Dissertationen: „Democracy in India“

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Gleisner, Jenny. „Women and Democracy in India“. Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Culture and Communication, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-9865.

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The purpose of the thesis is to present how twelve women from different segments of society define democracy and how they experience democracy in their daily life. Through meetings and interviews I wanted to learn what these women consider democracy in India to be, how they recognise democracy and rights associated with democracy in their daily lives and how they reflect upon gender equality in relation to democracy.

This thesis is the result of a two-month field study in Maharashtra and interviews with twelve women from different segments of society. The women have been divided into three different groups based on educational level, aiming to find patterns of similarities and differences in how democracy is defined and recognised.

Women from the first group, illiterate or with only a few years in school, are aware of their right to vote in elections but not all of them have heard the word democracy. None of them are involved in any kind of organisation or self-help group, they either lack interest in politics or have relatives not allowing them to enter the public sphere. Democratic rights and gender equality are not recognised in their daily lives. Their opportunity to change their situation is limited.

Women from the second group are active in either politics or in an organisation. They know the word democracy and their rights associated with the concept. All of these women have basic education and families supporting them in their political engagements. Family is very important in India, in all endeavours of a woman’s life; education, job and whom to marry.

The third group includes women with higher education, a vocational degree. They are much aware of their democratic rights, but recognise difficulties for women to claim upon them in different stages and situations of their lives. The situation of women is complex, they have the possibility to enter the public sphere, but women with careers inevitably have two jobs: the employment and the responsibility over the household. Women can enter the public sphere earlier dominated by men, but men entering the private sphere and taking part in household chores seem not to be possible in the near future.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att presentera hur tolv kvinnor från olika samhällsgrupper ser på demokrati och hur de upplever demokrati i sin vardag. Genom möten och intervjuer har jag studerat hur dessa kvinnor definierar demokrati, hur de upplever demokrati och associerade rättigheter i sin vardag samt hur de reflekterar kring jämställdhet i relation till demokrati.

Denna uppsats är resultatet av ett två månaders fältarbete i Maharashtra och intervjuer med tolv kvinnor från olika samhällsgrupper. Kvinnorna är indelade i tre olika grupper, baserade på utbildningsnivå, för att finna likheter och skillnader i hur de definierar demokrati och hur de upplever demokrati i sin vardag.

Kvinnorna i den första gruppen, illitterata eller med ett fåtal skolår, är medvetna om sin rätt att rösta i politiska val men alla känner inte till ordet demokrati. Ingen av dem är aktiv i någon organisation eller självhjälpgrupp, antingen på grund av att de saknar intresse eller av den anledning att familjen inte tillåter dem att äntra den offentliga sfären. Varken demokratiska rättigheter eller jämlikhet är närvarande i dessa kvinnors vardag. Deras möjlighet att förändra sin levnadssituation är begränsad.

Kvinnorna i den andra gruppen är politiskt aktiva eller verksamma inom annan organisation. De känner till ordet demokrati och sina demokratiskt tillskrivna rättigheter. Dessa kvinnor har grundläggande utbildning och familjer som stödjer dem i deras politiska åtaganden. I Indien är familjen viktig i alla skeden och beslut i en kvinnas liv, i frågor rörande utbildning, arbete och blivande make.

Den tredje gruppen inkluderar kvinnor med högre utbildning och yrkesarbetande kvinnor. De är väl medvetna om sina demokratiska rättigheter men ser svårigheter för kvinnor att åberopa dem i olika skeden och situationer i livet. Kvinnors situation är komplex, även om de har möjligheten att äntra den offentliga sfären så har karriärkvinnor oundvikligen två arbeten: yrkesarbetet och det fulla ansvaret för hemmet. Kvinnor kan äntra den offentliga sfären som dominerats av män. Men att män ska äntra den privata sfären, och vara delaktiga i hemmets arbete, verkar inte vara möjligt inom den närmsta framtiden.

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Tiwari, Lalan. „Democracy and dissent a case study of the Bihar movement, 1974-75 /“. Delhi, India : Mittal Publications, 1987. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/18971880.html.

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3

von, Hatzfeldt Gaia. „'Crusaders' for democracy : aspirations and tensions in transparency activism in India“. Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/33131.

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Through an ethnographic study of the Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS) - an organisation renowned for its persistent fight against corruption in India - this thesis explores the aspirations and tensions of anti-corruption activists. In their commitment to improving governance structures by means of campaigning for transparency and accountability laws and policies, these activists ultimately aspire to strengthen democratic practice and to improve statecraft. By studying in detail the forms of actions, dynamics, politics and relationships among anti-corruption activists, the thesis explores how ideas of the state and democracy come to be internalised and addressed by civil society actors. The context is the nation-wide anti-corruption agitation that swept the country through most of 2011. This agitation gave rise to friction between civil society actors otherwise working for similar ends, leading to tension and competition on what constitutes democratic process and procedure. Based on extensive fieldwork, the thesis examines the ways in which MKSS responded to the shifting political landscape of anti-corruption activism. Drawing on the notion of relationality, I argue that political positions and identities are shaped and consolidated circumstantially through an oppositional stance and through processes of 'othering'. In considering the diverging understandings of democracy among civil society actors, this thesis seeks to expand ethnographically the theoretical concept of 'agonistic pluralism' (Mouffe 1999), that postulates that political conflict and disagreement is not only integral, but, moreover, crucial to democratic debate. Based on this conceptualisation, the conflict over the meaning of democracy among the anti-corruption activists is considered here as creating space for the expansion and enrichment of democratic debate. The very essence of democracy in India, as will be concluded, is constituted by such a productive tension.

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Widmalm, Sten. „Democracy and violent separatism in India : Kashmir in a comparative perspective /“. [Uppsala] : Uppsala university, 1997. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38923195z.

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SOARES, Pedro Gustavo Cavalcanti. „Secularismo e democracia : uma análise comparativa da influência religiosa nas instituições e cultura políticas no Brasil e na Índia“. Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2015. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/18075.

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Submitted by Fabio Sobreira Campos da Costa (fabio.sobreira@ufpe.br) on 2016-12-12T14:53:48Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) tese_Pedro Soares_PPGCP.pdf: 1448839 bytes, checksum: 120061d195a80e5ec1ff3dbc69f1da51 (MD5)
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Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar através do método comparativo o secularismo no Brasil e na Índia. A problemática que se impõe é, tendo em vista que o início do século XXI mostrou a importância que as religiões (ou identidades religiosas fluidas, híbridas) podem ter no aspecto político, analisar o porquê de o secularismo ser um desafio às democracias brasileira e indiana. Para tanto, utilizamos a teoria democrática plural agonística de Chantal Mouffe como referencial, uma vez que permite uma melhor fundamentação para a compreensão do fenômeno religioso no panorama democrático secular, e uma abordagem construtivista no delineamento dos nossos argumentos. Promovemos uma discussão sobre secularismo e pós-secularismo, elucidando conceitos adjacentes e, abarcando autores como Charles Taylor, Talal Asad, Rajeev Bhargava, entre outros. Analisamos o secularismo no Brasil e na Índia como princípios reinventados. E por fim, na construção de uma resposta à nossa problemática observamos a influência religiosa nas instituições e na cultura políticas nos países supracitados.
This work aims to analyze secularism in Brazil and India through the comparative method. The issue to be dressed is, given that the early twenty first century has shown the importance that religions (fluid or hybrid religious identities) can have on the political aspect, analyzing why secularism is a challenge to Brazilian and Indian democracies. To that effect, we employ the agonistic plural democracy model advocated by Chantal Mouffe as a reference, since it allows a better basis for understanding the religious phenomenon in democratic secular outlooks, and a constructivist approach in the design of our arguments. We offer a discussion on secularism and post-secularism, elucidating adjacent concepts, encompassing authors such as Charles Taylor, Talal Asad, Rajeev Bhargava, among others. We analyze secularism in Brazil and India as reinvented principles. Finally, to formulate an answer to our problems we observe the religious influence in political institutions and political culture in these two countries.

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Gupta, Madhvi. „When democracy is not enough : political freedoms and democratic deepening in Brazil and India“. Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102804.

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The objective of this study is to understand the logic of popular mobilization in Sao Paulo (Brazil) and New Delhi (India) and to explain why subaltern groups use their political freedoms to mobilize on some issues and not on others. More specifically, the study attempts to address a puzzle: Why do the popular sectors not mobilize to make claims for health when the vast majority of the urban poor experience severe health deficits? My contention is that the nature of public discourse determines both the emergence of popular movements and the issues on which they engage in claims-making. Competing ideas about what democracy is and what it ought to be, the meaning of social justice, and the relationship between democracy and social justice, constitute the 'raw materials' around which mobilization frames are created. The empirical evidence presented in this study supports my claim that the nature of public discourse is crucial for democratic deepening from below.
Based on extensive field research in low-income communities in Sao Paulo and New Delhi, my study explains the differences and similarities in the political actions of the urban poor. In India, the near-absence of a public discourse on health accounts for the lack of mobilization by subaltern groups to seek improvements in their health situation. In contrast, I find that there has been a tradition of public discourse on health in Brazil since the 1970s when "external actors" such as doctors and progressive Church officials became engaged in social causes and contributed to the emergence of health movements. However, since Brazil's transition to democracy, this public discourse has fractured, becoming more receptive to "new" health issues such as violence, even though "old" health problems continue to persist. While the popular sectors experience the dual burden of "old" and "new" health problems, they are perceived to be the cause of many "new" health hazards like violence rather than its victims. The disengagement of "external actors" from "old" health issues and the widespread perception that the popular sectors are themselves to blame for the "new" health problems has inhibited popular mobilization for health in democratic Brazil.

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KODIVERI, Arpitha Upendra. „Deliberating development in India’s forests : consent, mining and the making of the deliberative state“. Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/71875.

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Defence date: 08 July 2021
Examining Board: Professor Peter Drahos (European University Institute); Professor Joanne Scott (European University Institute); Professor B.S Chimni (Jindal Global Law School); Professor César Rodríguez-Garavito (NYU School of Law)
Deliberating Development in India’s Forests is a thesis that examines how India’s forest laws and the right to free, prior, and informed consent or consent provision of forest-dwelling communities has shaped the relationship between the state and forest-dwelling communities in extractive frontiers. The relationship between the state and forest-dwelling communities is tenuous as land in forest areas is acquired based on the Doctrine of Eminent Domain for extractive industries. Through extensive fieldwork in three mining sites in the eastern state of Odisha, this thesis offers an analysis of how the consent provision is implemented and how the relationship between the state and the forest-dwelling citizen is mediated by the pro-business bureaucracy as one of competing sovereignties. The forest-dwelling communities describe that the state operates in multiple modalities in India’s forests to enable extraction and realize its pro-business ambitions. Drawing from interviews with forest-dwelling communities and their aspirational legal interpretation of the consent provision the thesis makes an argument for the state to operate in a deliberative mode in India’s forests supported by a shared sovereignty framework and theories of deliberative and nodal governance. The thesis charts out an institutional pathway to overcome the structural imbalance experienced by forest-dwelling communities in their negotiations and dialogue with the state. This pathway can pave the way to repair the ruptured relationship between forest-dwelling communities and the Indian state and entrench the state in its deliberative modality.

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Ghosh, Bandana. „Democracy, decentralisation and district administration in India: a study of a select district in West Bengal“. Thesis, University of North Bengal, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/326.

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Nikolenyi, Csaba. „Party politics in a non-western democracy : a test of competing theories of party system change, government formation and government stability in India“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ48684.pdf.

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Roy, Krishna. „Secularism and Indian politics : study of political attitudes and participation of muslims in the district of Murshidabad (1978-2012)“. Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/2815.

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Spieß, Clemens. „Democracy and party systems in developing countries : a comparative study of India and South Africa /“. New York [u.a.] : Routledge, 2009. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=016775394&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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12

Kikon, Dolly. „Compromised democracy and the politics of participation : a case study of the Naga people from Northeast India /“. View abstract or full-text, 2004. http://library.ust.hk/cgi/db/thesis.pl?SOSC%202004%20KIKON.

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Thesis (M. Phil.)--Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, 2004.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 147-155). Also available in electronic version. Access restricted to campus users.

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Chakrabarty, Antarin. „Communicative Planning and Democratic Decentralisation in India- Case of Kolkata City“. Doctoral thesis, Trondheim : Norwegian University of Science and Technology. Department of Urban Design and Planning, 2008. http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:37375/FULLTEXT01.

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Pittie, Aditya. „Gateway to energy democracy and access in India using off-grid solar home systems and PayGo platform“. Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/117945.

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Thesis: S.M. in Management of Technology, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Sloan School of Management, 2018.
Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 68-78).
More than a billion people around the world still lack access to electricity with more than 300 million of them living in India. Without any other options, these citizens are forced to either go without power or burn kerosene or wood. There is an urgent need for the democratization of energy, which is defined as equitable access for smaller, disadvantaged energy consumers to the high-value energy options currently realized only by larger consumers. This study analyses the problem of energy access in India and it's background and context and proposes the use of off-grid solar home lighting systems (SHS) using Pay-as- you-Go (PayGo) technology and using Energy-as-a-Service (EaaS) business model as a viable solution. This is a sustainable, equitable and inclusive solution with the potential to empower and improve the lives of many while having the ability to be rolled-out immediately and scaled-up rapidly. The proposed solution using off-grid SHS enabled by PayGo technology and using EaaS as a business model is an effective and practical first step towards providing access to electricity to people at the bottom of the pyramid who presently have no access and who are forced to use fuel based light sources for illumination. This solution provides a gateway and a pathway for these people to enjoy modern and clean lighting and enable them to break the bonds of social backwardness and provide them the means to transform their lives. The end goal envisions a holistic solution with a judicious mix of grid connectivity along with off-grid solutions to allow these people to move up the ladder of energy access towards energy prosperity.
by Aditya Pittie.
S.M. in Management of Technology

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Rid, Saeed Ahmed. „Interactive people to people contacts between India and Pakistan : a case study of Pakistan India People's Forum for Peace and Democracy (PIPFPD) and Aman ki Asha“. Thesis, University of Bradford, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/7314.

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This research develops a new concept for people-to-people contacts, formulates a theoretical model to assess the impact of people-to-people contacts on peacebuilding, and draws theoretical modifications and explanations in the model on the basis of its empirical application on India-Pakistan conflict and Northern Ireland conflict. The new concept of interactive people-to-people contacts (IPPC) is developed and it is differentiated from the similar concepts in peace theory. Then ontological and epistemological foundations of IPPC are determined and the roots of IPPC in peace and conflict theories are traced. To empirically assess the role played by IPPC in building peace, the web approach model is developed from Lederach’s “pyramid” of peacebuilding as formulated in Building Peace (1997) and later improved in The Moral Imagination (2005). The web approach model is applied on Northern Ireland conflict to empirically test the web approach model and make improvements in the model learning from the practice of IPPC in Northern Ireland conflcit. Then web approach model is applied on two selected case studies of PIPFPD and Aman ki Asha to empirically asses the role played by IPPC in building peace between India and Pakistan. The web approach model is used to determine the stage/frame of the web process where IPPC based peacebuilding have reached so far in India-Pakistan conflict. Moreover, theoretical modifications in web approach model are drawn learning from the selected case studies and an attempt is made to find out a way forward for IPPC based peacebuilding in India-Pakistan conflict.

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Rid, Saeed A. „Interactive People to People Contacts between India and Pakistan: A case study of Pakistan India Peoples’ Forum for Peace and Democracy (PIPFPD) and Aman ki Asha“. Thesis, University of Bradford, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/7314.

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This research develops a new concept for people-to-people contacts, formulates a theoretical model to assess the impact of people-to-people contacts on peacebuilding, and draws theoretical modifications and explanations in the model on the basis of its empirical application on India-Pakistan conflict and Northern Ireland conflict. The new concept of interactive people-to-people contacts (IPPC) is developed and it is differentiated from the similar concepts in peace theory. Then ontological and epistemological foundations of IPPC are determined and the roots of IPPC in peace and conflict theories are traced. To empirically assess the role played by IPPC in building peace, the web approach model is developed from Lederach’s “pyramid” of peacebuilding as formulated in Building Peace (1997) and later improved in The Moral Imagination (2005). The web approach model is applied on Northern Ireland conflict to empirically test the web approach model and make improvements in the model learning from the practice of IPPC in Northern Ireland conflcit. Then web approach model is applied on two selected case studies of PIPFPD and Aman ki Asha to empirically asses the role played by IPPC in building peace between India and Pakistan. The web approach model is used to determine the stage/frame of the web process where IPPC based peacebuilding have reached so far in India-Pakistan conflict. Moreover, theoretical modifications in web approach model are drawn learning from the selected case studies and an attempt is made to find out a way forward for IPPC based peacebuilding in India-Pakistan conflict.
Commonwealth Scholarship Commission in UK

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Kantha, Pramod Kumar. „Partisan competition and democratic transition and consolidation in South Asia : a comparative study of democracy in India, Pakistan and Nepal /“. free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9988674.

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Rask, Evelina. „Discourse Democracy and Labour Relations : A case study of social dialogue and the socio-economic situation of informal workers in Gujarat, India“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-351666.

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This thesis firstly explores the process and effects of social dialogue in the context of informal home-based workers in Gujarat, India, and secondly the applicability of Dryzek’s theory of discourse democracy on this case study. In doing this, the study investigates the potential of social dialogue and discourse democracy to work as instruments for improving the social and economic situation of the workers. The case study consists of how the organisation and trade union Self Employed Women’s Association (SEWA) communicate with influential actors in order to improve the social and economic situation of the informal home-based workers. The material is gathered through interviews with four organisers at SEWA, and observations made when visiting three areas of home-based workers. The empirical results are presented in a chapter demonstrating the process of social dialogue and its effect on the workers situation in this particular context. The second part of the results is a discussion where the theoretical framework, consisting of Dryzek’s discourse democracy and the critique of Habermas’s deliberative democracy that structure his theory, and the empirical findings are scrutinised in relation to each other; by discussing traits of the theories in connection to the case study. The thesis concludes that there are similarities between social dialogue in this case and the theory of discourse democracy, but the theory cannot wholly be used to conceptualise social dialogue. It demonstrated the importance of the communicative decision-making to admit a wide variety of kinds of communication and to involve an active civil society with support in the constitutional framework for improving the social and economic situation of the workers. However, it also indicates that other practices than communicative ones are necessary in this struggle.

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Björkwall, Michaela. „Art as an educational tool to improve inner-health within the context of the organization Saturday Art Class in India“. Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för lärande och samhälle (LS), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-33516.

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This study examines how art is used as an educational tool to improve inner-health. The study is conducted in India to gain a cultural perspective different from Sweden. In the study, unstructured qualitative interviews are made mainly with volunteers from the organization Saturday Art Class, but also with the principal at the Sir J. J. Collage of Architecture. The interviews focus on the respondents view on: art as an educational tool, art as a tool to deal with inner-health and the respondent’s view on art and emotions from a cultural perspective. A thematic analyze is applied to understand and structure the collected material and John Dewey’s theory on art, education and experience is used as a theoretical framework when discussing the result. The study discusses what it is about art that makes it improve inner-health and how art, as an educational tool, can help shape both individuals and the society. In relation to the respondent’s experiences, earlier research and Dewey’s theoretical approach, the study identifies three different and co-related perspectives within the art practice that can help art teachers conduct their education for it to benefit inner-health among students, which are: the art practice in itself, reflection through an interactive dialogue and emotional aims. The study also discusses the connection between artistic freedom and democratic values as well as the role of the art teacher during the artistic practice. Lastly, the cultural context in India and SAC is compared to Swedish art education.

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Kunze, Shane. „The rise of Asia's democratic space powers how Japan and India became the next space powers in the twenty-first century“. Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2012. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/576.

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Since the end of World War II the world has seen several nations expand into the space age. Also after the Second World War, the Cold War began and many nations found themselves allying themselves with either the hegemony of the West or the Communists. Space was no exception in this dilemma, as weaker nations began to develop their own indigenous space programs and had technological diffusion from one of the hegemonies. Japan and India are two democracies that both sought support for their indigenous space programs from the west, particularly from the U.S. These two nations emerged from poverty and a broken infrastructure during the 1950s and have grown over the last sixty years into two of the most advanced space-faring nations in the world. These two nations have overcome several external and internal factors ranging from Communist expansion to bureaucratic strife. Japan and India have been and remain the two leading democratic nations in Asia that have risen to the rank of space power.
B.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science

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Baloch, Bilal Ali. „Crisis, credibility, and corruption : how ideas and institutions shape government behaviour in India“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a017adea-7dc4-45a2-9246-4df6adcabb9b.

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Anti-corruption movements play a vital role in democratic development. From the American Gilded Age to global demonstrations in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, these movements seek to combat malfeasance in government and improve accountability. While this collective action remains a constant, how government elites perceive and respond to such agitation, varies. My dissertation tackles this puzzle head-on: Why do some democratic governments respond more tolerantly than others to anti-corruption movements? To answer this research question, I examine variation across time in two cases within the worldâs largest democracy: India. I compare the Congress Party government's suppressive response to the Jayaprakash Narayan movement in 1975, and the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance governmentâs tolerant response to the India Against Corruption movement in 2012. For developing democracies such as India, comparativist scholarship gives primacy to external, material interests â such as votes and rents â as proximately shaping government behavior. Although these logics explain elite decision-making around elections and the predictability of pork barrel politics, they fall short in explaining government conduct during credibility crises, such as when facing nationwide anti-corruption movements. In such instances of high political uncertainty, I argue, it is the absence or presence of an ideological checks and balance mechanism among decision-making elites in government that shapes suppression or tolerance respectively. This mechanism is produced from the interaction between structure (multi-party coalition) and agency (divergent cognitive frames in positions of authority). In this dissertation, elites analyze the anti-corruption movement and form policy prescriptions based on their frames around social and economic development as well as their concepts of the nation. My research consists of over 110 individual interviews with state elites, including the Prime Minister, cabinet ministers, party leaders, and senior bureaucrats among other officials for the contemporary case; and a broad compilation of private letters, diplomatic cables and reports, and speeches collected from three national archives for the historical study. To my knowledge this is the first data-driven study of Indian politics that precisely demonstrates how ideology acts as a constraint on government behavior in a credibility crisis. On a broader level, my findings contribute to the recently renewed debate in political science as to why democracies sometimes behave illiberally.

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Cleyet-Marel, Julien. „Le développement du système politique tibétain en exil“. Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012AIXM1010.

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Cette thèse de droit public se propose d'étudier le développement du système politique tibétain en exil. Ce travail est basé sur une analyse détaillée des normes tibétaines encadrant le fonctionnement du Gouvernement tibétain en exil et de son Administration centrale, lesquels n'ont pas été reconnus au plan international. Mené principalement sous l'angle du droit constitutionnel tibétain, ce travail décrit le fonctionnement des différentes institutions centrales, instances décisionnelles, ayant autorité au sein de la communauté tibétaine en exil. L'institutionnalisation du pouvoir politique tibétain a pris avec la Charte de 1991 une nouvelle dimension car les rapports politiques au sein du système passent désormais par la médiation du droit. Cette médiation du droit est liée à l'établissement d'un ordre général et collectif dépassant les volontés individuelles
This public law thesis deals with the development of the Tibetan political system in exile. The objective was to carry out a detailed research on roots texts and commentaries on law and other relevant documents passed in the Tibetan refugee community, in order to explain the functioning of the Central Tibetan Administration, which for all practical purposes functions as the Tibetan-government-in-exile, although not formally recognized as such by the world at large and in particular by the host government. This work covers the various institutions of political representation, decision-making and governance within the Tibetan Refugee Community. Considering all this elements, we reached at the conclusion that the basics fundamentals laid down by this Charter, and the substantive and procedural laws and other rules, are inevitable for the immediate and long-term functioning of the Tibetan government in exile

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Bathla, Sonia. „Women, democracy, and media : an exploration of the Indian cultural context“. Thesis, University of Leicester, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/34619.

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Feminist political theory argues that democratic political foundations have been gender-biased and suffer from various discrepancies that prevent women's participation in the political public sphere and limit their role as political citizens. Parallel to this, feminists have questioned the role of media in representing women's concerns; since media are a dominant part of the public sphere and are crucial sites of debate where meanings are constructed and public consciousness is shaped, their role in political awareness is important. Using such frameworks, this study explores the relationship between political theory and media practice in India, which offers a democratic political system and an autonomous press modelled after the Western political system. However, within the context of a Third World traditional society, the relationship between theory and practice in relation to women's rights is not the simple equation that the Western feminist political theory suggests. A historical and cultural analysis of Indian society reveals that higher-caste patriarchal culture - a Brahmanical hegemony - still defines women's roles and position. Although an explicit model of democracy guarantees legal and political rights to women, the state remains undemocratic and patriarchal towards women, and strengthens the traditional social order in its practice, thus also demonstrating a connection between cultural practices and political practices. Using content analysis, the study reveals that the Indian national press has contributed towards the existing patriarchal order and supported the social consensus by making certain women's issues 'invisible' in a democratic polity. Its insensitivity towards women's issues is examined through the analysis of the media content, in the journalistic practices in covering women's news/issues, and in opinions of journalists towards women's issues and the women's movement. It has been argued that the press and/or journalists are part of the same culture and cannot proceed without values prevalent in India's patriarchal society. Interviews with women activists and journalists suggest that apart from the cultural prejudices, a myriad of issues like poverty, basic needs, etc. facing majority of the population in a developing country impinge upon gender, leading to its perceived insignificance, and causing ideological differences between journalists and women activists.

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24

Harmes, Riccardo Lucian Paul. „Localism and the design of political systems“. Thesis, University of Exeter, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/30140.

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Localism places a special value on the local, and is increasingly prominent as a political doctrine. The literature suggests localism operates in three ways: bottom-up, top down and mutualistic. To assess its impact, localism needs to be seen within the broader context of multi-level governance. Here localism is examined in relation to three major themes: place, public value (PV), and institutional design. Regarding place, a key distinction is drawn between old and new localism. Old localism is about established local government, while new localism highlights the increasing room for manoeuvre that localities have in contemporary politics. This enables them to influence wider power structures, for example through trans-local organizing. With regard to public value, localist thinking makes a key contribution to core PV domains such as sustainability, wellbeing and democracy, as well as to others like territorial cohesion and intergovernmental mutuality. As for institutional design, the study is particularly concerned with ‘sub-continental’ political systems. A set of principles for the overall design of such systems is proposed, together with a framework of desirable policy outcomes at the local level. This can be used to evaluate how effective political systems are at creating public value in local settings. The thesis presents a comparative study of localism in two significant, sub-continental clusters: India/Kerala/Kollam and the EU/UK/England/Cornwall. Both can be seen as contrasting ‘exemplars’ of localism in action. In India, localism was a major factor in the nationwide local self-government reforms of 1993 and their subsequent enactment in the state of Kerala. In the EU, localism has been pursued through an economic federalism based on regions and sub-regions. This is at odds with the top-down tradition in British politics. The tension between the two approaches is being played out currently in the peripheral sub-region of Cornwall/Isles of Scilly. Cornwall’s dilemma has been sharpened by Britain’s recent decision to leave the EU. The thesis considers the wider implications of the case studies, and presents some proposals for policymakers and legislators to consider, together with suggestions for further research.

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Fall, Pontus. „Politiskt deltagande hos Kanistammen i Kerala : en fallstudie /“. Thesis, Huddinge : Södertörn University College. School of Social Sciences, 2008. http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:15742/FULLTEXT01.

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26

Pettersson, Mona, und Fredrik Stöckel. „Everyone is invited : How access to development tools influences innovation democracy and bridges the digital divide“. Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för informatik, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-122513.

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Indie studios, which used to have a challenging time creating and releasing games, are on the rise. In the past, these studios have had a hard time getting their hands on useable tools. Indie developers at the time had to work with basic tools in order to create games less technologically advanced. This created a gap between triple-A and indie studios that, at the time, was widely disregarded. This stands as the lens for our study. We begin by conducting a prestudy that looks at the statistics behind games on steam. After this we form our interview questions and conducted both standardized open-ended interviews as well as surveys. The data collected suggest that there is a correlation between the availability of ease-of-use tools and content created. In our discussion we bring forth ideas about how this may help reduce the knowledge gap, and nurture the online innovation democracy.

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27

Nag, Eva-Maria. „Marxism and beyond in Indian political thought : J.P. Narayan and M.N. Roy's concepts of radical democracy“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2004. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1709/.

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This project aims at a re-interpretation of the work of two Indian political thinkers and activists - M. N. Roy (1887-1954) and J. P. Narayan (1902-1979). In light of their early affiliation with and later rejection of communism, Marxism and nationalism, they have often been reduced to representing an idealistic anti-Marxist strand of the Indian left of the immediate pre-independence and post-independence era. However, their case for radical democracy can and should be revised. Not only does their work run parallel to some important trends within the history of the European left and thus contributes to the history of left thinking in the early to mid 20th century, it may also have a lasting impact. In particular, the ideas they developed present a viable alternative to the descent of the Indian left into a one-sided politics of caste and provide a timely argument for a left-liberal discourse politics. The terms of their arguments have both transcended the confines of the nationalist cause of Indian intellectuals and anticipated the calls for grass roots activism that is now all too familiar to us. The first part of the thesis deals with the backdrop to their ideas of radical democracy, discussing liberty and freedom as the focal points in their arguments against orthodox Marxism. In the second part, two key aspects of their thinking on radical democracy are examined. One is the idea of radicalism as "going back to the roots" of politics in spatial terms, i.e. Roy and Narayan's preoccupation with local democracy and its role in empowering citizens. The other is the relationship between a radical democratic politics and the transformation of human nature. Despite some important differences between the Gandhian Narayan and the radical humanist Roy, the similarities found in both their mode of reasoning and their political thought on the centrality and functions of radical democracy require a reinterpretation of their ideas for rethinking freedom and democracy in India as elsewhere in an age of diversity. Vacillating between conventional Marxist positions and indications of their transcendence, the concept of radical democracy exemplifies an inherent intellectual pluralism that is capable of bringing about a pragmatic consensus on the practical question of the best form of government.

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Caravalho, Ediza. „Degrees of democracy as determinants of health : analysing the effect of elements of democracy and polity size on public health expenditure in the Indian states, 1971-2007“. Thesis, University of Essex, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.528846.

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29

Mitra, D. M. „Understanding Indian insurgencies implications for counterinsurgency operations in the Third World“. Thesis, Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1767.

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There has been a resurgence of indigenous Maoist insurgencies in the South/South East Asia region in the recent past. Left unchecked, these developments can have significant implications for the Global War on Terror. Third World countries have inherited many attributes from their colonial past which make them susceptible to insurgency. These factors, which are typical of the Third World, limit even the capacity of democratic states to mitigate divisive tendencies. This paper analyzes the susceptibility of Third World countries to insurgency and develops a theoretical perspective to illuminate some of the factors contributing to insurgency in these countries. A simple linear model for India is developed, based on the hypothesis that the degree of inaccessibility of an area, the strength of separate social identity of its population, and the amount of external unifying influence on the area determine the propensity of that area for insurgency. The model is empirically verified for the entire country by comparing data from India's 528 parliamentary constituencies. The implications of the Indian model for some competing ideas about appropriate counterinsurgency strategy for the Third World countries are discussed.

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Middleton, Catherine M. „Opposition to Indian removal and the emergence of the Second Party System in the United States, 1828-1834“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365476.

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31

Gallardo, Sarmiento Martha Gabriela. „Le vote au Mexique : la participation politique indienne, le cas d'un district électoral en Puebla“. Thesis, Paris 10, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA100080.

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La recherche sociale présentée se focalise sur la participation et la représentation politique indienne à l'intérieur d'un district électoral. Le district électoral 04, siégé à Zacapoaxtla à la Sierra Norte de Puebla, est habité par des populations nahuas et totonaques. Le regard anthropologique nous rend les outils qualitatifs pour analyser le rapport entre l’État et les groupes indiennes de la région comprenant les échelles inframunicipale, municipale et du district. Il s'agit d'une étude de cas qui permet de comprendre la complexité du vote dans un contexte rural afin de dévoiler les phénomènes de multipartisme et alternance politique
The research is focus on the participation and representation of indigenous people in a federal electoral district recently developed (2005) within electoral processes. The 04 federal electoral district based in Zacapoaxtla is located in the Sierra Norte de Puebla, inhabited by nahuas and totonacs groups. The anthropological point of view offers qualitative instruments for the understanding of the interaction between the State and the indigenous people through different analysis scales: infra-municipal, municipality and district. It is a case study that allows the understanding of the complexity of the vote in rural areas, with the purpose of comprehending the phenomenon of pluralist political arena and political alternation
La investigación se enfoca en la participación y representación política indígena en un distrito electoral federal de nueva creación (2005) en el contexto de los procesos electorales. El distrito electoral 04 con cabecera en Zacapoaxtla se ubica en la Sierra Norte de Puebla, habitado por grupos nahuas y totonacos. La mirada antropológica ofrece las herramientas cualitativas para el análisis de la relación del Estado con los grupos indígenas a través de distintas escalas como: inframunicipal, municipal y distrital. Es un estudio de caso que permite entender la complejidad del voto en un contexto rural, con la intención de comprender los fenómenos de multipartidismo y alternancia política

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32

Misquitta, L. P. „Pressure groups and democracy in India“. Thesis, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2009/3712.

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33

Das, Aradhana. „India : a secular democracy on the decline?“ 1995. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/2538.

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34

„This Fissured Democracy: Nation-Building, Civic Epistemologies, and Nuclear Politics in India“. Doctoral diss., 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.40809.

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abstract: This dissertation examines how Indian polities have resisted and accommodated nuclear energy into their existing culture, politics and environment from the 1960s to the present. I document sites of friction between the nuclear establishment, urban activists, and local communities to trace how their engagements changed because of key ruptures in Indian nuclear history, namely Chernobyl, the US-India nuclear deal, and the Fukushima nuclear disaster. I interrogate the concept of ‘civic epistemologies,’ which was developed by comparative regulatory policy analysts in STS to explain how different national regulatory systems follow distinct cultural modes of evaluating the objectivity and credibility of policy-relevant scientific knowledge, evidence and expertise to arrive at different conclusions about similar technologies. By following how various actors are mobilizing cultures and institutions of knowledge production and deliberation to further political goals around nuclear power in India, as well as how these goals shape knowledge practices, I demonstrate that citizens’ desire to ‘scientize’ politics by creating a political culture of scientific debate around nuclear matters—thereby creating the forms of public reason as seen in Western nuclear debates—requires politicizing science to render it a publicly accessible rationality. As such, I argue that the creation of science- based, policy-relevant knowledge and politics should be seen as part and parcel of a particular variant of liberal democratic nation-building—albeit one that is inherently exclusionary, coercive and politically fraught. Using a mixed-methods approach of multi-sited ethnographies of five villages opposing nuclear energy, interviews with a wide range of actors, event ethnographies, oral histories and document collection and analysis, I discovered that urban and rural activists, politicians and regulatory officials articulate and enact different imaginaries of nuclear energy and democratic politics and participate in competing processes of knowledge-making and political formation. Democratic maneuvering and full access to the privileges of civil society are allowed actors who share the state's imaginary of nuclear power's role in achieving sovereignty and self-reliance, while others are not granted such affordances. Moreover, the state reproduces colonial sociopolitical categories in how it deals with the differential knowledge politics espoused by its rural, agrarian constituents and its urban elite citizens.
Dissertation/Thesis
Doctoral Dissertation Human and Social Dimensions of Science and Technology 2016

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Vaishnav, Milan. „The Merits of Money and "Muscle": Essays on Criminality, Elections and Democracy in India“. Thesis, 2012. https://doi.org/10.7916/D832030W.

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This dissertation seeks to understand how democratic elections can coexist with a significant number of politicians implicated in criminal wrongdoing. Specifically, it seeks answers to three questions. Why do parties nominate candidates with criminal backgrounds? Why do voters vote for them? And what does their proliferation mean for democratic accountability? To address these questions, I draw on a wide body of quantitative and qualitative evidence from India, the world's largest democracy. I argue that parties are attracted to criminal politicians because they have access to financial resources that allow them to function as self-financing candidates. Whereas the prevailing consensus in political economy suggests that voters support "bad politicians" because they lack adequate information on candidate quality, I develop an alternate theory that suggests well-informed voters can display rational behavior by voting for such candidates. Specifically, in contexts where social divisions are highly salient, voters often desire a representative who they perceive can protect group-based interests most credibly. In such settings, criminality can serve as a useful signal of a candidate's credibility. As a result, parties selectively field criminal candidates in those areas where social divisions are most pronounced. The implications of this study are far reaching because they suggest that information about a candidate's criminality is not only available, but actually is central to understanding the viability of his candidacy. Thus, there are circumstances in which "bad politicians" can in fact be compatible with democratic accountability. Empirically, this dissertation makes use of a unique, author-constructed database of affidavits submitted by more than 60,000 candidates contesting state and national elections between 2003 and 2009. This dataset contains detailed information on candidates' financial and criminal records from 37 elections, which I analyze using state-of-the-art quantitative methods. I complement these quantitative analyses with qualitative fieldwork conducted in three states, including an in-depth exploration of the case of Bihar, a state in north India.

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Chhatre, Ashwini. „Democracy on the Commons Political Competition and Local Cooperation for Natural Resource Management in India“. Diss., 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10161/211.

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37

Mishra, Neeraj [Verfasser]. „A watershed in watershed governance : democracy and de politicization of development projects in India / vorgelegt von Neeraj Mishra“. 2010. http://d-nb.info/1003641326/34.

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38

Samad, A. Yunas, und G. Pandey. „Fault Lines of Nationhood“. 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/2875.

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No
Though India and Pakistan emerged as independent nation states sixty years ago, debates about the basis of Indian and Pakistani nationhood continue to reverberate through the politics of the two countries. Pakistan has been wracked by disputes over identity from its very inception. It split into two countries in 1971 when the eastern wing broke away to form Bangladesh. It has since been wrestling with issues of Punjabi dominance and Islamisation, which have put minorities of all sorts on the defensive. Independent India under Nehru¿s leadership proclaimed secular and egalitarian goals but theory and practice were often divergent. In recent years, the success of Hindu nationalist forces at the polls has raised new and uncomfortable questions for Indian minorities too. In Fault Lines of Nationhood, Gyanendra Pandey and Yunas Samad reflect on the construction of national identity in India and Pakistan from colonial times to the present day and examine how the working of democracy has created new majorities and minorities and helped to politicise issues of religion and ethnicity, region and language, class and caste. This book is essential reading for anyone interested in the dynamics of state building in India and Pakistan and the conflicting demands of national unity and social and political inclusiveness.

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Kirby, Julian. „Ambedkar and the Indian Communists: the absence of conciliation“. 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/3135.

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Ambedkar’s role as an Indian political leader during the late colonial period has attracted increased attention politically and historically. However, there is a startling disconnect between the modern, often mythological, construction of Ambedkar and the near forgotten historical figure. His broader programme for social uplift of the underprivileged is often lost in the record of his conflict with M. K. Gandhi and the Indian National Congress and their role as the dominant nationalist group in India at the time. The deification that has resulted from his use of Buddhism as an emancipatory identity has obscured his interpretation of it as a secular political tool in a political debate shaped and dominated by religious identity. This thesis will argue that the Buddhist conversion was a continuation of his political and social programme, not, as some have suggested, a retreat to religion after failing to secure reforms to Indian law and society.
February 2009

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40

Salter, Robert Graeme. „Swaraj and sweepers : the JP Movement and the future of transformational politics“. Thesis, 2000. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/15417/.

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The thesis examines the question of how democracy might be deepened, particular so that it becomes more inclusive of currently marginalised groups and can thus meet their needs more fully. It focuses on India, drawing on interviews and visits to organisations, as well as on secondary sources, but it also utilises empirical and theoretical material from outside India, and it is suggested that the conclusions of the thesis may be applicable beyond India. From the 1960s, across the world, the 'new politics' - the politics of protest, local level action, new questions, new participants and specific-issue campaigns - has also sought to deepen democracy. It is argued, however, that while this kind of politics is a necessary component of effective democracy, it is not in itself sufficient to achieve the transformational goals to which it aspires. In rejecting or underemphasising the possibility of achieving change through more conventional political institutions, especially through governments and political parties, the new politics risks political ineffectiveness, for reasons that are identified in the thesis. It is argued that what is required is a combination of the old and new politics, and a particular model that embodies this is advanced. Major political change - such as the attainment of independence or formal democracy or the deepening of democracy - has often been achieved through broad alliances of organisations, termed 'aggregated civil bases', in the thesis, and examples of these are cited. The thesis focuses on the scope for change through what are termed 'democratic-deepening aggregated civil bases' - alliances of organisations that come to an electoral arrangement with a party or coalition willing to implement a particular political program in exchange for electoral support.

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„Marxist Rebellion in the Age of Neo-Liberal Globalization: FARC and the Naxalite-Maoists in Comparison“. Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10388/ETD-2014-09-1785.

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Despite the general academic consensus that liberal democracy has triumphed over communism, Marxist-inspired movements continue to thrive across the global south. This is a curious phenomenon in the post-Cold War era. This paper explores the recent growth of both The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia and the Naxalite-Maoist Insurgency in India, and compares the two groups. It analyzes the factors that have led to their resurgence, in particular, the political and economic dimensions. Specifically, it addresses the impact of two dominant factors in fomenting their resurgence: neo-liberalism and political exclusion. First, recent growth of both groups seems to correlate with the adoption of neo-liberal economic policies and progressively draconian structural adjustments, which aggravated existing poverty and inequality, in their respective countries. Second, recent growth of both groups seems to correlate with political exclusion of marginalized groups, an exclusion increasingly enforced by state violence. The survival and growth of Marxist-inspired armed movements across the globe also raises important questions about the future of liberal democracy. This paper asks whether the persistence of Marxist-inspired movements across the global south has given the lie to the "end of history" theory, and what their resurgence says, if anything, about the "clash of civilizations theory. It concludes that the success of these movements challenges the apparent triumph of liberal democracy in both Colombia and India, and perhaps in the post-Cold War era globally.

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„Alternative Slaveries and American Democracy: Debt Bondage and Indian Captivity in the Civil War Era Southwest“. Doctoral diss., 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.38755.

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abstract: This dissertation analyzes two regional systems of involuntary servitude (Indian captive slavery and Mexican debt peonage) over a period spanning roughly two centuries. Following a chronological framework, it examines the development of captive slavery in the Southwest beginning in the early 1700s and lasting through the mid-1800s, by which time debt peonage emerged as a secondary form of coerced servitude that augmented Indian slavery in order to meet increasing demand for labor. While both peonage and captive slavery had an indelible impact on cultural and social systems in the Southwest, this dissertation places those two labor systems within the context of North American slavery and sectional agitation during the antebellum period. The existence of debt bondage and Indian captivity in New Mexico had a significant impact on America's judicial and political institutions during the Reconstruction era. Debt peonage and Indian slavery had a lasting influence on American politics during the period 1846 to 1867, forcing lawmakers to acknowledge the fact that slavery existed in many forms. Following the Civil War, legislators realized that the Thirteenth Amendment did not cast a wide enough net, because peonage and captive slavery were represented as voluntary in nature and remained commonplace throughout New Mexico. When Congress passed a measure in 1867 explicitly outlawing peonage and captive slavery in New Mexico, they implicitly acknowledged the shortcomings of the Thirteenth Amendment. The preexistence of peonage and Indian slavery in the Southwest inculcated a broader understanding of involuntary labor in post-Civil War America and helped to expand political and judicial philosophy regarding free labor. These two systems played a crucial role in America's transition from free to unfree labor in the mid-1800s and contributed to the judicial and political frameworks that undermined slavery.
Dissertation/Thesis
Doctoral Dissertation History 2016

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Millar, Eve. „Dung, divinity and democracy tracing the cow in Indian folk art, ritual and the work of Sheela Gowda“. Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/1069.

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In the 1990s internationally renowned Indian artist Sheela Gowda exchanged oil paint for cow-dung. This dramatic shift occurred in response to the rise in Hindu fundamentalism and as way to voice her distress at the violence of the Hindu / Muslim riots. From a eurocentric art-historical perspective, adopting cow-dung to create art may seem like a radical move, but in India it is a material rich in multi layered histories and one resonating with ritual, economic and gendered subtexts and overtones. This thesis analyzes Gowda's multi-coded artworks in an attempt to render more visible an artist who is an important contributor to the international contemporary art scene, to render viable arts usually considered marginal, minor or folk, and to balance an art historical canon which still favours the "high arts" as well as white, western or male artists. It argues not only for the validity of art in its many forms, but also for art historical scholarship which functions as bridge to forge meaning and open up dialogue between artists, viewers, critics and curators.

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Dissertationen zum Thema „Democracy in India“

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