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Thematische Bibliographien / Democracy and culture / Zeitschriftenartikel

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Democracy and culture“

Autor: Grafiati

Veröffentlicht am 25. Juni 2021

Zuletzt aktualisiert am 14. Februar 2022

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1

Kaminski, Ricardo S. „DEMOCRACIA RADICAL E PODER NA TEIA GLOBAL DOS INDIGNADOS: horizontes de uma nova cultura política no século XXI“. Revista Políticas Públicas 18 (05.08.2014): 241. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2178-2865.v18nep241-255.

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Constituindo uma teia transnacional de movimentos antissistêmicos, desde 2011 novos atores sociais colocam na pauta contemporânea a discussão sobre o poder e a democracia. Ao questionarem a democracia liberal representativa, propõem um igualitarismo democrático radical que interpela sobre as possibilidades da reinvenção da democracia a partir de novas gramáticas sociais. Tais movimentos desenvolvem dimensões simbólicas e práticas características da cibercultura, em espaços ainda não consolidados no âmbito das instituições contemporâneas. Assim, este artigo apresenta, como eixo central, a cultura política implicada nas concepções de poder e democracia dos "occupies", na disputa contemporânea pelo significado da cidadania e do poder.Palavras-chave: Capitalismo, cultura política, Movimento Occupy Wall Street, movimentos transnacionais, democracia, poder.RADICAL DEMOCRACY AND POWER IN THE GLOBAL WEB OF THE OUTRAGED: horizons of a new political culture in the 21st centuryAbstract: Constituting a transnational web of anti-systemic movements, since 2011 new social actors put on the contemporary agenda the discussion about power and democracy. In questioning liberal representative democracy, they proposed a radical democratic egalitarianism, which asks about the possibilities of reinvention of democracy from new social grammars. Such movements develop symbolic and practical dimensions characteristics of cyberculture, in spaces not yet consolidated in the context of contemporary institutions. Thus, this paper presents, as the centerpiece, the political culture implied in the concepts of power and democracy of "Occupies" in contemporary dispute on the meaning of citizenship and power.Keywords: Capitalism, politic culture. Occupy Wall Street Movement, transnational movements, democracy, power.

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2

Holbrook, David. „Culture and Democracy“. Cambridge Quarterly XIX, Nr. 1 (1990): 68–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/camqtly/xix.1.68.

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3

Watson, Matt. „Diversity, Democracy, and Culture“. Archiv fuer Rechts- und Sozialphilosophie 106, Nr. 2 (2020): 214. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/arsp-2020-0011.

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4

Kurtz, Stanley. „Reconciling culture and democracy“. Academic Questions 16, Nr. 3 (September 2003): 76–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12129-003-1082-y.

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5

Perl-Rosenthal, Nathan. „The Culture of Democracy“. Dissent 65, Nr. 2 (2018): 176–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.2018.0043.

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6

Kuzio, Taras. „Political Culture and Democracy“. East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 25, Nr. 1 (07.01.2011): 88–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325410388410.

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The 2004 Orange Revolution and election of opposition candidate Viktor Yushchenko, who had a stellar reputation in previous positions as National Bank Chairman and Prime Minister, was viewed as a new era in Ukrainian politics, ushering in deep seated reforms and a battle against corruption. Five years on, his opponent, Viktor Yanukovych, whose election in 2004 was annulled over election fraud, replaced him as President. The failure of the Yushchenko presidency to implement the majority of the hopes placed in it by millions of voters and protestors, specifically to decisively change the manner in which politics and economics are undertaken, is a good opportunity to analyse why Ukraine is a difficult country, an immobile state, in which to undertake change of any type. Yanukovych’s first year in office points to Ukraine undergoing a regression from the only tangible benefit to have emerged from “orange” rule; namely, democratization, media freedom, and free elections.

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Friedman, Edward 1934. „Chinese culture and democracy“. Journal of Democracy 9, Nr. 3 (1998): 170–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.1998.0039.

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8

Soyinka, Wole. „“Culture, democracy and renewal,”“. Trends in Organized Crime 5, Nr. 3 (März 2000): 110–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12117-000-1039-2.

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9

Dorn, David, Justina A. V. Fischer, Gebhard Kirchgässner und Alfonso Sousa-Poza. „Is It Culture or Democracy? The Impact of Democracy and Culture on Happiness“. Social Indicators Research 82, Nr. 3 (26.09.2006): 505–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11205-006-9048-4.

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10

Dwan, David. „Culture and Democracy in Ireland“. Irish Review (1986-), Nr. 32 (2004): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/29736243.

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11

Konstan, David, Simon Goldhill und Robin Osborne. „Performance Culture and Athenian Democracy“. Phoenix 54, Nr. 1/2 (2000): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1089099.

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12

Quandt, William B., und Elie Kedourie. „Democracy and Arab Political Culture“. Foreign Affairs 71, Nr. 4 (1992): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045377.

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13

Evrard, Yves. „Democratizing Culture or Cultural Democracy?“ Journal of Arts Management, Law, and Society 27, Nr. 3 (Januar 1997): 167–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10632929709596961.

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14

Inglehart, Ronald. „Islam, Gender, Culture, and Democracy“. International Journal of Comparative Sociology 43, Nr. 3-5 (Oktober 2002): 224–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002071520204300301.

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15

Jacobson, Thomas L., und Yong Jang. „Rights, Culture, and Cosmopolitan Democracy“. Communication Theory 11, Nr. 4 (November 2001): 434–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2885.2001.tb00252.x.

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16

Bailin, Sharon. „Culture, democracy, and the university“. Interchange 23, Nr. 1-2 (März 1992): 63–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01435223.

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17

Ang, James B., Jakob B. Madsen und Wen Wang. „Rice farming, culture and democracy“. European Economic Review 136 (Juli 2021): 103778. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.euroecorev.2021.103778.

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18

Ergashev, Zafar. „Democratic Legal Culture: How Strong Are Values?“ American Journal of Political Science Law and Criminology 3, Nr. 05 (30.05.2021): 86–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajpslc/volume03issue05-14.

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Raising democratic legal culture is one of the key aspects of the policy of the Republic of Uzbekistan. A number of normative legal acts of the Republic of Uzbekistan adopted in this sphere. This article focuses on describing measures of the Government of Uzbekistan to improve people’s knowledge of democracy. Furthermore, this work also includes the results of the current research on evaluating people’s opinions about democracy.

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Cacoullos, Ann R. „Democracy in Republic: Plato’s Contestation“. Synthesis: an Anglophone Journal of Comparative Literary Studies, Nr. 9 (01.05.2016): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/syn.16223.

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Plato has been read as a virulent opponent of democracy, a common interpretation that, among other things, either ignores or dismisses his perceptive account of the ways democracy can be a mistaken political culture. In Books 8-9 where he designs other cities that are less than his ideal city, Plato tries to show how the whole manner of living and esteeming of a ruling class pervert the preferences and decision-making of everyone living in the city. Attention to this account can reveal Plato not so much rejecting but contesting the democracy he designs-in-theory. In the city he models, freedom and equality are misdirected, its own political culture ultimately betrays itself. I argue that, for Plato, democracy’s failure is due largely though not exclusively to a remnant of oligarchy that remains within it —the underhanded and excessive pursuit of money— which undermine the freedom and equality that define its political culture.

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Polletta, Francesca. „How Participatory Democracy Became White: Culture and Organizational Choice“. Mobilization: An International Quarterly 10, Nr. 2 (01.06.2005): 271–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.10.2.96746725j1312512.

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Why do activists choose the organizational forms they do? Social movement scholars have tended to focus on activists' instrumental assessments of organizational forms' costs and benefits or on activists' efforts to balance instrumental calculations with a commitment to ideological consistency. Neither explanation is adequate. Organizational forms, like strategies, tactics, and targets, are often appealing for their symbolic associations, and especially, their association with particular social groups. The article fleshes out this dynamic through a case study of the rise and fall of participatory democracy in the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). Contrary to standard explanations for SNCC activists' repudiation of consensus-based and nonhierarchical decision making in the mid-1960s, I show that participatory democracy was abandoned when it came to be seen as ideological, oriented to personal self-transformation, and—no coincidence—as white. That was not the case earlier on, when participatory democracy was seen as practical, political, and black, and I account for that shift. Once established, however, participatory democracy's social associations shaped subsequent activist generations' view of the form's strengths and liabilities.

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De Baets, Antoon. „Democracy and Historical Writing / Democracia y escritura de la historia“. Historiografías, Nr. 9 (28.12.2017): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_historiografias/hrht.201592402.

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In this essay, we try to clarify the relationship between democracy and historical writing. The strategy is first exploring the general relationship between democracy and historical awareness, and then, studying the relationship between democracy and historical writing itself to find out whether democracy is a condition for science in general and for responsible historical writing in particular. We also investigate the reverse relationship by testing four claims: the zero thesis, the mirror thesis, the amplifier thesis, and the midwife thesis. The aim is to discover under which conditions historical writing can help foment a democratic culture. We argue that a democratic society is a necessary, though not sufficient, condition for sustained responsible historical writing. Conversely, responsible historical writing reflects democracy to a certain degree, because parts of its procedure are a practical demonstration of values central to democracy. It invests, however, less compromise and more quality control in its operation than the democratic process does. Plausible accounts of the histories of democracy and of historical injustice also strengthen democracy to a limited extent. The provisional historical truth sought after and presented, however, is not always accepted by the public. If it is, it may open old wounds; if it does not, by showing failures, it may undermine the promotion of democracy. Finally, rarely does historical writing shape democracy directly. We conclude, nevertheless, that as a precondition for a strong democratic historical awareness, hence for a democratic culture, the contribution of responsible historical writing, though limited, is necessary for the survival of democracy. They walk the same path to the end.Key WordsDemocracy, dictatorship, historical awareness, new democracies, restored democracies, responsible historical writing, science.ResumenEn este ensayo, intentamos clarificar las relaciones entre democracia y escritura de la historia. Nuestra estrategia consiste en explorar las relaciones generales entre democracia y conciencia histórica, y en estudiar las relaciones entre democracia e historiografía, intentando averiguar si la democracia es una condición para la ciencia en general, y para la escritura de la historia en particular. También investigamos la relación inversa examinando cuatro afirmaciones: la tesis cero, la tesis reflejo, la tesis amplificador y la tesis factor-clave. El objetivo es descubrir en qué condiciones la escritura de la historia puede ayudar a fomentar la cultura democrática. Sostenemos que una sociedad democrática es condición necesaria, aunque no suficiente, para una historiografía responsable que tenga un carácter sostenido. E inversamente: que una escritura de la historia responsable es reflejo de la democracia hasta cierto punto, porque las partes de su método son una demostración práctica de los valores esenciales de dicha democracia, aunque aquella implica menos compromiso y mayor control en la calidad de los pasos que da. Los relatos verosímiles de las historia de la democracia y de las injusticias históricas igualmente refuerzan la democracia en cierto modo. La verdad histórica provisional no siempre es aceptada en cambio por el público. Si lo es, puede abrir viejas heridas, y si no, puede minar la democracia al mostrar sus fracasos. Sostenemos también que raramente la escritura de la historia moldea directamente a la democracia. Concluimos sin embargo que, como precondición para una sólida conciencia histórica democrática y una cultura democrática, se necesita, pese a sus limitaciones, una escritura de la historia responsable, dado que ambas siguen el mismo camino.Palabras claveDemocracia, dictadura, conciencia histórica, nuevas democracias, democracias restauradas, escritura de la historia responsable, ciencia.

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22

McCrone, David. „Land, Democracy And Culture In Scotland“. Scottish Affairs 23 (First Serie, Nr. 1 (Mai 1998): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.1998.0023.

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23

Ianes, Raul, Saul Sosnowski und Louise B. Popkin. „Repression, Exile, and Democracy: Uruguayan Culture“. Hispanic Review 63, Nr. 4 (1995): 635. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/474765.

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24

Weinbaum, Marvin G. „Civic Culture and Democracy in Pakistan“. Asian Survey 36, Nr. 7 (01.07.1996): 639–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2645714.

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25

Butwin, Joseph. „Democracy and Popular Culture Before Reform“. Browning Institute Studies 17 (1989): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0092472500002637.

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The theatricality of modern politics is an axiom available to every headline writer, every talk show host, and every college professor. National and international politics have become a branch of theater which is a branch of advertising. And most people who bother to note this commonplace complain about it. With the presidency of a movie actor, the headline writers have tended more and more to acknowledge the metaphor that animates their own activity. The press with its words and pictures, the newsreel, and then television have very self-consciously assumed the function of the stage in this century. Politicians step in as its actors while ad agencies produce, and we the people quietly sequestered in our living rooms play an uneasy role as a dispersed and silent audience, the weakest component of a global metaphor that has been with us at least since Shakespeare's time.

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Weinbaum, Marvin G. „Civic Culture and Democracy in Pakistan“. Asian Survey 36, Nr. 7 (Juli 1996): 639–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1996.36.7.01p0147q.

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27

Schmitter, Philippe C. „Democracy Under Scrutiny: Elites, Citizens, Culture“. European Political Science 9, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2010): 511–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/eps.2010.63.

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28

Beeman, Jennifer, Nancy Guberman, Jocelyne Lamoureux, Danielle Fournier und Lise Gervais. „Beyond Structures to Democracy as Culture“. American Behavioral Scientist 52, Nr. 6 (Februar 2009): 867–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764208327663.

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29

Bergmark, Ulrika, Michelle Salopek, Roi Kawai und Jennifer Lane-Myler. „Facilitating Democracy in a Testing Culture“. Journal of Cases in Educational Leadership 17, Nr. 1 (12.02.2014): 32–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1555458913518539.

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30

Heffernan, Andrew. „Culture, Democracy and Development in Africa“. Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 53, Nr. 1 (02.01.2019): 190–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2019.1567014.

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31

Führ, Christoph. „Democracy and the Unity of Culture“. Western European Education 17, Nr. 2 (Juli 1985): 73–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/eue1056-4934170273.

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32

Alisky, Marvin, Saul Sosnowski und Louise B. Popkin. „Repression, Exile, and Democracy: Uruguayan Culture.“ Hispanic American Historical Review 75, Nr. 3 (August 1995): 499. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2517278.

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33

Peschek, Joseph. „Raymond williams: Culture, politics, and democracy“. New Political Science 14, Nr. 1 (Dezember 1993): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07393149308429697.

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34

Schiller, Nina Glick. „An introduction: Democracy, culture, and power“. Identities 8, Nr. 3 (September 2001): 411–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1070289x.2001.9962698.

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35

Johnson, Jeffrey Alan. „The Illiberal Culture of E-Democracy“. Journal of E-Government 3, Nr. 4 (30.05.2007): 85–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j399v03n04_05.

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36

Alisky, Marvin. „Repression, Exile, and Democracy: Uruguayan Culture“. Hispanic American Historical Review 75, Nr. 3 (01.08.1995): 499–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-75.3.499.

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37

López Morales, Gloria. „Heritage, Culture and Democracy in Mexico“. Diogenes 55, Nr. 4 (November 2008): 105–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0392192108096835.

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38

Avramović, Zoran. „Culture and democracy: Clearification of concepts“. Kultura, Nr. 160 (2018): 178–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/kultura1860178a.

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39

Muller, Edward N., und Mitchell A. Seligson. „Civic Culture and Democracy: The Question of Causal Relationships“. American Political Science Review 88, Nr. 3 (September 1994): 635–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2944800.

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A causal model of relationships between structural properties of states, civic culture attitudes of the general public, and change in level of democracy is tested with cross-national data. The model permits inferences about the possibility of unidirectional or reciprocal causation between civic culture attitudes and democracy, controlling for macrosocietal variables such as economic development, income inequality, and subcultural pluralism. Most civic culture attitudes do not have any significant impact on change in democracy. One of them, interpersonal trust, appears clearly to be an effect rather than a cause of democracy. The exception is the percentage of the general public that prefers gradual reform of society instead of revolutionary change or intransigent defense of the status quo. Support for gradual reform has a positive impact on change in democracy, and it is unrelated to a country's years of continuous democracy—findings that support the hypothesis of a unidirectional civic culture effect on democracy.

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Seung Jun, Han. „“The Culture Day” : Policy for democratizing culture or cultural democracy?“ Korean Public Administration Review 51, Nr. 1 (31.03.2017): 347. http://dx.doi.org/10.18333/kpar.2017.51.1.347.

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41

Wilujeng, Sri Rahayu. „MENINGKATKAN KUALITAS KEHIDUPAN BERBANGSA MELALUI BUDAYA DEMOKRASI“. HUMANIKA 19, Nr. 1 (18.10.2016): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/humanika.19.1.145-157.

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Abstract Democracy is the old issue has been discussed for long time anthusiasly. This idea of democracy appeared in Greek about two thousand and five hundred years ago. Now day implementation of democracy keep going on developed to get the best performance. The Indonesian Constitution stated. Democracy as a system in running government. Thus, consequently of this choice it must be applied imperatively. In fact, there are many problems appeared caused by implementation of democracy. It may not be comprehended as a political system. Basically this system arranges so many interests in society such as state and citizens. Thus such a system must be help by a supporting culture. That is democratic culture. This writing tries to descript what kind a culture have to develop in Indonesia. This culture is bear on a mental and moral attitude. It bases on Pancasila as a philosophy of Indonesia. It doesn’t only caused democracy running well, but it also guards democracy don’t losing its essence. Finally, democracy gives advantages for people as the owner of sovereignty. Keywords: democracy, culture, Pancasila

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Gruenwald, Oskar. „Culture, Religion and Politics“. Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 21, Nr. 1 (2009): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2009211/21.

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This essay proposes that while a "Christian" democracy may be too idealistic, liberal democracy presupposes transcendent moral and spiritual norms, in particular a Judeo-Christian foundation for human dignity and human rights. A Biblical understanding of human nature as fallible and imperfect susceptible to worldly temptations, emphasizes free choice and personal responsibility, and the imperative to limit the temporal exercise of power by any man or institution. Maritain's concept of integral or Christian humanism is founded on personalism, the unique value and dignity of each human being created in the image of God, and the need for community. The major challenge for literal democracy is how to reconcile individual freedom with socio-economic-political-legal institutions and processes which require the constraint of man-made laws and the exercise of authority and power The essay condudes that perhaps the major legacy of the American founding is the notion of the priority of liberty which offers the best prospects for conjoining reason and faith, the secular and the sacred, Athens and Jerusalem, The priority of liberty also animates Maritain's vision of a "Christianly-inspired" personalistic society capable of advancing both individual human flourishing and the common good.

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de la Garza, Rodolfo O., und Muserref Yetim. „The Impact of Ethnicity and Socialization on Definitions of Democracy: The Case of Mexican Americans and Mexicans“. Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 19, Nr. 1 (2003): 81–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2003.19.1.81.

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This paper argues that Mexican American views of democracy differ significantly from those of Mexicans because of their exposure to the political institutions and culture of the United States. Our results vindicate Diamond's claim that there is no better way of developing the values, skills, and commitments of democratic citizenship than through direct experience with democracy (Diamond 1999). Equally significant is that the study demonstrates that ethnic ties do not determine political attitudes. That is, despite a shared historical background and contemporary cultural commonalities, Mexican views of democracy differ from those of Mexican Americans. Este artíículo arguye que las visiones de la democracia de los mexicano-americanos difieren significativamente de las de los mexicanos debido a su exposicióón a las instituciones de políítica y cultura de los Estados Unidos. Nuestros resultados justifican la idea de Diamond de que no hay mejor manera de desarrollar los valores, habilidades y el compromiso con una ciudadaníía democráática qua a travéés de la experiencia directa con la democracia (Diamond 1999). De igual importancia, el estudio demuestra que los lazos éétnicos no determinan las actitudes polííticas. Esto es, a pesar de compartir un trasfondo históórico y de las concordancias culturales contemporááneas, las visiones de la democracia de los mexicanos difieren de las de los mexicano-americanos.

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Omirzakova, D. D. „Democratic revival of political culture“. BULLETIN Series of Sociological and Political sciences 72, Nr. 4 (30.12.2020): 39–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.51889/2020-4.1728-8940.06.

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In this article, a political culture is studied in conjunction with the cultural and spiritual ties formed in the course of history. The author reveals the essence of the concept of "democracy" and considers its versatility. Based on this, the essence of "democracy" is studied in combination with modern values, and its role in society is analyzed. Therefore, the fact that the form of power is also measured by culture has been examined in comparison with the political systems of history.

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Misak, Cheryl. „A Culture of Justification: The Pragmatist's Epistemic Argument for Democracy“. Episteme 5, Nr. 1 (Februar 2008): 94–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e1742360008000257.

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ABSTRACTThe pragmatist view of politics is at its very heart epistemic, for it treats morals and politics as a kind of deliberation or inquiry, not terribly unlike other kinds of inquiry. With the exception of Richard Rorty, the pragmatists argue that morals and politics, like science, aim at the truth or at getting things right and that the best method for achieving this aim is a method they sometimes call the scientific method or the method of intelligence – what would now be termed deliberative democracy. Hence, the pragmatists offer an argument for democracy which appeals to the quality of the decisions supplied by democratic procedure. Why should we value decisions that are the products of voting after open debate over private decision-making and then voting, over bargaining, or over elimination of those who disagree with us? We should value them because the deliberative democratic method is more likely to give us true or right or justified answers to our questions. Rorty, of course, thinks that no inquiry aims at the truth and that nothing about pragmatism speaks in democracy's favor. This paper will show how his brand of pragmatism betrays what is good and deeply interesting in the pragmatist tradition.

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Weidner, Chad. „Book Review of America after Nature: Democracy, Culture, Environment // Reseña de America after Nature: Democracy, Culture, Environment“. Ecozon@: European Journal of Literature, Culture and Environment 8, Nr. 1 (27.04.2017): 234–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.37536/ecozona.2017.8.1.1400.

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Casado, Juan Alberto Ruiz. „The Pandemic and its Repercussions on Taiwan, its Identity, and Liberal Democracy“. Open Cultural Studies 5, Nr. 1 (01.01.2021): 149–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2020-0123.

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Abstract The situation generated by the pandemic has meant the acceleration of the ongoing hegemonic clash between the United States and China, as well as the intensification of the anti-China narrative and a deplorable wave of Sinophobia throughout the world. In this context, Taiwan has become a strategic hot spot for the development of the rhetoric of the enemy. This study analyses some of the direct consequences of the ensuing friend/foe discourses in the Taiwanese milieu. In the context of a new Cold War, certain groups of power and their media apparatuses have embarked into a race to discursively distance the country as quickly as possible from the despised global enemy, not to be dragged down by the proximity and commonalities shared with China. Moreover, social polarization within Taiwan and contempt for the internal “enemies” pose an added challenge both for the maintenance of liberal democracy and the preservation of peace and self-government on the island. These outcomes are facilitated by underlying populist and nationalist processes of identity construction and hegemonic struggle: distinct discourses re-articulating the Taiwanese identity as an underdog people and a victimized nation.

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Slater, Philip. „Why Democracy is Taking Over Global Culture“. ReVision 30, Nr. 3 (01.01.2010): 15–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.4298/revn.30.3.4.15-19.

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Clammer, John, und Jonathan Vickery. „Special Issue Introduction: Development, Democracy and Culture“. Special Issue: Development, Democracy and Culture, Nr. 24 (23.12.2019): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/lgd.2019.2400.

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Tsumariev, Marat Ivanovych. „Culture of Local Democracy: Structure and Functions“. Politicus 1 (2018): 83–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.24195/2414-9616-2018-1-83-87.

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