The policies implemented by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) from 2014 to 2019 were highly detrimental to society, as they strategically employed the Hindutva ideology for political gain and suppressed minority groups through their uncompromising ideological stance. Contrarily, the policies implemented by Congress subsequent to 2009 exhibited a greater emphasis on principles such as freedom, economic growth, liberalism, and prioritization of the welfare of the populace.

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Puggioni, Antonio. „Justice and Democracy in Amartya Sen“. Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 20 (29.06.2013): 2–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.20.1.

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The present paper aims at delivering a critical view of the links between justice and democracy as set by Amartya Sen’s paramount work on these themes, “The Idea of Justice”, by considering the constitutional and political experience of India. A central role will thus be given to the importance of public discussion and reasoning as the basis of democratic thought throughout the world, as Sen postulates. Nevertheless, an analysis of the Indian constitutional process shows how the mere reliance on reason and justice is not sufficient for a successful democratic tradition: the role of liberal values and of the underlying institutional developments is indeed capital for a wider understanding of the democratization process of India. The intertwining of these two aspects, the former socio-philosophical, the latter institutional, will help in reviewing the Indian experience as a demonstration of the maintenance of traditions within a clear framework, and in further expanding the notion to other contexts.

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Azad, Abul Kalam. „The Question of India’s Endangered Democracy in the Light of Intolerance Debate: Some Reflections“. Journal of Asian Social Science Research 4, Nr. 1 (12.08.2022): 87–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jassr.v4i1.67.

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India is regarded as the world’s largest democratic country. The country is well known for its rich cultural diversity, pluralistic society and inclusive secular democracy. However, the recent political scenario has partially damaged the values of the liberal democracy of India. Since Narendra Modi became Prime Minister in 2014, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its parental body Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangha (RSS) have tried to accomplish their goal of Hindu Rashtra. Minorities in the country have been attacked, killed and deprived of their human rights. This article examines this trend by focusing on the growing intolerance during the Modi regime and its impact on the country’s democracy. It also discusses how the BJP at the central government and many other states, directly and indirectly, narrow down the space of civil society and media to fuel majoritarian agenda. Based on its findings, the article argues that in the Narendra Modi regime Indian political culture has been undergoing a shift from inclusive democracy to a narrow process of democracy. By doing so, it contributes to the studies on the rise of right-wing populism in some countries including India in the contemporary world.

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Chandrashekar, Kolapuri. „Extensive changes in the electoral system of India for legitimacy and responsible representatives in politics“. International Journal of Scientific Research and Management (IJSRM) 5, Nr. 7 (20.07.2017): 6486–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsrm/v5i7.86.

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This article introduces the election commission of India (ECI) constitutional status and importance and role of the Indian political system. In addition, analyzing the elections in 70 years independent state in India. This article explains the major issues and problems of Indian freedom and fair election process. Mainly this article exposing the “how good representatives are contesting elections and coming to political power”. In addition, analyzing the “criminalizing the politics” and suggesting the how to eliminate it. Recent times, many commissions suggesting changes in the election process, these changes are accepting and implementing the ECI. This article mainly focuses "Money Effect in Indian Electoral System" and Reducing Election Cost. When Shrink the money in elections and encouraging the free and fire elections in India politics automatically democracy run successfully. These changes were "TV and electronic media and print media" and in the 21st century as many people as part of life and "social websites" (like Facebook), WhatsApp etc.). This article explains “citizen participation” of fire elections and the significant role of the election commission successful of Indian democracy through the comprehensive changes in coming elections. Article concluding some suggestions of radical changes in Indian electoral process for best democracy in the world.

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Joshi, Vijay. „Democracy and development in India“. Round Table 84, Nr. 333 (Januar 1995): 73–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358539508454239.

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Sudarshan, Ramaswamy. „Law and democracy in India“. International Social Science Journal 49, Nr. 152 (02.09.2010): 271–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2451.1997.tb00021.x.

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Jha, Jyotsna. „Education and Democracy in India“. Contemporary Education Dialogue 2, Nr. 2 (Januar 2005): 256–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097318490500200209.

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Rani, Anita. „Sustainance of Democracy in India“. REVIEW JOURNAL PHILOSOPHY & SOCIAL SCIENCE 46, Nr. 2 (2021): 380–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31995/rjpss.2021.v46i02.045.

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Raut, Santosh I. „Liberating India: Contextualising Nationalism, Democracy and Dr Ambedkar“. Journal of Social Inclusion Studies 5, Nr. 2 (Dezember 2019): 172–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2394481119900065.

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Dr B. R. Ambedkar (1891–1956) is the principal architect of the Indian constitution and one of the most visionary leaders of India. He remains to this day a symbol of humanity. He is the father of Indian Democracy and a nation builder who shaped modern India. But his notion of nationalism and democracy envisioning an egalitarian society has rarely received adequate academic attention. His views on religion, how it affects socio-political behaviour, and what needs to be done to build an egalitarian society are unique. Such reflections in terms of nationalism and freedom of the people are of great significance in contemporary time in India and the world in general. This article attempts to analyse Ambedkar’s vision of nation and democracy. It also seeks to study how caste system is the major barrier to creating a true nation and a harmonious society. What role does religion play in society and politics? Can socio-spiritual values inspire to break down the barriers of caste differences to form an egalitarian society? History bears witness to instances where great minds empowered with deep contemplation on meeting with the suffering of the people (which in itself is both a prerequisite and an inseparable element of social reform and liberation), resulting in radical shifts in perception. Ambedkar is one such genius whose compassionate engagement and deep imagination envisioned the establishment of an ideal society based on non-discrimination and love.

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Harrison, Heath. „Linguistic Equity: India’s Path to Social Justice“. International Journal of Literacy, Culture, and Language Education 5 (06.08.2017): 116–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.14434/ijlcle.v5i0.26941.

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In 2009 India passed The Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act. This may be the most important legislation for democracy in India’s history. As a result of this law, the people of India have demonstrated the belief that democratic education is truly the answer to freedom and equality for every Indian citizen as 96% of all of their eligible primary aged students are currently attending free and compulsory schools (Education in India, 2014). This Constitutional law and its practical fulfillment can be clearly seen through the integration of each of India’s spoken and written languages on Nationwide Standardized Exams, in National Textbooks, and within Teachers’ Classroom Practice which will reveal how citizenship education is redefining democracy in India through linguistic equity.

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Thussu, Daya. „The Soft Power of India“. Lumina 14, Nr. 1 (30.04.2020): 111–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.34019/1981-4070.2020.v14.30137.

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India’s soft power is on the rise, in parallel with its economic power as one of the fastest growing major economies in the world. This chapter discusses India’s soft power within four domains: firstly, the democratic strengths of India, a particular distinction among the BRICS countries. As the world’s largest democracy, India has retained and arguably strengthened democracy in a multi-lingual, multi-racial and multi-religious society. The second domain examines the diasporic dimension of India’s international presence, increasingly viewed by Indian government and corporates as a vital resource for its soft power. As the world’s largest English-language speaking diaspora, the Indian presence is visible across the globe. The third domain focuses on the emergence of an Indian internet – part of the Indian government’s ‘Digital India’ initiative, launched in 2015 - and its potential for becoming the world’s largest ‘open’ internet. The chapter argues that, with the government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi the push for digital commerce and communication is likely to increase. Already home to the world’s second largest internet population, its creative and cultural industries, notably Bollywood, have the potential to circulate across various digital domains, resulting in globalized production, distribution and consumption practices. However, the chapter argues that these three domains of soft power will remain ineffective until India is able to eliminate its pervasive and persistent poverty, afflicting large number of its citizens.

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Chaudhary, Pramod Kumar. „A Study of How the Political System of India is Beneficial or Harmful for Democracy“. Integrated Journal for Research in Arts and Humanities 3, Nr. 1 (01.01.2023): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.55544/ijrah.3.1.1.

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A type of governance known as democracy is one in which members of the population take part in the making of decisions either directly or indirectly via the use of a system of representation that includes the holding of free elections on a regular basis. It is generally agreed that India's democracy is the biggest one in existence on a global scale. In a democracy, the citizens or their representatives have the power, as well as the people are the ultimate authority in every aspect of administration. This holds true regardless of the kind of government in place. On the other hand, democracy has been met with several obstacles in contemporary India, such as social and economic disparities, unemployment and poverty casteism, illiteracy, corruption, communalism, terrorism, and population expansion. It is essential that this issue be resolved if India is to continue to function as a genuine parliamentary democracy. In this article, an attempt is made to investigate and analyse the democratic system that is now in the country and what the impact of the Indian political system is on democracy. In addition to this, it proposes a number of feasible actions or adjustments to existing institutions that may be made in order to make India's democracy more robust and long-lasting.

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Sahgal, Rishika. „Strengthening Democracy in India through Participation Rights“. Verfassung in Recht und Übersee 53, Nr. 4 (2020): 468–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0506-7286-2020-4-468.

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This paper is contextualised around the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act 2006 in India, which recognises both individual and community rights of the Scheduled Tribes and other traditional forest dwellers relating to forest land and forest produce. The Forest Rights Act, along with the Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act 1996, also recognises decision-making power of the Scheduled Tribes to make decisions regarding claims on forest land. The paper argues that the recognition of such participation rights, broadly understood as the right to participate in specific decisions that impact our other rights, can be an important means for strengthening democracy in India. This creates space for oppressed communities who may face exclusion in other institutions, to directly participate in decisions involving their substantive rights. It holds the potential to deepen a deliberative version of democracy, creating space for discussion and deliberation within communities while deciding questions regarding their rights, rather than a version of democracy based on interest-bargaining and power-play. Participation rights may also serve as an important tool for oppressed people to secure their substantive rights, such as the right to forest land. The paper therefore contributes to wider debates around democracy and rights. It explores what we understand by ‘democracy’, advocating for a deliberative view of democracy. It explores how democracy relates to rights, both participation rights and substantive rights. Lastly, it evaluates the design of existing participation rights - the Forest Rights Act and the Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act 1996 - to examine whether these are designed to deepen deliberative democracy and secure substantive rights. It concludes that existing participation rights are flawed, but there is potential to interpret these in a manner that strengthens deliberative democracy, and the ability of participation right to secure substantive rights to forests, by relying on the Indian Supreme Court’s jurisprudence in Orissa Mining Corporation.

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Javed, Humayun, und Ameer Abdullah Khan. „STATE OF INDIAN DEMOCRACY AND US-INDIA STRATEGIC COOPERATION: AN UNEASY CONVERGENCE?“ Journal of Contemporary Studies 11, Nr. 1 (19.12.2022): 133–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.54690/jcs.v11i1.217.

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US-India strategic convergence is likely to continue as Washington considers New Delhi a counterweight to Beijing. However, rising right-wing authoritarianism in India under BJP, marked by the erosion of democratic standards, has created a policy paradox for Biden Administration- how to balance geopolitical interests with democratic ideals. The paper argues that adhering to the norms of democracy is not just a normative concern but also a strategic concern for the US as democracy is one of the core pillars that sustains US- led liberal world order. However, the Biden administration does not appear to emphasize democratic values and human rights performance to the point where strategic convergence would seem at risk. Thus Biden administration is likely to emphasize democratic values and human rights performance to the point where strategic convergence would not seem at risk. Keywords: Democracy, Human Rights, Balancing, US, India, China

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Kukreja, Veena. „Parliamentary Democracy in South Asia: A Regional Comparative Perspective“. India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 42, Nr. 2 (Januar 1986): 166–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848604200205.

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India is the most populous democracy and largest developing country with a democratic system. It is interesting to note that India, surrounded by non-democratic regimes in the region, belongs to a small group of developing countries, such as Malaysia, Sri Lanka (highly questionable in the wake of the recent Tamil crisis), and some Caribbean countries where parliamentary democracy has so far been successful. Most of the Third World part of the globe is dominated by military regimes or civil-military coalitions. This is what happened in a number of young nations of Asia and Africa which having adopted, upon achieving independence, the Westminster model of democracy, had to experience varying levels of military intervention and erosion of democracy.1 It is hard to deny that India's most remarkable political achievement has been to maintain for over three decades the world's largest democracy. The record is more remarkable in view of the appalling problems of low economic development, sharp differences in income, mass poverty, illiteracy, ethnic antagonism, and absence of any linguist ic unity.2 Such a situation is not in conformity with a democratic system which the government should rest on the active consensus of those who were governed. As an essential condition for the stability of democracy, mostly economic factors,3 high degree of education4 sense of identification5, and a relatively small nation or a gradual historical change6 are mentioned. But all these interpretations do not at all fit the Indian situation; they are without explanatory force. However, when one turns to neighbouring Pakistan and Bangladesh for comparative illumination, the Indian puzzle grows. Though these countries match closely to India in a number of ways relating to history, colonial experience and post-independence problems, yet they have experienced frequent military interventions. In sharp contrast to India these two partitioned states of Pakistan and Bangladesh have—except for brief spells in each 1947-58 and 1971-77 and 1972-75 and 1976-79—essentially been under military rule. The persistent praetorion traditions of Pakistan7 and Bangladesh indicate that the armed forces have attained not only a fairly entrenched position in the political structure of the respective countries, but it has beeomc extremely difficult to combine this position with the recognition of civilian political forces within any generally acceptable constitutional framework. Therefore, the consolidation of parliamentary democracy in India, despite numerous difficulties in the way of its survival, represent a unique case in South Asia as well as in the Third World. This article seeks to explain this phenomenon of remarkable combination of political stability and orderly political development within a South Asian regional comparative perspective which has often been called Indian “Political Miracle.”8 While in mid-1965 pervasive violence and instability in the domestic politics of developing countries was endemic, (for example, Pakistan, Burma, Indonesia, Ghana, Nigeria, and Uganda became victims of military coups) the Indian political system could successfully stem political decay and instability in India. This article attempts to explain the relationship between the political democratic traditions, level of political institutionalization role of dominant party, and political leadership and democracy.

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Lloyd, Keith. „The Impulse to Rhetoric in India: Rhetorical and Deliberative Practices and Their Relation to the Histories of Rhetoric and Democracy“. Journal for the History of Rhetoric 21, Nr. 3 (September 2018): 223–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jhistrhetoric.21.3.0223.

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ABSTRACT Scholars of rhetoric have long held that there is such a thing as a “rhetorical tradition” and that that tradition began within the context of ancient Athenian democracy. Recently this tradition has been expanded to “traditions” that include “non-Western” approaches. Scholars of democracy have similarly dislodged the notion that democracy, broadly understood, developed only in ancient Greece. This essay expands our understanding of both rhetorical traditions and their relation to democracy by studying the interrelation of rhetorical and deliberative practices found in the history of India. Specifically, it explores how one highly influential school of Indian deliberation, Nyaya, grew alongside practices of public reasoning and self-rule in the gaṇa/saṁgha (so-called ancient Indian “republics”), revealing a similar, but unique, impulse to rhetoric beyond the Athenian/Western context. From this study we also gain insight into the current struggle for democracy worldwide.

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ASSAYAG, JACKIE. „Spectral Secularism: Religion, Politics and Democracy in India“. European Journal of Sociology 44, Nr. 3 (Dezember 2003): 325–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975603001310.

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Everyone invokes secularism in India. So the spectrum of secularism is very large. However, it is rather the spectral ideas of “majority” (hindus) and “minorities” (Muslims, Christians) conceived in demographic (rather than political) terms which characterizes the discussion of this question. The insistence of Hindu nationalists on emphasizing that they are the majority tend to blur the difference between Hindu identity and Indian identity, coextensive with the territory of India. This concept, moreover, serves them in their legitimating of the democratic system insofar as the arithmetical rule is a first principle of this political regime. In the name of a secularism founded on the idea of the greater number (and also the supposed ideal of immemorial Hindu tolerance) India must be governed in accordance with demographic fact defined in religious terms. One of the paradoxical consequence of this “majoritarianism” is the development of “majority minority complex” of the Hindus and the increasing hate and violence (against Muslims and Christians). Today, the Hindu nationalism programme effectively dominates public debate. Its partisans has succeeded in discriminating between “friends” and “foes”, those inside and those outside, those whom one holds dear and those whom one pillories on the basis of a real or imaginary menace weighing upon autochthony, culture, religion and race, and the national (state) sovereignty.

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Menon, Sanskriti, und Janette Hartz-Karp. „Linking Traditional ‘Organic’ and ‘Induced’ Public Participation with Deliberative Democracy: Experiments in Pune, India“. Journal of Education for Sustainable Development 13, Nr. 2 (September 2019): 193–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973408219874959.

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Resolving urban challenges or ‘wicked problems’ is a dilemma for most governments, especially in developing countries, and India is a case in point. Collaborative, dialogue-based approaches have been posited as critical to addressing wicked problems. This would require a reform of Indian cities’ governance systems to enable citizens to be embedded in decision-making about complex issues. This article contends that while India’s traditional forms of civic participation can provide a strong foundation for reform, new forms of representative deliberative, influential public participation, that is, deliberative democracy, will be important. Traditional organic and induced participation examples in India are overviewed in terms of their strengths and gaps. Two deliberative democracy case studies in Pune, India, are described, and their potential for reform is assessed. Traditional, together with innovative, induced and organic participation in governance, will be needed to overcome significant pitfalls in governance if Indian cities are to become more capable of addressing urban sustainability challenges.

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Kumar, Pawan. „Addressing Political Corruption In India“. Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 20 (29.06.2013): 14–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.20.3.

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The debate on the relationship between corruption and democracy involves the fundamental issue of the nature of corruption and that of democracy. Both these concepts can be understood in quite different manners. This paper tries to bring corruption into the realm of democratic theory by focusing on the nature of the problem and its effects on democracy. It begins by discussing the various ways in which theorists and thinkers have conceptualized political corruption, making it a complex phenomenon. This explores how political corruption takes root in and thrives in a democracy. The paper also highlights the importance of focusing more on the effects of corruption so that the systemic nature of the problem can be explored. The intention in this paper is not to come up with any grand theory of corruption but it only seeks to problematize the conventional and prevalent understanding of political corruption. Conventionally, corruption has been considered as a moral, individual or social problem but recent approaches to study corruption have tried to establish link between corruption and democracy by focusing on the effects of corruption on democratic institutions and processes. These different understandings have made corruption a contested field of research as it affects economic, social, and political aspects of a political system almost equally. This exercise insists the need of looking at it from institutional perspective as it is engulfed in social, economic and political fields. The paper presents its arguments by acknowledging the link between reducing corruption and broader process of democratization.

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Narain, Iqbal. „India in 1985: Triumph of Democracy“. Asian Survey 26, Nr. 2 (01.02.1986): 253–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2644461.

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Wariavwalla, Bharat. „India in 1987: Democracy on Trial“. Asian Survey 28, Nr. 2 (01.02.1988): 119–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2644813.

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Chatterjee, Partha. „Democracy and Economic Transformation in India“. Artha Vijnana: Journal of The Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics 50, Nr. 1 (01.03.2008): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.21648/arthavij/2008/v50/i1/115446.

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Rath, Prabhash Narayana. „Secularism and Pluralistic Democracy in India“. Artha Vijnana: Journal of The Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics 56, Nr. 3 (01.09.2014): 421. http://dx.doi.org/10.21648/arthavij/2014/v56/i3/111197.

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Mitra, Subrata Kumar. „Democracy and political change in India“. Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 30, Nr. 1 (März 1992): 9–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662049208447623.

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Harindranath, Ramaswami. „Mediated Terrorism and Democracy in India“. South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 32, Nr. 3 (25.11.2009): 518–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856400903374376.

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Rajagopalan, Rajesh. „India: Largest democracy and smallest debate?“ Contemporary Security Policy 26, Nr. 3 (Dezember 2005): 605–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523260500500955.

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Hasan, Zoya. „Democracy and Growing Inequalities in India“. Social Change 46, Nr. 2 (Juni 2016): 290–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0049085716635432.

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Narain, Iqbal. „India in 1985: Triumph of Democracy“. Asian Survey 26, Nr. 2 (Februar 1986): 253–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1986.26.2.01p0360b.

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