Dissertationen: „Democracy and culture“

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Reyes, Alixon. „Culture of the Recreation, Democracy and Political Conscience“. Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/116818.

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Recreation is a universal cultural and intangible patrimony. Besides, it has to do with all those experiences lived and felt by a human being while a transformation takes place towards it that he wishes, needs and gasps. But, the recreation has been confused with entertainment and amusement, elements that form a way of being and a way of thinking producing a cultural emptying of the recreation turning it into a banal and instrumental matter. And do not think that this is neutral and innocent. On the contrary, it is a trend that marks the fingerprint of a neocoloniality. This way, the recreation is done, is bought and sold, is programmed and is planned, offers to the measurement the one who can buy it and the one who can pay it, leaving of side the experience humanizes as vital point.
La recreación es un patrimonio universal cultural e intangible. Además, tiene que ver con todas aquellas experiencias vividas y sentidas por un ser humano en tanto se produce una transformación hacia eso que desea, necesita y anhela. Pero, la recreación ha sido confundida con entretenimiento y diversión, elementos que configuran una forma de ser y una forma de pensar produciendo un vaciado cultural de la recreación convirtiéndola en un asunto banal e instrumental. Y no se piense que esto es neutro e inocente. Por el contrario, es una tendencia que marca la huella de una neocolonialidad. Así, la recreación se hace, se compra y se vende, se programa y se planifica, se ofrece a la medida de quien la puede comprar y de quien la puede pagar, dejando de lado la experiencia humana como punto vital.

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Szczelkun, Stefan. „Exploding cinema 1992-1999 : culture and democracy“. Thesis, Royal College of Art, 2002. http://westminsterresearch.wmin.ac.uk/1443/.

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Malvestio, Mateus Roberto Sposito [UNESP]. „Cultura política e clientelismo: uma análise conceital“. Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/141929.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)
O presente trabalho de dissertação propõe uma análise conceitual do Clientelismo, bem como suas práticas, formas de reprodução e conceitos inerentes tais como: patrimonialismo, troca política e simbólica, patronagem, máquina política, entre outros. Trata-se de refletir sobre o conceito, apoiado nos principais teóricos sobre o tema, esclarecendo como se caracteriza as relações clientelísticas no seio da sociedade, os atores sociais envolvidos e a natureza dessas relações, procurando entender o Clientelismo, como conceito, em sua forma mais tradicional e, posteriormente, como este muda e se adapta as novas realidades democráticas do Brasil pós 1988. Para tanto, é fundamental o entendimento de Cultura Política, uma vez que esse tipo manifestação, o clientelismo, se preserva de forma latente e quase institucionalizada em meio às relações políticas brasileiras, a compreensão de formas de representações, percepções ou significados que um indivíduo, ou sociedade, percebem a realidade é de suma importância para o entendimento da ação política dentro da concepção de Cultura Política e, consequentemente, do objeto de estudo aqui proposto. Sendo assim, por fim, o intuito da pesquisa é esclarecer e discutir concepções básicas do Clientelismo tradicional procurando esclarecer as mudanças ocorridas ao longo do tempo com o conceito a fim de que se possa identificar, analisar e expor suas principais características, promovendo um melhor entendimento das novas relações clientelísticas contemporâneas.
This work proposes a conceptual analysis of clientelism, and their practices, like forms of reproduction and inherent concepts including: patrimonialism, politics and symbolic exchange, patronage, politicial machine and others. It is to reflect on the concept, supported in the main theorists on the subject, clarifying how is the clientelistic relations in society, the actors involved in them and the nature of these relations trying to understand the clientelism, as a concept, in the traditional manner and, subsequently, as it changes and adapts to the new democratic realities of Brazil after 1988. Therefore, is fundamental the understanding of the Political Culture, once that this kind of manifestation, the clientelism is latently preserved and almost institutionalized among the Brazilian political, the forms of representations understanding perceptions and meaning that an individual or society perceptions about the real importance to understand the political action within the Politial Culture designe and consequently this object of study here proposed. Finally, this research purpose to clarify and discuss basic concepts of traditional clientelism seeking to clarify the changes over time with the concept so this way it can identify, analyze and present their main characteristics, promoting a better understanding of contemporary new clientelistic relations.
CNPq: 133300/2014-5

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Duarte, Jéssica da Silva. „Desempenho econômico e a consolidação da democracia : um estudo comparativo dos casos Brasil, Uruguai, Espanha e Finlândia“. reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/140093.

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O presente artigo tem por objetivo examinar se – como aponta parte da literatura - há alguma similaridade entre situação econômica e valores democráticos, isto é, se a variação ou estabilização se manifestam da mesma maneira nas duas dimensões. A importância deste trabalho reside no fato de que durante a segunda metade do século XX aconteceram a segunda e terceira ondas democráticas, fazendo com que o número de regimes que se definem como democracias aumentasse significativamente: nesse sentido, no final deste mesmo século e início do século seguinte, muitos países sofreram o impacto de crises econômicas e de queda da satisfação com os regimes democráticos e da confiança em suas instituições. Desse modo, para observar de que maneira a opinião pública se comporta diante das flutuações de índices econômicos, são verificados os casos do Brasil, Uruguai, Espanha e Finlândia, propondo-se uma análise de dados econômicos do Banco Mundial – no que diz respeito ao desemprego, inflação, PIB per capita, PIB crescimento anual, Índice de GINI - e do PNUD - sobreÍndice de Desenvolvimento Humano (IDH) - em comparação com indicadores de atitudes democráticas, como satisfação e confiança nas instituições públicas, do Latino e Eurobarômetro nos últimos vinte anos, para tentar descobrir se há, de fato, similaridade de comportamento entre as duas dimensões nestes países.
This article aims to examine whether - as points of the literature - there is a relationship between economic status and democratic values, in other words, if the variation or stabilization manifest the same way in two dimensions. The importance of this work lies in the fact that during the second half of the twentieth century happened the second and third democratic wave, causing the number of schemes that call themselves democracies increased significantly: in this sense, at the end of this same century and beginning of the next century, many countries suffered the impact of economic crises and loss of satisfaction with democratic regimes and trust in their institutions. Thus, to observe how the public opinion behaves in the face of economic indices fluctuations, are verified the cases of Brazil, Uruguay, Spain and Finland, proposing a World Bank economic data analysis - with regard to unemployment, inflation, GDP per capita, GDP annual growth, GINI index and of the UNDP data about Human Development Index (HDI) - compared with democratic attitudes indicators such as satisfaction and trust in public institutions, of Latinobarómetro and Eurobarometer in the last twenty years to find out if there is, indeed, the relationship between the two dimensions in these countries.

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Del, Porto Fabiola Brigante 1977. „Jovens da democracia? = valores políticos das coortes da juventude brasileira no período democrático recente (1989-2006)“. [s.n.], 2012. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280037.

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Orientador: Rachel Meneguello
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Esta tese estuda os valores políticos dos sucessivos grupos de jovens "em formação" no cenário da democratização brasileira e os compara àqueles expressos por seus concidadãos mais velhos, que viveram, pelo menos, o regime militar. O estudo é baseado na análise longitudinal de surveys nacionais realizados em 1989, 1993 e 2006 e as variáveis utilizadas são a preferência por regimes políticos, a confiança nas instituições representativas, a percepção da eficácia política, o voto voluntário, os hábitos de conversa e informação políticas e a participação em associações ou comunidades de bairro. Com os pressupostos de que a socialização política ocorre por toda a vida e que as experiências políticas mais recentes, com o regime corrente, importam mais na avaliação e adesão a esse regime, a hipótese da tese aponta que a faixa etária dos indivíduos - como "coorte" ou como "ciclo de vida" - não tem impacto independente sobre aqueles aspectos de seu envolvimento político-institucional e democrático. A partir do cenário da adesão majoritária à democracia dos brasileiros e seus paradoxos, a análise dos dados pautou-se em técnicas estatísticas descritivas e exploratórias para visualizar os padrões de transmissão geracional nas mudanças e continuidades da cultura política dos brasileiros e em que medida os jovens que viveram seus "anos formativos" durante a democratização brasileira acompanharam essas tendências atitudinais. Os processamentos estatísticos utilizados (testes de associação, regressões logísticas e análise de agrupamentos) apontaram não haver diferenças marcantes nos valores políticos dos cidadãos brasileiros relacionadas à sua coorte de nascimento. Através do período, apenas a desconfiança política diminuiu em patamares sustentados da coorte mais nova a mais velha, levando a perguntar se as diferenças etárias na desconfiança política não eram, então, efeitos do "ciclo de vida" dos cidadãos ou efeitos composicionais, tendo em vista os crescentes níveis de instrução dos jovens no período estudado. A comparação longitudinal da desconfiança de indivíduos nas mesmas faixas etárias mostrou que as diferenças por faixas etárias também foram significativas, mas diminutas através do período. Por outro lado, quando se comparou o impacto do grau de instrução sobre a desconfiança por faixas etárias, o efeito sobre os jovens em "anos formativos" foi até menor do que sobre seus concidadãos mais velhos. Através do tempo, o controle do grau de instrução afetou, no entanto, a preferência por regimes, sugerindo que os jovens dependem da mediação do aprendizado escolar para a construção de suas preferências políticas, dado que não viveram o regime autoritário
Abstract: This thesis studies the political values of successive groups of young people "in formation" in the Brazil's recent democratization as compared to its older fellow citizens, who lived, at least, the military regime. The study is based on longitudinal analysis of national surveys carried out in 1989, 1993 and 2006 and the variables used are the preference for political regimes, the trust in representative institutions, the perception of the political efficacy, the voluntary vote, the habits of discuss and access at political information and participation associations or communities in the neighborhood or city. From the scenario of the majority adherence to the democracy of the Brazilian citizens and its paradoxes, data analysis was based on descriptive and exploratory statistics to visualize the generational patterns transmission in the changes and continuities of the political culture of the Brazilian and the extent to which young people lived their "formative years" in the time of the Brazilian democratization accompanied those attitudinal trends. The statistical procedures used (tests of association, logistic regression and cluster analysis) showed no remarkable differences in political values of Brazilian citizens related to their birth cohort. Through the period, only the political distrust sustained levels decreased from the youngest cohort to the oldest one, leading to ask whether the age differences in political distrust were not effects of "life cycle" of citizens or compositional effects, taking into seen rising levels of education of the Brazilian youth during the studied period. A longitudinal comparison of distrust of individuals in the same age groups showed that the differences by age were also significant but diminutive through the period. On the other hand, when comparing the impact of schooling on the distrust for age groups, the effect on young people in "formative years" was even less than about older fellow citizens. Over time, the control of the degree's instruction affected, however, the preference for the political regime; this suggest the youth depends on the mediation of school learning for the formation of their political preferences, since they didn't live the authoritarian regime
Doutorado
Ciencia Politica
Doutor em Ciência Política

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Santos, Rubenilda Sodré dos. „Cultura política e participação no Recôncavo baiano hoje: uma análise sobre Cachoeira e São Felix“. Programa de Pós- Graduação em Ciências Sociais da UFBA, 2009. http://www.repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/11359.

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Esta dissertação visa à compreensão de valores de cultura política e de padrões de participação desenvolvidos numa região histórica da Bahia – o Recôncavo Baiano, uma fértil e extensa região costeira do estado da Bahia onde se encontram duas importantes cidades: Cachoeira e São Félix. A dissertação considera o debate teórico acerca dos significados da política na sociedade contemporânea do ponto de vista da participação política, da memória coletiva e do reconhecimento social. Objetiva compreender como os modernos processos democráticos são impulsionados pela globalização e seus níveis de expressão política e cultural e como estes podem influenciar comunidades locais através da mobilização de valores e práticas inovadoras de participação, disseminando experiências que transcendem os contextos locais e regionais influenciados, por sua vez, pelas escalas nacionais e internacionais de cultura política e práticas sociais. A pesquisa fundamenta-se numa análise de fontes secundárias e em vinte e duas entrevistas realizadas com três grupos específicos de atores das duas cidades: a) atores políticos; b) atores econômicos e c) atores de entidades culturais e associativas. A análise conclui, de maneira geral, que a cultura política local coexiste com valores e práticas mais avançados o que pode sugerir um padrão lento, mas persistente, de mudanças na região.
Salvador

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Peksevgen, Burcu [Verfasser]. „Presentation of Democracy Culture and News in Turkish Media : Issues of Scientific Responsibility and Democracy / Burcu Peksevgen“. Frankfurt a.M. : Peter Lang GmbH, Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, 2021. http://d-nb.info/1228749612/34.

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Zhang, Limei. „Political culture and democracy : a study of the Irish case“. Master's thesis, FEUC, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10316/26609.

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Santos, Luana Maiara dos. „Conselho municipal de cultura de Diamantina (gest?o 2009?2012): um estudo de caso“. UFVJM, 2015. http://acervo.ufvjm.edu.br/jspui/handle/1/998.

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RESUMO A disserta??o ?Conselho Municipal de Cultura de Diamantina um estudo de caso? foi elaborada por meio da an?lise de dados das atas referentes ao per?odo da gest?o 2009 a 2012 do Conselho de Cultura. Na pesquisa foi explanado sobre a democracia e participa??o referente ao conselho e os tipos de democracia, na perspectiva de conhecer como vem constituindo a democracia direta, deliberativa, representativa e participativa nos conselhos. Al?m disso, o trabalho apresentou a hist?ria dos conselhos que s?o instrumentos de articula??o entre o Estado e a Sociedade em rela??o ?s decis?es das pol?ticas p?blicas. Nesta disserta??o foi importante apresentar a ideia de cultura e o que vem a ser cultura pol?tica e pol?ticas culturais pelos novos significados e interpreta??es culturais dominantes da pol?tica, fomentadas pela modernidade. Para investigar o estudo de caso mostrou a legalidade e estrutura do Conselho de Cultura em n?meros. Utilizou-se a an?lise de conte?do que foi um instrumento metodol?gico aplicado ao conte?do escrito, por meio de interpreta??o e reflex?o baseadas na dedu??o e interfer?ncia interpretativa. Nesse sentindo constatou, avan?os relevantes por meio das atas, regimentos, planos, programas, projetos, interven??es culturais, reformula??o de segmentos culturais no Conselho de Cultura. Contudo era preciso um car?ter mais ativo do conselho na cidade de Diamantina, sobretudo de maneira democr?tica participativa e representativa nas reuni?es para o exerc?cio de uma cidadania ativa nas decis?es que priorize de maneira satisfat?ria os interesses da sociedade.
Disserta??o (Mestrado Profissional) ? Programa de P?s-Gradua??o em Ci?ncias Humanas, Universidade Federal dos Vales do Jequitinhonha e Mucuri, 2015
ABSTRACT The dissertation "City Council Diamantina Culture a case study" was prepared by the minutes regarding data analysis to the period 2009 to 2012 the management of the Council of Culture. In the survey was explained on democracy and participation concerning the council and the types of democracy, the prospect of meeting comes as constituting direct democracy, deliberative, representative and participatory on the council. Moreover, the work presents the history of the councils that are instruments of coordination between the state and society in relation to public policy decisions. In this work was important to present the idea of culture and what comes to political culture and cultural policies by new meanings and interpretations of the dominant cultural politics, promoted by modernity. To investigate the case study showed the legality and structure of the Council of Culture in numbers. We used the content analysis it was a methodological tool applied to written content through interpretation and reflection based on deduction and interpretative interference. Accordingly found, relevant advances through the minutes, regulations, plans, programs, projects, cultural interventions, reformulation of cultural segments in the Council of Culture. However it took a more active character of the council in the city of Diamantina, especially participatory and representative democratic manner in the meetings for the exercise of active citizenship in the decisions that prioritize satisfactorily the interests of society.

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Regenhardt, Christy Erin. „The psychology of democracy psychological concepts in American culture, 1940-1965 /“. College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/3355.

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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2006.
Thesis research directed by: History. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.

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Atashroo, Hazel A. „Beyond the 'Campaign for a Popular Culture' : community art, activism and cultural democracy in 1980s London“. Thesis, University of Southampton, 2017. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/414571/.

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This thesis offers a new cultural history of State sponsored cultural production in London under the Labour led Greater London Council during the 1980s, bringing the GLC’s cultural policy interventions to the attention of historians of art and culture. The Greater London Council’s Arts and Recreation Committee, and in particular its new ‘Community Arts’ and ‘Ethnic Arts’ Sub-Committees, sought to challenge the Arts Council’s dominant model of cultural sponsorship which aimed to broaden public access to ‘the arts’. The GLC attempted instead to foster a participative ‘cultural democracy’ in London, often centred upon particular political themes and identities. Alongside existing accounts which focus exclusively upon the GLC’s cultural policy discourse, this new cultural history attends to the other side of the sponsorship equation, namely, what cultural forms were prioritised by the various committees, how such policies were perceived by the recipient cultural producers, what cultural texts were produced as a result of GLC sponsorship and how these cultural forms were received more broadly. It explores how the GLC impacted upon cultural production in London, looking to the interrelationship between particular GLC sponsored cultural outputs, whether artworks, murals, posters or films, and wider political and social themes pertinent to that historical moment. In particular, this thesis interrogates cultural forms funded under the auspices of two city-wide campaigns, ‘GLC Peace Year’ (1983) and ‘London Against Racism’ (1984), in order to consider the relationship between GLC cultural sponsorship, cultural production, new social movement activism and democratic participation. Cultural forms of nuclear criticism were funded during ‘Peace Year’ to raise awareness about the GLC’s Nuclear-Free Zone, contradicting central government’s nuclear stance in 1983. These included artist-commissioned poster campaigns and banners, peace murals, pop concerts, community theatre, photography exhibitions and documentary films, including some related to peace activism by women. This case study traces Peace Year’s cultural output to consider the effects of this appeal to London’s nuclear anxieties. The second case study offers a re-reading of the GLC’s new ‘Ethnic Arts’ Sub-Committee’ and its attempts to instigate an anti-racist cultural policy, as part of a broader campaign that sought to address the issue of discrimination in London and across all areas of Council work. It begins by recording a number of the GLC’s initiatives in this area, including its sponsorship of various forms of black cultural production and in particular, the controversial ‘Anti-Racist Mural Project’. Through an examination of contemporaneous and subsequent critical accounts of the GLC’s experiments alongside Council minutes and papers, this account adds nuance to existing narratives by identifying the climate of coexisting and competing discourses at the GLC relating to the state sponsorship of culture and diversity. Ultimately, ‘Beyond The ‘Campaign For A Popular Culture’: Community Art, Activism And Cultural Democracy In 1980s London’ presents a history of the practices and policies of the GLC that is pointedly cultural in focus and attempts to open this field of study to researchers interested in visual culture, art history, community art, identity politics, activism and urban history, alongside those with an interest in cultural policy making at a local government level.

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Kim, Sae-Eun. „Communication, culture and the Korean public sphere“. Thesis, University of Sussex, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324185.

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The aim of this thesis is to analyse the public communication activities of Korean people from the Chason dynasty to the present day using the conceptual category of the public sphere theorised by Jurgen Habermas. It is mainly concerned with two fundamental issues: the issue of 'communication and democracy,' and that of 'communication and culture.' Emphasising tradition and culture as among the most significant elements in the consideration of communicative action and the public sphere in the Korean context, the thesis takes issue with the claims to universality in Habermas's theory. My argument is that Habermas's theory cannot easily be applied to non-Western societies unless there is sufficient consideration of their idiosyncratic traditions and cultures. To develop this argument, the thesis addresses the impact of Confucianism on speech acts in Korea and the extent of their difference from those in a Western context. In identifying 'silence' as a key term, the situation of women in Korean cultures is particularly pertinent. The second consideration is the question of political authoritarianism which is responsible for the repression of free expression of opinion in collusion with Confucianism. I have discovered that several kinds of public domains of communication have developed through Korean history, despite those two repressing mechanisms, Confucianism and political authoritarianism, public domains which I suggest are more appropriately called 'the public sphere' according to Habermas's terminology. It is meaningful to filter and interpret various communication activities across historical periods from within the analytic framework of the public sphere. In relation to modem Korea, the thesis focuses on the media-saturated public sphere and the current civil movements to demonstrate the dynamics between power and money and their impact on the democratisation process

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Kanra, Bora. „Deliberating across difference : bringing social learning into the theory and practise of deliberative democracy in the case of Turkey /“. View thesis entry in Australia Digital Theses Program, 2004. http://thesis.anu.edu.au/public/adt-ANU20051202.161618/index.html.

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Shane, Rebecca Ilana. „The Importance of Cultural Identity to Liberal Democracy“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2264.

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The challenge facing liberal theories of democracy is to describe an organization of state that both legitimates state power and protects individual liberty. In Democratic Rights: The Substance of Self-Government, Corey Brettschneider develops the value theory of democracy that resolves this tension. By locating the democratic ideal in a set of core values with both procedural and substantive implications, the value theory legitimates state coercion only when it protects citizens’ rights. While the value theory guarantees both substantive and procedural rights, this thesis will show that Brettschneider fails to account for the necessity of a secure cultural context, without which members of a minority culture may not be able to enjoy the core values as Brettschneider intends. Yet, the value theory of democracy can maintain a commitment to equality and autonomy when amended to have specific ethnic and cultural identity protections. Ultimately, this thesis will argue that the amended value theory provides a framework for citizens to both evaluate laws and correct injustices based on whether or not the policies uphold the core values.

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Neves, Angela Vieira. „Clientelismo, cultura politica e democracia : dilemas e desafios da participação popular : a experiencia do orçamento participativo da cidade de Barra Mansa“. [s.n.], 2006. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280316.

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Orientador: Evelina Dagnino
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Esta tese buscou analisar o impacto do orçamento participativo enquanto um novo instrumento de inovação democrática na cultura política local a partir da afirmação de que esse instrumento tensiona a política mais conservadora presente em diferentes municípios brasileiros. Trata-se de pesquisar nesta tese a tensa relação no exercício da política quando o OP é colocado em prática. A questão a que se tenta responder é: Como se verifica o impacto provocado pela inovação democrática, pela gestão participativa, com o OP sobre a cultura política? Tomando como ponto de partida essas indagações analisamos os efeitos políticos a partir de um estudo de caso sobre o OP em Barra Mansa, Rio de Janeiro. A contaminação de práticas culturais conservadoras como o clientelismo coloca um desafio à democracia participativa. Constatou-se também que um dos maiores conflitos com o OP se deu com aqueles vereadores, inclusive do PT, acostumados a reproduzir uma prática menos democrática na intermediação de interesses com a população por meio do favor e do clientelismo. O que encontramos no estudo de caso foi que o sucesso democrático de uma experiência de participação popular depende bem mais dos aspectos culturais e políticos presentes na sociedade brasileira. Essa tese mostrou que há um hibridismo na cultura política exercida pelos diferentes atores quer sejam da sociedade civil ou dos aparelhos do Estado que acionam mecanismos democráticos e clientelistas na intermediação de interesses públicos e coletivos. Além disso, confirmou-se a hipótese de que a cultura política é uma variável fundamental para o estudo sobre experiências participativas, pois pode limitar a construção da cidadania ativa e a ampliação da esfera pública quando existe a presença de forte tendência clientelista entre as práticas políticas dos atores sociais presentes na sociedade civil em diferentes municípios
Abstract: This thesis searched to analyze the participated budget¿s impact as a new democratic innovation instrument in the local politics culture, considering the affirmation that it pressures the politics more conservatives, present in different Brazilian cities. It is treated to search in this thesis the tense relation in the politics exercising, whenever the participated budget is placed in pratical. The question is how is verified the impact provoked by the democratic innovation, by the participated management, with the participated budget on the politics culture? Starting from these questions, we have analyzed the politics effects considering the case study participated budget on Barra Mansa, Rio de Janeiro. The contamination of cultural pratical conservatives as the client¿s relation, becomes a challenge for the participated democracy. It has concluded also that one of the biggest conflicts with the participated budget was developed with the councilmen, including the members of PT, accustomed to reproduce a pratical less democratic in the interest¿ intermediate with the population through doing favors and client¿s relations. What we have found in this study¿s case was that the democratic success of an experience envolving the popular participation, depends on more the culture and politics¿ aspects presents in Brazilian society. This thesis showed that there is a hybridism in the politics¿ culture, exercised by the different actors, members of the civil society as well as the State¿s apparatus that gesticulate democratic mechanisms based in client¿s relations in intermediate of public and collective interests. Moreover, it was confirmed the hypothesis of that culture politics is a variable basic for the study on participated experiences, because it can limit the construction of the active citizenship and the public sphere¿s magnifying when the presence of strong client¿s relations trend exists between the social actors¿ practical politics presents in the civil society in different cities
Doutorado
Doutor em Ciências Sociais

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Oladepo, Oluwatomi Temilola. „The digital public sphere : developing a culture of democracy in contemporary Nigeria“. Thesis, University of Warwick, 2015. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/73097/.

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The rise of digital media in Nigerian public life is evident in a variety of contexts – from how mainstream journalists gather news and information, to how young people express their dissatisfaction with the government on matters of concern, such as the case of the 276 kidnapped Chibok Girls (April 2014). This thesis is an investigation into the growing use of digital media in Nigeria, and identifies significant developments in Nigerian democracy through a growing ‘digital public sphere’. New communication skills of dialogue and deliberation are being cultivated through an improvised and often creative use of digital media, and ‘netizens’ [citizens active on the Internet] are purposively generating social, political and cultural consciousness. To explore this embryonic digital public sphere in Nigeria, field research was conducted in the form of historical, political and interview based research with active digital media users. The interviewees featured journalists, citizen journalists, bloggers, public officials, social activists, religious leaders, and cultural producers, and revolved around current uses of digital media technologies, online dialogue and key issues, and digital media as a tool for democracy in Nigeria’s future development. Largely on the basis of the interview data, this thesis argues that despite a discernible ‘culture’ of democracy cultivated through pervasive use of digital media, a digital public sphere can only be realised in a democratic-enabling political environment. This would necessitate public officials engaging in public dialogue; protections from harassment, insults and cyber-bullying; and the digital media infrastructure being developed, accessible and affordable. Furthermore, this thesis identifies how an effective digital public sphere will only function where the agencies of mass media are willing to take more active roles in collaborating with citizens online in order to cultivate transparency in public affairs, and also disseminate vital information, and work for widespread digital access.

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Al-Braizat, Fares Abdelhafez. „Islam, Muslims, and liberal democracy in the Middle East : Jordan in comparative perspective“. Thesis, University of Kent, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270679.

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Chissini, Mônica de Souza. „Culturas de gestão democrática na rede municipal de ensino de Caxias do Sul/RS (1983-1996)“. reponame:Repositório Institucional da UCS, 2017. https://repositorio.ucs.br/handle/11338/3608.

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Esta dissertação investiga o processo de democratização da Rede Municipal de Ensino de Caxias do Sul/RS, entre os anos de 1983 e 1996, e tem por objetivo identificar e analisar que categorias de culturas de gestão democrática podem ser evidenciadas, atentando para as práticas no contexto anunciado. O recorte temporal do estudo é de 1983, quando foi realizado o primeiro Simpósio Municipal de Educação, até 1996, período marcado por transição política no município e reestruturações na Secretaria Municipal de Educação, bem como pela promulgação da Lei de Diretrizes e Bases em nível nacional. A pesquisa está ancorada no campo da História Cultural e alicerça-se no referencial teórico-metodológico da análise documental e da história oral. Assim, é operada sobretudo a partir das contribuições de Certeau (1985, 2012, 2014), Chartier (1994, 2002), Hall (1997, 2011, 2012) e Pesavento (2003) acerca de culturas, práticas e representações. Os documentos analisados incluem textos legais, relatórios anuais de atividades da Secretaria Municipal de Educação e Cultura, entrevistas disponíveis no AHMJSA, impressos produzidos por docentes e discentes, história oral de seis sujeitos implicados na RME de Caxias do Sul no período investigado, dentre outros. Resultados apontam para a efetivação de práticas democráticas, cujos desdobramentos permitem construir categorias de culturas de gestão democrática, as quais podem ser definidas como conjuntos de prescrições e práticas de gestão que constituíram processos democráticos na RME de Caxias do Sul a partir de: a) práticas de abertura participativa e organização da rede; b) práticas de ampliação do acesso e qualificação da educação; c) práticas de profissionalização docente e d) práticas de construção de identidade(s) do docente municipal. Assim, verificam-se práticas que vieram a democratizar a participação de diferentes segmentos e organizar a rede na perspectiva do planejamento participativo, garantindo melhoria de ensino e profissionalização docente. Além disso, identificam-se processos identitários que colocaram em xeque representações desprestigiadas do docente municipal e afirmaram as identidade(s) da categoria no âmbito local. Concluindo, identificam-se prescrições e práticas que democratizaram a RME entre 1983 e 1996, as quais provocaram rupturas e constituíram novos modos de fazer a gestão no contexto investigado. Desse modo, busca-se contribuir para visibilizar o processo de democratização da referida rede e constituir uma história que evidencie processos identitários no âmbito do magistério municipal.
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This dissertation investigates the process of democratization of the municipal education system of Caxias do Sul/RS, between 1983 and 1996. It aims to identify and analize which cultures of democratic management can be evidenced, with attention to its practices. The timeline of this study has its starting point in 1983, when the first Public Education Symposium takes place, and it ends in 1996, a period of significant political change, which is marked by the reorganization of the Municipal Department of Education and Culture in Caxias do Sul and also by the publication of the new Law of Directives and Bases of National Education in Brazil. The theoretical perspective of this research is Cultural History and, for this reason, it has a theoretical and methodological framework of document analysis and oral history. It is grounded mainly by the contributions of Certeau (1985, 2012, 2014), Chartier (1994, 2002), Hall (1997, 2011, 2012) and Pesavento (2003) on culture, practices and representations.The documents reviewed in the analysis include legal texts, annual reports from the Municipal Department of Education and Culture, documents produced by teachers and students, interviews available at AHMJSA and oral history narratives from six different people connected to the education system of Caxias do Sul in the investigated time period and so forth. The results point to the realization of democratic practices and their unfolding lead to the construction of cultures of democratic management, which can be defined as systems of policies and practices of management that formed democratic processes in the education system of Caxias do Sul pertaining: a) practices of participatory openness and system organization; b) practices of expanded access and quality of education; c) practices of teacher qualification and d) practices concerning identity building of the municipal teacher. Therefore, there is indication of practices that brought about democratization, enhancing participation of different segments, and organization of the municipal education system with a view to participatory planning, thus ensuring improvement of education and teaching development. Furthermore, it is possible to highlight identity processes that denounced discredited representations linked to the municipal teachers and hence affirmed their identities. In conclusion, the findings point to policies and practices that democratized the education system of Caxias do Sul/RS between 1983 and 1996, by calling into question representations and establishing new ways of making educational management in the researched context. Therefore, the study aims to contribute by giving more visibility to the process of democratization of the education system in Caxias do Sul and by constituting a history that highlights processes of construction of the municipal teachers’ professional identities.

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Canedo, Daniele Pereira. „Cultura, democracia e participação social: um estudo da II Conferência Estadual de Cultura da Bahia“. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Cultura e Sociedade da UFBA, 2008. http://www.repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/10590.

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A presente dissertação analisa a participação social na elaboração de políticas públicas de cultura, tendo como objeto de estudo a II Conferência Estadual de Cultura da Bahia, realizada entre agosto e outubro de 2007. Buscando compreender a importância da deliberação popular para as políticas culturais, foi realizada uma pesquisa com participantes da II Conferência Estadual de Cultura. Este trabalho apresenta os resultados da pesquisa, analisando-os a partir de reflexões sobre a democracia, nos aspectos da representação e da participação; sobre o papel central que a cultura ocupa na sociedade contemporânea; e sobre o contexto histórico das políticas públicas de cultura nos âmbitos nacional e estadual. Nesta investigação foi possível constatar que a gestão pública da cultura deve ter por objetivo a cidadania cultural, de modo a incentivar o envolvimento popular na esfera de decisão para que as ações possam efetivamente contribuir para o desenvolvimento humano.
Salvador

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Hesk, Jonathan Peter. „Deception, democracy and ideology : the rhetoric of self-representation in Classical Athenian culture“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.627018.

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Candiá, Raquel Noceli Neves. „O papel das festas e liturgias na constituição da sociedade brasileira“. Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), 2014. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/5495.

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CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
Neste trabalho nos dedicamos a analisar o papel das festas e liturgias na constituição da sociedade brasileira. Nossa hipótese é a de que as festas, no período colonial e na vida do povo brasileiro, até os nossos dias, não constituem apenas elementos de uma sociedade puramente tradicional, mas que elas podem aqui ser percebidas como o que conceituamos de “Festa Produtiva”, constituindo-se em elemento de produção de sociabilidade e da própria sociedade. O trabalho delimita-se nos primeiros séculos do Brasil (séculos XVI a XIX) e tem como pano de fundo o Barroco, traço específico da linguagem dos afetos. No decorrer do trabalho, identificamos que as formas usuais de explicação da festa nas Ciências Sociais são fundadas em teorias hegemônicas das Ciências Sociais, constituindo assim visões redutoras da festa, na medida em que não asseguram a autonomia da mesma e a percebem, apenas, em seu caráter reprodutor e não como tendo um papel fundador. Para explicar essa percepção da festa nas Ciências Sociais, analisamos a passagem da sociedade medieval para a Moderna, segundo o modelo hegemônico weberiano, juntamente com as teorias clássicas usuais da festa, considerando clássicos da sociologia, antropologia e filosofia. Ressaltamos um caminho novo de interpretação da festa, através da literatura de Jorge Amado (2008), Tocaia grande e de Guimarães Rosa (2006), Uma estória de amor, nas quais encontramos novas possiblidades de analisar a festa e de afirmar o termo “Festa Produtiva”. A literatura exemplifica a “Festa Produtiva”, pois ela consegue romper com o conceito de estrutura/superestrutura, garantindo, assim, a autonomia da festa e ampliando sua interpretação de modo intuitivo. Na teoria de Roy Wagner (2010), encontramos subsídios para explicar o conceito da “Festa Produtiva”. Ao final, analisamos três grandes festas do período analisado: a “Festa do Triunfo Eucarístico”, a “Festa do Divino” e o “Carnaval”, buscando, através da linguagem dos afetos e da teoria levantada, explicitar o papel da festa nos primeiros séculos do Brasil, constituindo, os períodos festivos, momentos de teatralização da sociedade para si mesma, um artifício do Barroco de extrema importância para que a população aqui reunida conseguisse se identificar como uma sociedade.
In this work it was analyzed the role of feasts and liturgies in the constitution of Brazilian society. Our hypothesis is that the feasts of the colonial period and still present in the life of Brazilian people nowadays doesn’t bring up only elements of a purely traditional society, but that they can be understood as the concept of “Productive Feast”, constituting a production element of sociability and society itself. This work is contained within the borders of the first centuries of Brazilian history (centuries XVI through XIX) and have as background the Baroque, specific trait of the language of affection. During the research it was identified that the regular explanations for feasts in Social Sciences are founded in hegemonic theories of Social Sciences, thus constituting a reductive vision of the feast, once they do not ensure its autonomy and perceive it only in its reproductive characteristics and not as having a founding role. To explain this perception of feasts in Social Sciences we analyzed the transition from medieval to modern society, following the hegemonic weberian model along with the other usual classic theories applied to the feasts studies, considering the classics of sociology, anthropology and philosophy. We emphasize a new way to interpret the feast through the work of Jorge Amado (2008) “Tocaia Grande” and Guimarães Rosa (2006) “Um estória de Amor”, in which we found new possibilities for the analysis of the feasts and reassure the term “Productive Feast”. The literature exemplifies the “Productive Feast” once it breaks with the concept of structure/superstructure, ensuring the autonomy of the feast and widening its interpretation in an intuitive way. In the theory of Roy Wagner (2010) we found subsidies to explain the concept of “Productive Feast”. In the end we analyzed three major feasts of the studied period: Feast of Eucharistic Triumph, Feast of The Divine and Carnival, bringing though the language of affection and the theory brought the role of the feast in the first centuries of the Brazilian history, constituting, the festive times, moments of theatralization of the society for it’s own perception, one extremely important artifice of the baroque so as the people here could identify themselves as a society.

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Bandeira, JoÃo Tancredo SÃ. „Juventudes, culturas e cidadanias: diÃlogos em perspectivas numa ONG na periferia da cidade de Fortaleza“. Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2010. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=4781.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgico
Essa pesquisa investiga a formaÃÃo dos jovens e das jovens na periferia Sul da cidade de Fortaleza (bairro Pedra e adjacÃncias), a partir da aÃÃo da sociedade civil na instÃncia educativa da OrganizaÃÃo NÃo-Governamental (ONG), denominada Centro Cultural- Educativo, de Lazer, InformaÃÃo Trabalho e AÃÃo Social â CELITA. Fundamenta-se em estudos que tecem convergÃncias entre a Teoria da AÃÃo Comunicativa, do pensador alemÃo JÃrgen Habermas e a Pedagogia DialÃgica do educador brasileiro Paulo Freire, privilegiando aproximaÃÃes da realidade social por meio da pesquisa-aÃÃo. Novas demandas e novos sujeitos surgiram no cenÃrio nacional a partir da renovaÃÃo cultural produzida pelo processo de democratizaÃÃo do Brasil. Entre as novas questÃes pautadas pela sociedade civil organizada, principalmente, as ONGs, emergiu a discussÃo crÃtica sobre a tematizaÃÃo social da juventude e a necessidade de superar tradicionais prÃticas autoritÃrias e excludentes nesse segmento social, na busca por trilhar perspectivas embasadas na autonomia, na defesa de direitos e na participaÃÃo social ativa. Conforme os estudos efetivados, tal conjuntura implicou no duplo desafio para as ONGs brasileiras: inovar as ideias e as prÃticas em relaÃÃo Ã juventude e, concomitantemente, discutir seu processo de reestruturaÃÃo considerando, principalmente, os aspectos relacionados natureza, missÃo e objetivos dessas instituiÃÃes sociais. O Centro Cultural CELITA vivenciou o referido contexto. Esta tese tem como objeto central a construÃÃo do saber de forma processual e intersubjetiva nas interaÃÃes com os sujeitos da pesquisa no cotidiano em foco, para afirmar, que nÃo obstante a fragilidade da estrutura e do funcionamento dessa entidade, ela Ã uma instituiÃÃo flexÃvel e dinÃmica, que proporciona a produÃÃo de atitudes e valores positivos com relaÃÃo Ã juventude, contribuindo significativamente, para a formaÃÃo cidadÃ dos jovens e das jovens envolvidos com suas atividades. AlÃm do mais, estimula na juventude a visÃo crÃtica da sociedade e a participaÃÃo em aÃÃes polÃticas e movimentos sociais, tanto de defesa de direitos, quanto pela melhoria da qualidade de vida no local onde atua. O trabalho do Centro Cultural CELITA possui grande legitimidade na regiÃo onde se insere e por meio das atividades cultural-educativas que desenvolve, vem adquirindo maior reconhecimento no cenÃrio da cidade de Fortaleza como uma entidade voltada para a promoÃÃo das polÃticas pÃblicas para a juventude e defesa da democracia.
This research investigates the education of young men and women on the southern outskirts of Fortaleza (Pedra district and vicinity), through the action of the civil society in the educational sphere of the non-governmental organization (NGO) called Centro Cultural-Educativo, de Lazer, InformaÃÃo, Trabalho e AÃÃo Social â CELITA. It is based on studies that establish convergence between The Theory of Communicative Action, by the German thinker JÃrgen Habermas and the Pedagogia DialÃgica, by the Brazilian educator Paulo Freire, privileging approaches to social reality through research-action. New demands and new subjects have appeared in the national scenario due to the cultural renewal produced by the democratization process in Brazil. Among the new issues related to the organized civil society, especially, the NGOs, there emerged a critical discussion about the social thematization of the youth, and the need to overcome traditional authoritarian and exclusive practices in this segment of society, in search of pursuing perspectives based on autonomy, defense of rights, and active social participation. According to studies on this issue, such conjuncture implied in a double-folded challenge to Brazilian NGOs: innovate ideas and practices towards the youth, and, concomitantly, discuss their process of restructuring, taking into account, mainly, the aspects related to nature, mission, and objectives of these social institutions. Centro Cultural CELITA has gone through this context. This thesis has as its core object the building of processual and intersubjective knowledge about the interactions with the subjects of the research on the focused reality, to assert that, in spite of the frailty in the structure and operation of this organization, it is a flexible and dynamic institution, that provides for the production of positive attitudes and values for the youth, significantly contributing to the development, as citizens, of the young men and women involved in its activities. Moreover, it stimulates the youth to have a critical view of society and to participate in political actions and social movements in defense of rights as well as in the improvement of the quality of life in the area of its scope. The work of Centro Cultural CELITA possesses great legitimacy in the region where it is inserted, and through the cultural and educative activities it develops, it has increased its acknowledgement in Fortaleza as an organization aimed to the promotion of public policies towards the youth and in defense of democracy.

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Rosenberg, Melinda. „Antagonistic Allies: Bridging the Abyss Between Nietzsche and Democracy“. [Tampa, Fla.] : University of South Florida, 2004. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/SFE0000415.

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Mutua, Alfred Nganga, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College und of Communication Design and Media School. „Media for development and democracy : a new paradigm for development incorporating culture and communication“. THESIS_CAESS_CDM_Mutua_A.xml, 2002. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/319.

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This thesis examines the use of media and journalistic practice for development. The study concentrates on Africa and argues that development strategies are dependent on a clear understanding of the contexts and constraints of a situation. It is argued that Africa's history and present political and socio-economic situations have contributed to the instability and poverty facing many of its nation states. It is also argued that continued dependency by African nations on richer Western nations is a problem originating from colonial imperialism and the failed dominant paradigm, recently reinvented as globalisation and global economic rationalisation. The work presents a view of communication for development which can only be achieved with an understanding of the relations between media, culture, dependency and the making of meaning.Solutions to Africa's problems may require Africans themselves undertaking development in a concept of their own 'voice' and self-representation. With this view, a model for how journalists, using media, should actively engage in development is suggested. Two case studies are presented : a study of communication dysfunction at Kakuma refugee camp in Kenya and a study of the concept of Edutainment by South Africa's Soul City's organisation. Further, selections of media programs are presented as part of the dissertation's proposed body of work.
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

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Mutua, Alfred Nganga. „Media for development and democracy : a new paradigm for development incorporating culture and communication /“. View thesis View thesis, 2002. http://library.uws.edu.au/adt-NUWS/public/adt-NUWS20030402.125958/index.html.

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Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Western Sydney, [2002].
"A thesis presented to the University of Western Sydney, Sydney, Australia in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy " Supported by videocassette Africa 2000: Voices of the future (30 mins.) and Aids: An African perspective (30 mins.). Bibliography: leaves 245-277.

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Vetta, Theodora. „"Let’s Get Up!" : NGOs, class and culture in Serbia : an anthropology of democracy aid“. Paris, EHESS, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013EHES0526.

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Cette thèse analyse la "révolution associative" en Serbie, le boom des ong locales depuis la dissolution de la yougoslavie. Loin des vues normatives qui célèbrent les ONG comme incarnations démocratiques, il faut expliquer ce phénomène à travers ses liens dialectiques avec l'industrie de l'aide, l'économie politique mondiale et les projets néolibéraux de restructuration étatique. J'analyse tout d'abord ce que la démocratisation fait en pratique, les épistémologies du changement social qu'elle produit, la manière dont elle essentialise l'Histoire et suggère des techniques de soi comme forme d'intervention sociale. J'examine ensuite les politiques culturelles autour du cadre dominant "démocrates contre nationalistes" à travers le prisme analytique de classe: en exposant le cosmopolitisme pratique que les ONG de salon déploient comme stratégie de légitimation pour se consolider, et en analysant les "nationalstes" à travers des expériences de dépossessions symboliques et matérielles, je montre aussi que faire des "projets" déradicalise la production du savoir et l'action politique, en même temps qu'il produit un nouveau précariat. Enfin, je discute le conflit assumé entre ONG et état via la réforme de l'état providence. Je soutiens que les hiérarchies de pouvoir se situent plutôt entre une élite technocratique d'experts, circulant entre ONG-donateurs-état et les ONG et institutions publiques qui fournissent des services, stigmatisées à cause de leur "résistance" aux réformes. L'aide, je conclus, crée non seulement les conditions de sa propre reproduction institutionnelle, mais surtout, contribue à la reproduction sociale de systèmes mondiaux inégalement structurés
This thesis sets out to unpack the ‘‘associational revolution’’ in Serbia, the boom of local NGOs since the violent Yugoslav dissolution. Far from normative views, celebrating NGOs as democratic incarnations, we have to explain this phenomenon within its dialectical constitution with global systems of political economy, aid, and current neoliberal state restructuring. First, I analyze what democratization actually does, what kind of epistemologies of change it produces, how it collides to local political constellations, how it ‘pathologizes’ history and suggests technologies of the self as a form of social intervention. Second, I examine the politics of culture behind the dominant framework “Democrats vs. Nationalists” through the analytical prism of class: by depicting the ‘‘practical cosmopolitanism’’ that the salon NGOs deploy as a legitimizing strategy for consolidating power; and by analyzing the ‘‘nationalists’’ through class-based experiences of material and symbolic dispossessions. Third, I look at the art of NGOing; how project-making deradicalizes knowledge and political action; what labor patterns it produces through the formation of a local precariat. Finally, I discuss the overstated NGO-State clash through the welfare reform (outsourcing policy/provision). I argue that power hierarchies are instead to be drawn between a technocratic élite of experts, circulating among NGOs-donors-state, and nonprofit and public institutions in service provision, stigmatized for their “resistance”. Aid, I conclude, not only creates the conditions for its own institutional reproduction, but critically partakes to the social reproduction of unequally structured global systems

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Farina, Amilcar Ferraz. „O arbitrário cultural em democracias capitalistas: princípios de visão e divisão no campo das políticas de formação cultural“. Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/100/100135/tde-14012019-093108/.

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Trata-se de pesquisa sobre o arbitrário cultural em políticas de formação no desenvolvimento de democracias culturais. O estudo apresentou o contexto da formação nos debates que permearam a gestão Haddad na cidade de São Paulo, sobretudo na formulação do Plano Municipal de Cultura. Em seguida, realizou-se um estudo global sobre arranjos administrativos, diretrizes e programas em políticas públicas de educação artística e cultural em oito democracias capitalistas. Por fim, para elucidar os princípios que regem as diferentes visões e divisões do campo da formação, e de outras políticas que a margeiam, realizou-se uma revisão crítica da sociologia da cultura de Bourdieu, em sua crítica a Malraux, no período correspondente à gênese e superação do paradigma da democratização cultural na França
This is research on cultural arbitrary in formation policies in the development of cultural democracies. The study presented the formation context in the debates that permeated the Haddad management in the city of São Paulo, especially in the formulation of the Municipal Plan of Culture. Then, a comprehensive study was conducted on administrative arrangements, guidelines and programs in public arts and cultural education policies in eight capitalist democracies. Finally, in order to elucidate the principles that govern the different views and divisions of the field of formation, and other policies that border on it, a critical revision of Bourdieu\'s sociology of culture was made in his critique of Malraux in the period corresponding to genesis and overcoming the paradigm of cultural democratization in France

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Rossatti, João Paulo. „A democracia em disputa : as várias faces da democracia na revista Veja (1979-1989)“. Universidade Federal de Mato Grosso, 2015. http://ri.ufmt.br/handle/1/783.

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Nesta dissertação analisaremos os eventos da redemocratização no Brasil ocorrida após a ditadura militar de 1964. Escolhemos o período entre os anos de 1979 a 1989 e a partir deste recorte direcionaremos nosso olhar aos editoriais publicado pela revista Veja. Nosso trabalho se baseará no conceito de cultura política conforme a definição dada pelo historiador Serge Berstein, deste modo, procuramos mostrar como a revista Veja foi um dos importantes agentes históricos que ajudou a disseminar representações e linguagens próprias da cultura política democrática-liberal. Pretendemos demonstrar como a circulação dessas ideias em suas páginas ajudou a criar uma visão própria sobre qual deveria ser o futuro da democracia brasileira. Para embasar melhor nosso argumento propomos uma definição dos limites do conceito de democracia e, segundo essa aproximação preliminar, vamos colocar em perspectiva crítica o discurso da revista ao dos intelectuais brasileiros que, no período, ajudaram a pensar a democracia brasileira. Objetivamos, ao fim, mostrar qual era o projeto político proposto pelo periódico que norteava, naquele momento, seu discurso em um momento que se disputava o sentido do conceito de democracia que seria construído no país.
This dissertation analyzes the events of re-democratization in Brazil occurring after the military dictatorship of 1964. Have been chosen the period between the years 1979 to 1989 and from this assortment directing our attention to the editorials published by Veja Magazine. This research is developed under the concept of political culture provided by the historian Serge Berstein. Thus, we seek to demonstrate how Veja magazine was one essential historical agent who helped to outspread the representations and the discourses of the democratic-liberal political culture. Aiming to understand how the circulation of these ideas in its editorials helped the creation of what should consists the future of Brazilian democracy. Our argument is supported by the defini Aos meus pais.tion of the limits of the concept of democracy. In addition to this preliminary approach, we will compare the magazine's discourse to the Brazilian intellectuals who helped to conceive Brazilian democracy. At the end, remarking the political project proposed by the journal in the wake of controversies about the meaning of the democracy concept that should be constructed in the country.

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Souza, Bruno Mello. „Transições e democracia : impactos da confiança nas forças armadas sobre a cultura política e o capitalismo social de brasileiros e argentinos“. reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/143125.

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Esta tese refere-se à problemática das transições políticas de regimes militares para democracias articulada com a cultura política. Busca-se, com isso, verificar nos contextos de Brasil e Argentina, as diferenças nas percepções dos cidadãos em termos de confiança nos militares, avaliação da situação dos seus governos, interesse por política, preferência pelo regime democrático, satisfação com a democracia, opinião sobre o voto e capital social, plasmado pela confiança interpessoal e institucional. Estas diferenças poderiam ser provenientes de dois o poder de mobilização que os indivíduos possuem em relação a um grupo. É um eguido individualmente porgentina o processo foi mais abrupto, com um fracasso mais evidente dos militares, que saíram de cena completamente derrotados (O’DONNELL e SCHMITTER, 1988). Busca-se examinar, assim, se uma transição gradual e negociada, como a brasileira, gera vínculos e predisposições mais fracos dos cidadãos em relação à democracia, ou seja, uma menor qualidade democrática de um ponto de vista maximalista (DIAMOND e MORLINO, 2004), além de menores índices de capital social, em contraponto com o caso argentino, em que o apelo democrático tenderia a ser maior pelo fato de a ditadura ter saído de cena com uma imagem mais clara de fracasso político. Para verificar tais impactos na prática, serão utilizados dados do Latinobarómetro de 1995, 2000, 2005 e 2010- eventualmente complementados por dados do World Values Survey de 1990- analisando as diferenças em termos de cultura política e capital social nos dois países, levando em consideração a diferença entre os seus legados.
This thesis refers to the matter of political transition of military regimes to democracy combined with political culture. Thus it aims to verify, both in Brazil and in Argentina, the differences in perception of citizens in terms of trust in militaries, evaluation of their governments' situation, interest in politics, preference for democratic regime, satisfaction with democracy, opinion about vote and social capital, represented by interpersonal and institutional trust. These differences could be derived form two distinct models of transition: while in Brazil the transition happened in a slow, gradual and negotiated way, in Argentina the process was more abrupt, presenting a more evident failure of militaries, who left the scene completely defeated (O'DONNELL and SCHIMITTER, 1988). Therefore, the thesis aims to examinate if a negotiated and gradual transition, like the Brazilian, generates weaker ties and predispositions of citizens in relation to democracy, which means a lower democratic quality from a maximalist point of view (DIAMOND and MORLINO, 2004), in addition to lower levels of social capital, in contrast to the Argentinean case, in which the democratic appeal would tend to be enhanced due to the fact that the dictatorship ended with a clearer image of failure. In order to verify these impacts in practice, data from Latinobarómetro for 1995, 2000, 2005 and 2010 will be used- complemented by data from the World Values Survey for 1990 when necessary- analyzing the differences in terms of political culture and social capital in the two countries, taking into account the differences between their legacies.

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Malaolu, Patrick O. „Media representation and democracy in Africa : why there are no skyscrapers in Nigeria : a critical analysis of UK news media's representation of Nigeria's democracy, 1997-2007“. Thesis, University of Stirling, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/11208.

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This thesis investigates the representation of Nigeria in the British news media. Using a multi-disciplinary approach, it examines the interplay of culture, race, ideology and geo-political power relations in the production of news. It interrogates the influence of sources, the impact of sources-media relations and their direct consequences on the construction as news of Nigeria’s socio-economic and human development indices, which further signpost the direction of representation of the world’s most populous black nation. By considering the coverage of Nigeria in the UK news media between 1997 and 2007, a period which marked a watershed in the democratic evolution of Nigeria, this thesis contributes to the on-going debates regarding cultural understanding in a globalized community. First, the research is based on a content analysis of the coverage of Nigeria in five UK quality newspapers at a period marking the end of the political logjam that engulfed the country following the annulment of the June 12, 1993 elections; the return to democratic rule and the early years of democracy, which witnessed the successful transfer of power from one civilian administration to another for the first time in Nigeria’s history. Second, a critical discourse analysis of a sample of the coverage of the most mentioned issues in the reportage, and third, on a small set of interviews with some of the journalists involved in the coverage. As a framework for its analysis, this thesis focuses on the theories of cultural politics, representation and news discourse. It finds that the coverage of Nigeria does not just follow the pattern of a distant and differentiated ‘Other,’ but is also significantly influenced by pre-colonial cum colonial history and geo-political power relations. Though news media outlets and individual journalists do try, within their own powers, to make a difference but the fact that the myths supporting these assumptions have been institutionalised over time presents a huge challenge. The issues in the coverage are discursively constructed from western point of view with greater access to shape the news clearly domiciled in the pouch of European or western sources rather than the Nigerians who should have a better appreciation of their local circumstance. This kind of coverage informs the idea of applying western solution to Africa’s problem, which further compounds the crisis. The fact that this manifest pattern of representation obfuscates the real issue behind Africa’s situation and presents imminent dangers to our common humanity are the core concerns contextualized within the thesis. It is negotiated with references to relevant dimensions of culture, politics, news discourse and interpreted in the light of geo-political power relations.

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Lutz, Barend Frederik. „Public digital media and democracy : constructing instruments for measuring expressions of support for democracy on Twitter“. Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/79986.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The constant growth in information and communications technology (ICT) broadens the capabilities of researchers to understand and interpret the social world. New multidisciplinary methods of measuring social realities are constantly being developed and improved. This methodological study aims to incorporate novel methods of automated, computerised content- and sentiment analysis software in order to produce a usable instrument for measuring public expressions on democracy from the social network site, Twitter. Adapting methods developed by O‟Connor et al. (2010) and using an online platform called Chatterbox Analytics Ltd., this study attempts to complement traditional survey research data on democracy. The creation of this method allows researchers to automatically and without deep programming knowledge, extract and analyse opinionated data from a substantial segment of the population, namely Twitter users. This is the first study, as far as this researcher is aware, that develops automated instruments for the measurement of expressions on democracy from online social networks. The rationale for the development of this instrument lies in the apparent recent rise in negative sentiment on democracy in academic spheres and political realities alike. Throughout history support for democracy has swayed, which in turn placed democracy on a rocky path of development. As negative opinions on democracy became overwhelming this system of governance was forced to adapt by changing its core structure. This could be the case again today. Authors such as Crozier, Huntington and Watunaki (1975) have already warned of a crisis of democracy in the 1970s. More recently authors such as Dalton (2004) and van Beek (2012) expressed opinions indicating that globally citizens are steadily becoming more critical of political parties, politicians, political policies and the whole democratic process. These negative sentiments might be indicative of what van Beek (2012:12) calls “an erosion in support for democracy”. Traditional survey projects examining opinions on democracy, such as the World Values Survey, offer insights into global expressions on democracy, but are time consuming, costly and complicated to conduct. The method developed in this study allows researchers to complement traditional survey data with insights that are automatically gathered and analysed from the influential social media network, Twitter. This introductory study finds that automated analysis of expressions on democracy from Twitter is indeed feasible. In order to express the extent to which the developed method is feasible, this study offers an example case, examining expressions on democracy from Twitter for the period of 1 May to 31 July 2012. Furthermore the study offers a quantitative manual evaluation of the accuracy of the developed measurement instrument. With the present level of content- and sentiment analysis technology this study finds that the accuracy of the results from this method, though informative, is still limited. The study therefore concludes with an advisory section highlighting methods for future studies to improve on the accuracy of this measurement instrument.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Deur die konstante groei in inligting- en kommunikasietegnologie (IKT) word die veld waaruit navorsers kan put om die sosiale wêreld te verstaan en te interpreteer al groter. Nuwe multidissiplinêre metingsmetodes om die sosiale werklikheid te verstaan, word konstant ontwikkel en verbeter. Hierdie metodologiese studie beoog om nuwe metodes van geoutomatiseerde, gerekenaariseerde, inhouds- en sentimentanalisesagteware saam te voeg om 'n bruikbare instrument vir die meting van publieke uitsprake oor demokrasie, op die sosiale netwerk Twitter te skep. Metodes wat deur O'Connor et al. (2010) en die aanlyn platform, Chatterbox Analytics Ltd ontwikkel is, is aangepas om 'n instrument te skep wat gebruik kan word om by te dra tot tradisionele opname-navorsingsdata oor demokrasie. Hierdie nuwe metode sal navorsers toelaat om outomaties en sonder veel programmeringsvaardighede opiniegelaaide data van 'n beduidende segment van die samelewing, naamlik Twitter gebruikers, te verkry en te analiseer. Hierdie is die eerste studie, sover hierdie navorser bewus is, wat geoutomatiseerde instrumente ontwikkel vir die meting van uitsprake oor demokrasie op sosiale netwerke. Die beweegrede vir die ontwikkeling van hierdie instrument vloei uit die oënskynlike onlangse styging in negatiewe sentiment oor demokrasie in sowel akademiese- as politieke sirkels. Die ondersteuning vir demokrasie het dwarsdeur die geskiedenis sy hoogte en laagtepunte gehad en hierdie onsekerheid het die ontwikkelingspad van demokrasie taamlik met dorings besaai. Die hele kernstruktuur van híérdie regeringsisteem was geforseer om hewig aan te pas elke keer wanneer die negatiewe opinies oor demokrasie oorweldigend geraak het. Dit wil voorkom asof demokrasie weer op die rand van verandering is. Skrywers soos Crozier, Huntington en Watunaki (1975) het alreeds in die 1970's gewaarsku teen 'n krisis rondom demokrasie. Meer onlangs het skrywers soos Dalton (2004) en van Beek (2012) opinies gelug dat burgers reg oor die wêreld stadig maar seker besig is om meer krities op politieke partye, politici en oor politieke beleide en die demokratiese proses in geheel raak. Hierdie negatiewe sentimente mag dalk 'n aanduiding wees van “'n erosie in die ondersteuning van demokrasie,”, soos Van Beek (2012:12) dit noem. Tradisionele opname-navorsingsprojekte wat na opinies oor demokrasie kyk, soos die „World Values Survey‟, bied wel 'n blik op globale uitsprake oor demokrasie, maar is duur, tydsaam en moeilik om deur te voer. Die metode wat in hierdie studie ontwikkel is, kan bykomende insigte tot tradisionele opname-navorsingsprojekte bring. Díé insigte word outomaties ingesamel en geanaliseer vanuit die invloedryke sosiale netwerk, Twitter. Hierdie inleidende studie bevind dat geoutomatiseerde analise van uitsprake oor demokrasie op Twittter inderdaad moontlik is. Ten einde die mate van sukses van hierdie metode wat ontwikkel is te illustreer, analiseer hierdie studie 'n datagreep van uitsprake oor demokrasie uit Twitter oor die tydperk 1 Mei tot 31 Julie 2012. Hierbenewens bied die studie ook 'n kwantitatiewe waardasie per hand wat die akkuraatheid van die ontwikkelde meetingsinstrument toets. Met die huidige ontwikkelingsvlak van inhouds- en sentiment-analisetegnologie vind hierdie studie dat die akkuraatheid van hierdie metode, alhoewel informatief is, tog beperk is. Die studie sluit af met 'n afdeling wat advies oor hoe verdere studies die akkuraatheid van hierdie meetinstrument kan verbeter, toelig.

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Mikola, Clara-Ioana. „La démocratisation par l’européanisation. Les transformations de la culture politique et du phénomène partisan dans la Roumanie postcommuniste“. Thesis, Bordeaux, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019BORD0125.

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Le processus d’européanisation invite la Roumanie postcommuniste à redéfinir sa culture politique. Bien qu’inachevé, il provoque la mise en place des mécanismes de rétraction du politique. Le déclin contemporain de la démocratie représentative ainsi que de l’engagement partisan, nous invitent à repenser la relation « démocratie – européanisation ». Tant que les conditions ne sont pas réunies pour une démocratisation de l’Union européenne, elles ne le seront pas pour l’amélioration de l’exercice démocratique des Etats qui la composent. L’implantation d’une culture démocratique en Roumanie est endiguée par le manque de compréhension du Politique, mais aussi par l’entrée en post-démocratie d’une culture dont les racines sont paternalistes et clientélaires. Le passage d’une incompréhension du politique à l’impolitique trace les contours d’une culture qui a du mal à se définir. Avant d’être un régime, la démocratie est une culture des valeurs. Cette étude traite de la démocratie comme culture ainsi que des barrières qui empêchent sa transposition dans la Roumanie postcommuniste. Nous allons interroger la manière roumaine de se construire comme société. L’apport de la sociologie historique et de l’anthropologie à la compréhension de la culture politique postcommuniste roumaine reste non seulement important, mais crucial. Il nous permet de percer les différences de trajectoire des partis Social Démocrate – PSD et National Libéral – PNL suite à l’intégration européenne. Notre travail cherche à regarder la culture politique roumaine en miroir de celle européenne, prenant acte de la difficulté à sortir de soi. Une Roumanie européanisée et démocrate dévient plus fictive que jamais. L’européanisation n’améliore pas la qualité de l’exercice démocratique. Prisonnière de la continuité des élites qui entretiennent un lien étroit avec le passé, la culture politique roumaine parle plus de continuité que de rupture. L’européanisation n’entraîne pas la Roumanie au passage d’un régime communiste à un régime démocratique, mais à celui d’un communisme national à une démocratie nationale. Les cadres politiques postcommunistes restent producteurs d’idéologie à partir de l’imitation du modèle européen pour redonner un sens à l’action politique. Pourtant, chaque instant ne vaut pas l’imitation, mais aussi de la création
The Europeanization process invites post-communist Romania to redefine its political culture. Although incomplete, it causes the setting up of retraction mechanisms of politics.The contemporary decline of the representative democracy and of the partisan engagement invites us to redefine the relationship between « Democracy and Europeanization ». As long as the conditions for democratization of the European Union are not settled, they will not aim at the improvement of the democratic exercise of the States that compose it. The establishment of a democratic culture in Romania is impeded by the lack of understanding Politics, but also by the entry into the post-democracy era of a culture whose roots are paternalistic and clientelist. The transition from misunderstanding politics to impolitic traces the contours of a culture that has difficulty in defining itself. Before being a regime, democracy is a culture of values. This study deals with democracy as culture and the barriers that prevent its transposition into postcommunist Romania. We will question the Romanian way of building itself as a society. The contribution of historical sociology and anthropology to the understanding of Romanian postcommunist political culture remains not only important, but crucial. It allows us to understand the differences between the main Romanian political parties: The Social Democrats (PSD) and The National Liberals (PNL) following European integration. Our study seeks to analyze the Romanian political culture as reflected in European culture, taking note of the difficulty of getting out of itself. A Europeanized and democratic Romania becomes more fictitious than ever. The Europeanization process does not improve the quality of the Romanian democratic exercise. Prisoner of its neo-communist elites who maintain a close link with their past, the Romanian political culture is built between continuity and change. Europeanization does not involve Romania in the transition from a communist regime to a democratic one, but from national communism to national democracy. Post-communist Romanian political parties imitate the European model. Their main goal is to give meaning to their political action. Yet, every moment does not mean imitation, but also innovation

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Viscarra, Simone Piletti. „Socialização e cultura política dos moradores de Porto Alegre : um estudo longitudinal entre 1968 e 2013“. reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/114446.

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Este estudo tem como proposta analisar a cultura política dos cidadãos da cidade de Porto Alegre durante o período de 1968 a 2013. Parte-se do pressuposto de que a materialização e a estabilidade de um sistema democrático pleno dependem tanto das variáveis promovidas pela democracia procedimental quanto de fatores culturais. Dessa maneira, objetiva-se observar empiricamente se, e como, a instauração de determinados procedimentos democráticos, implementados desde o fim da década de 1970, tem impactado na formação da cultura política dos cidadãos. Para tal, serão empregados dados empíricos sobre participação política, importância do voto e interesse por política dos eleitores de Porto Alegre durante todo o período descrito. Assim, esta é uma pesquisa de natureza quantitativa que busca dar continuidade aos debates sobre consolidação democrática em uma perspectiva que englobe tanto valores normativos quanto valores comportamentais.
This study aims to analyze the political culture of Porto Alegre citizens during 1968 to 2013. It starts from the assumption that the materialization and stability of a complete democratic system depend on both variables: institutional and cultural. The main goal of this study is to empirically analyze if after 1985, when Brazilian dictatorship is over, the establishment of certain democratic procedures has impacted on citizens political culture formation. To achieve this purpose this thesis uses empirical information about political participation, importance of voting and political interest of Porto Alegre’s votes throughout the period described. This is a quantitative research seeks to continue the discussions about democratic consolidation in a perspective that encompasses both normative and behavioral values.

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Lima, Ubirajara Couto. „As práticas de participação institucionalizadas e sua relação com a cultura política: um estudo sobre o conselho de acompanhamento e controle social do FUNDEB“. reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFBA, 2009. http://www.repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/11863.

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No Brasil, a relação entre Estado e sociedade tem sido mediada por uma cultura política marcada pelo autoritarismo, patrimonialismo, clientelismo e o favor. O processo de luta pela democratização, na década de 1980 e que tem como marco formal a Constituição Federal de 1988, fez emergir elementos de uma nova cultura política adjetivada como democrática – orientada pelos valores da autonomia, igualdade, solidariedade e justiça – que passa a coexistir com a velha cultura. Nesse contexto de universalização dos direitos sociais, entre eles, o direito à educação, são formuladas as legislações que criaram e regulamentaram o FUNDEF, restrito a manter e desenvolver o ensino fundamental, e o FUNDEB, ampliado a toda educação básica, ancoradas no princípio da gestão democrática e que instituem também os Conselhos de Acompanhamento e Controle Social (CACS), responsáveis pela fiscalização da repartição, da transferência e da aplicação dos recursos do fundo público. O objetivo geral deste estudo é analisar as práticas de participação presentes no CACS-FUNDEB e sua relação com a cultura política local, partindo do pressuposto de que essas práticas institucionalizam a inclusão da sociedade civil na esfera pública e permite visibilizar o confronto entre as duas formas de cultura política: tradicional e democrática.
Salvador

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Lundmark, Carina. „Eco-democracy : a green challenge to democratic theory and practice“. Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 1998. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-96659.

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Berwall, Isac. „Democracy, Culture and Language Teaching : A Study on the Promotion of Cultural Awareness and Democratic Values in the SwedishEnglish Language Classroom“. Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-51287.

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Silva, Robert Bonifacio da. „Desempenho governamental e apoio a democracia no Brasil“. [s.n.], 2009. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279221.

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Orientador: Rachel Meneguello
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade EStadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencais Humanas
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Resumo: Esta dissertação pesquisa um aspecto importante do comportamento político dos cidadãos brasileiros: a formação de apoio popular à democracia em período recente. Mais especificamente, procura entender se o desempenho governamental, definido como o conjunto de avaliações de aspectos econômicos, políticos e os relacionados aos serviços públicos, são relevantes para gerar apoio ao regime democrático em nosso país. Ao contrário dos estudos da literatura especializada, incorpora a utilização e a avaliação de serviços públicos - ao nível individual - como um elemento do desempenho governamental e dedica especial atenção aos seus efeitos nas análises. A fonte empírica é o survey "A desconfiança dos cidadãos nas instituições democráticas", realizado nacionalmente em Junho de 2006 e financiado pela Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)
Abstract: This study investigates an important aspect of Brazilian citizen's political behavior: the popular support for democracy in the recent period. Specifically, it investigates if the governmental performance, that is, the set of economic and political evaluations, and the evaluation of public services, are relevant to the support to democracy in the country. Unlike studies of specialized literature, this present research incorporates the experience and the evaluation of public services - at individual level - as a constitutive aspect of governmental performance and it puts special attention to these effects on the analyses. The empirical basis is the national survey "The citizens' distrust on democratic institutions", conducted in June, 2006 and financed by the Sao Paulo Foundation for Scientific Research (FAPESP)
Mestrado
Ciencia Politica
Mestre em Ciência Política

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Netto, José Verissimo Romão. „Estado, o pedagogo da liberdade. Reformas das instituições político-administrativas do Estado e cultura política nacional no Brasil Império e República“. Universidade de São Paulo, 2010. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-02122010-150755/.

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Esta tese ocupa-se de alinhar o pensamento de quatro autores-atores políticos brasileiros que tratam de estabelecer relação entre reformas das instituições político-administrativas nacionais e a geração e/ou fortalecimento de uma cultura política nacional mais democrática: Visconde do Uruguai, Oliveira Viana, Guerreiro Ramos e Bresser-Pereira. Em comum, todos tiveram papel relevante em diversos momentos históricos brasileiros de reformas das instituições político-administrativas do país. Visconde do Uruguai foi autor da revisão do Ato Adicional do Império; Oliveira Viana teve papel central na criação de Leis importantes para a organização sindical brasileira na época do getulismo; Guerreiro Ramos teve longa passagem pelo Departamento de Administração do Serviço Público, onde refletiu e atuou sobre a reforma burocrática brasileira; Bresser-Pereira foi Ministro do Ministério da Administração Federal e Reforma do Estado durante o primeiro mandato do Presidente Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Todos supuseram que a democracia brasileira pudesse ser construída, ou qualificada, a partir de reformas das instituições político-administrativas do país.
This thesis align the thought of four authors-political actors that deal to establish the relationship between reforms of political-administrative institutions and the generation and/or strengthening of a national political culture more democratic: Viscount of Uruguay, Oliveira Viana, Guerreiro Ramos and Bresser-Pereira. In common, all had an important role in Brazilians history, particularly on moments of Brazilians reforms of political and administrative institutions. Viscount of Uruguay was the author of the revision of the Additional Act of the Brazilian Empire period (1837-1840); Viana played a central role in the creation of important laws to the Brazilian trade unions organization at the time of President Getulio Vargas (1930-1944); Guerreiro Ramos had long passage by the Department of Public Service Administration (1945-1964), which reflected and acted on bureaucratic reform in Brazil; Bresser-Pereira was Minister of the Ministry of Federal Administration and State Reform during the first term of President Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-1998). Everyone assumed that Brazilian democracy could be built, or qualified, from reforms of political and administrative institutions of the country.

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Cunha, Patrícia Rodrigues Chaves da. „A participação do Banco Mundial na formação cidadã dos jovens cearenses“. reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/12094.

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Esta dissertação tem por objetivo examinar se as políticas implementadas por um novo modelo de gestão, no Estado do Ceará, estão propiciando uma nova concepção de cidadania entre os jovens desse Estado. As mudanças sócio-econômicas ocorridas nas últimas décadas podem ser observadas conjuntamente a uma nova forma de fazer política no Estado. A partir do primeiro governo de Tasso Jereissati verifica-se um projeto para transformação na cultura política dos jovens cidadãos, que se tornam receptores do novo modelo de educação formal empregado pelo “governo das mudanças” e acordados com o Banco Mundial.Esta pesquisa é de natureza quantitativa e apresenta-se dividida em duas partes. Na primeira, verificam-se os marcos para a construção de uma nova cidadania por parte do governo do Estado do Ceará, em conjunto com o Banco Mundial. Na segunda, realiza-se a descrição dos Projetos educacionais desenvolvidos em parceria com o Banco Mundial, e por meio da sistematização dos dados coletados (652 questionários aplicados em 10 escolas de Ensino Médio da rede estadual) foi traçado o perfil do jovem cearense e a analise dos seus valores e percepções.
This dissertation seeks to examine if the public policies implemented by a new model of management, in the State of Ceará are contributing for a new conception of citizenship among the young people in this State. Once examined the socio-economic changes that occured in the last decades and the institutionalization of a new form of politics in the State, during the first Tasso Jereissati’s government which oriented his project for the young´s political culture transformation, whom were the receivers of the new model of official education used by the "government of the changes" and in agreement with the World Bank. This research is of quantitative nature, and is organized in two parts: in the first it is verified the landmarks for the construction of a new citizenship on the part of the government of the State of the Ceará concomitant with the World Bank. In the second part, the dissertation describes the educational Projects undertaken in partnership with the World Bank, and thorough the systematization of the data collected (652 questionnaires applied in 10 schools of Middle Education of the state), it constructs the young’s profile from the state of Ceará and analyzes their values and perceptions.

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COUTINHO, Juliana Pereira. „Compreendendo a polícia nas estradas: Uma análise sociológica do mandato e das práticas da polícia rodoviária federal“. Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2015. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/16093.

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Através das lentes da sociologia das profissões e da sociologia das organizações policiais, desbrava-se um espaço pouco conhecido tanto para a comunidade acadêmica quanto para a sociedade em geral: o agir da Polícia Rodoviária Federal (PRF), ou a forma de atuação de seus policiais. Para além das competências legais e da identificação do lugar da PRF no sistema de segurança pública do Brasil, o trabalho objetiva se voltar para seu modus operandi, dirigindo o olhar para o que seja o padrão operacional dos agentes que fazem o policiamento ostensivo das rodovias federais. Tal conhecimento é relevante na medida em que essas informações constituem um dos indicadores da qualidade do regime político existente em uma sociedade. O objetivo geral do presente trabalho é, portanto, investigar o exercício do mandato policial pela Polícia Rodoviária Federal, através da articulação entre suas dimensões legais/abstratas, práticas e simbólicas. Para tanto, realizou-se pesquisa documental e vinte entrevistas semiestruturadas, cujos produtos foram interpretados com o auxílio da análise de conteúdo. Após a definição de características essenciais à função de polícia nos contextos democráticos, partiu-se para a apreciação dos elementos internos e externos, sugeridos por Manning, que dificultam a definição clara e o cumprimento adequado de seu mandato pelas instituições de segurança pública (manipulação de aparências, características ocupacionais da profissão policial, ingerência política, controle ineficiente da atividade e o dilema entre a lei e a ordem). Os resultados indicam que em determinados aspectos, como o fortalecimento do controle legal da atividade e a tentativa de blindagem em relação à (má) influência política, a PRF já se encontra num estágio relativamente avançado de desenvolvimento de medidas para se fortalecer como instituição democrática. Já em outros, como os padrões da cultura ocupacional vigente interna corporis, ainda há um longo caminho a ser percorrido para atingir a polícia se quer em contraposição à polícia que se tem.
Through the lenses of the sociology of professions and of the sociology of law enforcement organisations, an area little known to both the academic community and society in general is addressed in this paper: the actions of the Brazilian Federal Highway Police (Polícia Rodoviária Federal - PRF), or its officers’ way of working. In addition to the establishment of legal jurisdictions and the identification of the PRF’s standing in the Brazilian public security system, this work aims to look at its modus operandi, directing its gaze at the operational standard of the officers who ostensibly police federal highways. Such knowledge is relevant to the extent in which said information constitutes one of the indicators of the quality of the existing political system in a society. The overall objective of this study is therefore to investigate the practice of law enforcement by the Brazilian Federal Highway Police in linking its legal/abstract, practical and symbolic dimensions. Documentary research and twenty semi-structured interviews took place to accomplish the afore-mentioned purpose, and the data collected was interpreted with the help of content analysis. After defining essential characteristics to the police’s role in democratic contexts, the next step was the appreciation of the internal and external elements, as suggested by Manning, which hinder the clear definition and the proper fulfilment of their enforcement by the institutions of public safety (manipulation of appearances, the profession’s occupational features, political interference, inefficient control of the activity and the dilemma between law and order). The results indicate that in certain aspects, such as the strengthening of the legal control of the activity and the attempt to shield itself from (bad) political influence, the PRF is already in a relatively advanced stage in the development of measures to strengthen itself as a democratic institution. In others, however, such as the standards of the current occupational culture interna corporis, there is still a long way to go in order to achieve the desired police as opposed to police that exists.

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Gil, Wenceslao. „The (Ab)use of Politics and Eroticism in the Culture of the Spanish Transition to Democracy (1975-1982)“. FIU Digital Commons, 2011. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/477.

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This dissertation analyzes the (ab)use of politics and eroticism within the framework of the Transition to democracy in Spain, its social and cultural impact—on literature, film, music, and popular media—, and its consequences. After a period of nearly four decades, when the country was subjected to a totalitarian regime, Spanish society underwent a process of democratic restoration. As a result, the two topics considered taboo during almost forty years of repression—i.e., politics and sexuality/eroticism—, gushed out fiercely. Every aspect of culture was influenced by and intrinsically linked to them. However, while we have been offered a more or less global approach to the Transition—the Transition as a whole—, and some studies have focused on diverse areas, no research to date has covered in depth the significance of those issues during that historical moment. Considering the facts stated above, it was imperative to conduct a more detailed analysis of the influence of both eroticism and politics on the cultural production of the Transition from different perspectives. Although the academic intelligentsia has often rejected them as expressions of mass culture, we must consider Pierre Bourdieu’s theories—in line with the tradition of classical sociology, that includes science, law, and religion, together with artistic activities—, Michel Foucault’s ideas on sexuality, and New Historicism, examining texts and their contexts. This work concludes that the (ab)use of both subjects during the Spanish Transition was a reaction to a repressive condition. It led to extremes, to societal transgression and, in most cases, to the objectification of women because of the impositions of a patriarchal society. It was, however, part of a learning and, in a sense, cathartic process that led, eventually, to the reestablishment of the status quo, to a more equitable and multicultural society where men, women, and any political or sexual tendencies are respected—at least, in theory.

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Mujani, Saiful. „Religious democrats: democratic culture and Muslim political participation in post-Suharto Indonesia“. The Ohio State University, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1054572222.

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Francisco, Michel Neil Trindade. „Democracia e déficit de participação política no Brasil“. reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/13105.

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Muito se tem discutido a respeito de uma suposta consolidação do regime democrático no Brasil. O que deve se ter em mente é que essa consolidação sempre será falaciosa se não forem levados em conta alguns obstáculos ainda não superados pela democracia no país. Tais obstáculos são formados não apenas por alguns aprimoramentos institucionais ainda necessários, mas principalmente pela demanda por inclusão de segmentos da sociedade que, atualmente, se encontram tolhidos da esfera política. Na linha de frente desses excluídos estão os cidadãos com baixa escolaridade e os que sofrem com os percalços da pobreza, que, juntos, são protagonistas de grande parte dos déficits de participação política no país. No Brasil, pobreza e baixa escolaridade estão longe de serem problemas residuais, atingindo parcela considerável de seus cidadãos. A participação política, entretanto, pode ser um dos primeiros passos para que o excluído se liberte dessa condição que resulta na sua alienação política. Impossível imaginar qualquer tipo de solução para sanar os déficits de participação política sem o estímulo ao desenvolvimento de uma cultura cívica. A participação gera a oferta de políticas direcionadas ao grupo politicamente ativo, a alienação política, por sua vez, emudece as demandas dos alienados que, em grande parte, são os que mais precisam de políticas públicas específicas. O estímulo a uma cultura cívica participativa se apresenta como alternativa para a quebra do círculo vicioso gerado pela alienação política, pobreza e analfabetismo.
Much have been argued regarding a supposed consolidation of the democratic system in Brazil. What it must to had in mind is that this consolidation always will be fallacious if will not be taken in account some obstacles not yet surpassed by the democracy in the country. Such obstacles are formed not only by some still necessary institutional improvements, but mainly by the demand for inclusion of segments of the society that, currently, are finded hindered of the political sphere. In the front line of these excluded they are the citizens with low school time, and the ones that suffer with the demages of the poverty, that, together, are protagonists of great part of deficits of political participation in the country. In Brazil, poverty and low time of school is far from being residual problems, reaching considerable parcel of their citizens. The political participation, however, can be one of the first steps for the excluded set it free of this condition that results in their political alienation. Impossible to imagine any type of solution to cure deficits of political participation without stimulation for the development of a civic culture. The participation generates offers of politics directed to the politically active group, the alienation politics, in turn, it silences the demands of the alienated that, to a large extent, are the ones that more need specific publics political. The stimulation of a participated civic culture presented as alternative for broke of vicious circle generated by the alienation politics, poverty and illiteracy.

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Press, Robert M. „Establishing a culture of resistance the struggle for human rights and democracy in authoritarian kenya 1987-2002 /“. [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2004. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0003820.

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Tomaz, Carlos Alberto Simões de. „Democracia e jurisdição: entre o texto e o contexto!“ Universidade do Vale do Rio do Sinos, 2010. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/2495.

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Nesta tese o binômio Democracia – Jurisdição é questionado ao escopo de perquirir as possibilidades, limites e conformações do exercício da jurisdição com o princípio democrático. Com esse objetivo, a tese deságua na filosofia hermenêutica e aposta na experiência do direito como ciência cultural à guisa de ensejar respostas corretamente justificadas, porque considera que a vinculação do texto ao contexto socio-econômico-cultural expõe o repositório de “cristalizações culturais subjacentes” que vão vincular os conteúdos os mais variados (contexto cultural) aos elementos texto-estruturais. Aposta-se, assim, numa íntima imbricação do contexto cultural com as estruturas políticas, sociais e econômicas, com o objetivo de imprimir conformação à defesa da dignidade da pessoa humana como “premissa cultural antropológica”, vale dizer, interpretada como os valores fundamentais que constituem toda a principiologia da dignidade da pessoa, de tal sorte a constituir blindagens no processo jurídico decisório contra a velha
The thesis analyzes the relationship between democracy and jurisdiction in order to understand the legal decision-making process beyond the realm of legal positivism. To this end, this work intends to show that legal experience must take into consideration cultural aspects of rights with a decisive contribution from philosophical hermeneutics as well as the bond that should exist between legal texts and their cultural context. In order to bring about a different perspective on the principle of human dignity as a "cultural anthropological premise" the work will comment "the underlying cultural crystallizations" which binds legal texts and the cultural context. As such, contributions from philosophical hermeneutics are presented to show that every hermeneutical situation must be examined considering both intersubjectivity and man´s insertion in the world according to his understanding of truth, enabling correct answers on issues of law and democracy. Thus, the thesis puts legal experience into a new paradigm by

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Netto, José Verissimo Romão. „Participação popular em saúde: o caso dos conselhos gestores de saúde das subprefeituras de São Paulo“. Universidade de São Paulo, 2006. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-25052007-160720/.

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Este trabalho estuda os Conselhos Gestores de Saúde das Subprefeituras de São Paulo e os conselheiros que deles fazem parte. Estes Conselhos são desdobramentos do Movimento Popular de Saúde, que consiste em fóruns públicos para reivindicação de melhorias no sistema de atendimento à saúde, e tem seu início na década de 1970 em meio a forte repressão política, exercendo importante papel no processo de redemocratização do Brasil. Tal movimento conseguiu exercer intensa influência no capítulo da Constituição Federal que trata do Sistema Único de Saúde, e inscreveu a obrigatoriedade da existência dos Conselhos Gestores nos Municípios da Federação. Estes Conselhos têm por função institucional fazer o controle popular das políticas públicas empreendidas pelo Sistema Único de Saúde. Como se tratam de fóruns participativos, é plausível que sejam pensados e analisados através da teoria da democracia deliberativa. Partindo desta concepção de democracia, discutiu-se a possibilidade de processos deliberativos gerarem capital social e cultura cívica nas pessoas que participam destes fóruns. A parte empírica deste trabalho foi feita por estudos de casos que levaram em conta quatro Conselhos e dezesseis conselheiros. Nesta etapa, avaliou-se a relação entre os desenhos institucionais dos Conselhos Gestores de Saúde e o perfil cívico dos conselheiros que participam destes fóruns.
The present issue discusses the District Health Councils of the Submunicipalities at the city of São Paulo, Brazil and its councilors. These Councils have their basis in the Popular Health Movement, organized in fora of discussion to demand improvements in public policies of health care. That movement, which started in the 1970?s under military dictatorship, had an important role in Brazilian political redemocratization. Furthermore, it had a strong influence in 1988 Constitution\'s chapter about the obligatoriness of the District Health Councils in the municipalities of the Federation. The institutional goal of these Councils is to oversee the effectiveness of the government in implement public policies. The normative dimensions of these fora are upon the deliberative democracy theory. Having this assumption of democracy, I discuss the possibility of these arenas to generate social capital and civic culture among its participants. In a comparative study of four Councils and 16 councilors I analyzed the relation between the institutional framework of these District Councils and the level of civic culture of its councilors.

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Oliveira, Lucia Conde de. „As práticas de participação institucionalizadas e sua interface com a cultura política: um olhar sobre o cotidiano de um conselho municipal de saúde no nordeste brasileiro“. Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2006. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=6876.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
A Constituição federal e a Lei 8.142/90 definem a participação da comunidade como condição necessária para o funcionamento do Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS). Tal definição constitucional surge no processo de l uta pela democratização do país e pela universalização dos direitos sociais, entre eles, o direito à saúde. Todavia, esse processo de democratização tem significado mais a adoção de procedimentos democráticos para organização do sistema político do que uma efetiva democratização das relações sociais pautadas pelos valores democráticos de igualdade e justiça social. No Brasil, a relação entre Estado e sociedade tem sido mediada por uma cultura política marcada pelo autoritarismo, patrimonialismo, clientelismo e o favor. Com o processo de democratização, na década de 1980, emergem elementos de uma nova cultura política adjetivada como democrática orientada pelos valores da autonomia, igualdade, solidariedade e justiça que passa a coexistir com a velha cultura. O objetivo geral deste estudo é analisar as práticas de participação presentes no Conselho Municipal de Saúde (CMS) de Fortaleza, no período de 1997-2005, e sua relação com a cultura política local. Para tanto partiu-se do principal pressuposto teórico: as práticas de participação exercidas nos conselhos de saúde inauguram uma nova institucionalidade que inclui novos sujeitos sociais os usuários na esfera pública, com as quais o processo de democratização amplia essa esfera, criando visibilidade para identificar o confronto entre a cultura política tradicional e a cultura política democrática. As técnicas de pesquisa utilizadas foram: a análise documental, a observação participante e a entrevista semiestruturada. A partir das diferentes evidências observadas no material empírico, identificou -se na análise dos dados a predominância da cultura política tradicional do autoritarismo e cooptação nas relações entre o poder público municipal e os representantes da sociedade civil ; e entre os conselheiros a tensão se manifestava na não-observância dos procedimentos democráticos, como eleições periódicas, respeito à lei e ao regimento que regula o funcionamento do CMS e no encaminhamento dos conflitos e disputas políticas. Quanto às práticas de participação, manifestaram-se de forma contraditória e dialética em ações caracterizadas pela crítica, denúncia, reivindicação, com poucas ações propositivas e na maioria das vezes tendo seu poder deliberativo desconsiderado pelo gestor. A condução política do conselho muitas vezes foi questionada, ocasionando crises de hegemonia e gerando conflitos e disputas pelo poder. A partir da análise desses conflitos e disputas políticas entre os grupos no interior do Conselho, tornou-se possível realizar uma leitura metódica acerca do confronto entre a cultura política tradicional e a democrática no CMS, constatando-se a predominância da primeira sobre a segunda. Por fim verificou-se o protagonismo do Ministério Público na resolução dos conflitos, em detrimento da força do melhor argumento. Em que pese a recorrente tutela do Ministério Público, foi pavimentado um caminho de resistências, ainda que minoritárias , contra a cultura política tradicional , cujas práticas de participação apresentam elementos constituintes para a sua transformação.
The Federal Constitution and Act 8142/90 define community participation as important condition for the functioning of the Unified Health System (SUS). This constitutional definition arises from the fight for the countrys democratization and for the universalization of social rights, including the right to health. However, this democratization process means the adoption of democratic procedures to organize the political system than an effective democratization of social relations based on democratic values of equity and social justice. In Brazil the relation between State and society has been mediated by a political culture marked by bossiness, inheritance, clientelism, and favor. With the democratization process, in the 1980s, elements of a new politic culture called democratic arose - guided by values as autonomy, equity, solidarity and justice - which start to exist along with the old culture. The general aim of this study is to analyze the participation practices in the Municipal Health Council (CMS) of Fortaleza, from 1997 to 2005, and its relation with local political culture. We departed from the main theoretical view: participation practices developed in health councils created a new institutionalization that includes new social subjects - the customers - in the public sphere, with whom the democratization process enlarged this sphere, creating visibility to identify the confront between the traditional political culture and the democratic political culture. Research techniques were: documental analysis, participant observation and semi-structured interview. From the different evidences observed in empirical material, the data analysis identified the predominance of traditional political culture of bossiness and co-optation in relations among municipal public power and civil societys representatives; and among counselors tension arose from the negligence of democratic procedures, such as periodic elections, respect to law and to the act that rules the Municipal Health Council, and in the conduction of conflicts and political contests. Participation practices were manifested in a contradictory and dialectic way in actions marked by criticism, denouncement, claim, with few propositional actions and most of times being its deliberative power ignored by the manager. The political conduction of the Counsel was often questioned, generating crisis of hegemony, conflicts and fights for power. Based on the analysis of these conflicts and political fights among groups within the Council we could carry out a methodical reading of the confrontation between the traditional political culture and the democratic one within the Council, noticing the predominance of the first one over the second. At last the main role played by the Public Ministry to solve conflicts, to the detriment of the best argumentation. In spite of the recurrent protection of Public Ministry, a way of resistances was built, although in minority, against the traditional political culture, whose participation practices showed constitutive elements for its transformation.

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Cabrera, Valéria Cabreira. „Cultura Política e Adesão à Democracia : uma análise a partir da percepção do cidadão brasileiro sobre direitos humanos“. Universidade Federal de Pelotas, 2016. http://repositorio.ufpel.edu.br:8080/handle/prefix/3108.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-11-30T15:11:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Valeria Cabreira Cabrera_Dissertacao.pdf: 1771696 bytes, checksum: b5d4b1b9886bbd648ea37744768fb0ab (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-11
Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul - FAPERGS
A literatura da área da Ciência Política aponta para a existência de uma cultura política híbrida no Brasil, ou seja, para a convivência de crenças, valores, atitudes e comportamentos autoritários e democráticos entre os cidadãos. Além disso, a crescente desconfiança do brasileiro nas instituições políticas tem sido considerada um sinal de alerta no que tange à legitimidade da democracia no país. Esse é um fenômeno aparente na cultura política de vários países da América Latina, o que tem fomentado o estudo do regime democrático sob a premissa de que esse não é um sistema político único e acabado, mas sim multidimensional e em permanente evolução. Nesse sentido, esta dissertação busca a analisar a relação entre a percepção do cidadão brasileiro sobre direitos humanos e a adesão à democracia no Brasil. Por meio do método estatístico, analisaram-se dados coletados em pesquisa survey, a partir dos quais se pode verificar o perfil da percepção sobre direitos humanos no Brasil, traçar a conexão dessa percepção à desconfiança do brasileiro no Poder Judiciário e na Polícia e, ainda, relacionar variáveis atinentes ao apoio à democracia no país a outras sobre os direitos humanos. Como resultado, em suma, descobriu-se que, embora o brasileiro apoie em maioria a democracia, tal apoio não se dá em relação aos direitos humanos.
The literature of Political Science points to the existence of a hybrid political culture in Brazil, that is, to the coexistence of beliefs, values, attitudes and authoritarian and democratic behavior among citizens. In addition, the growing distrust of Brazilians in the political institutions has been considered as a warning sign regarding the legitimacy of democracy. This is an apparent phenomenon in the political culture of several countries in Latin America, which has fostered the study of democratic rule under the premise that this is not a single nor an accomplished political system, but multidimensional and evolving. In this sense, this work tries to analyze the relationship between the perception of Brazilian citizens on human rights and adherence to democracy in Brazil. Through statistical method, analyzed data collected in survey research, from which one can see the profile of the perception of human rights in Brazil, trace the connection of this perception distrust of the Brazilians in the judiciary and in the police, and also , relate variables pertaining to support for democracy in the country to other human rights. As a result, in short, it was found that, although the Brazilian support in most democracy, such support does not occur in relation to human rights.

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Sears, Jonathan Michael. „Deepening democracy and cultural context in the Republic of Mali, 1992-2002“. Thesis, Kingston, Ont. : [s.n.], 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1974/862.

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Geary, Daniel Francis. „Coping With Democracy, Coping with the Culture War: A Policy History of the National Endowment for the Humanities“. Thesis, Boston College, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:108118.

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Thesis advisor: Rowell S. Melnick
In 1965, at the height of the Great Society, when there was also a consensus about the importance of the humanities to edify American life, Congress established a federal agency to support them: the National Endowment for Humanities (NEH). Shortly thereafter arose a sea change in scholarship and education in the humanities, which by the 1980s became an issue in the broader U.S. culture wars. Many scholars and intellectuals became sharply divided over such questions as the authors and books to prioritize and include in liberal arts curricula, modes of interpretation of texts, and perspectives on the goodness (or lack thereof) to be found in Western civilization and American history. This policy history examines how, in this changing context, the NEH has managed to endure and how it has interpreted and carried out its mandate to support the humanities. It is divided into two parts. Part I tells the story of how the NEH has maintained itself; how it has survived attempts at termination, achieved budget increases and sustained losses, and how it has set its budgetary priorities. This analysis of organizational maintenance traces the evolution of the national debate over federal funding for culture, looking at how the major political parties have changed position on this issue over time. It examines how the NEH built a clientele, the state humanities councils, to bolster its support in Congress. And it looks at how changes in party positioning and related developments in the culture war effectively empowered that clientele—with the effect of helping save the agency when threatened with abolishment, but also giving that clientele greater influence over the NEH’s policies and budgetary priorities. Part II explains how the NEH’s internal bureaucratic structure has operated during the culture wars. When the agency was founded, Congress established a structure with the goal of empowering the NEH to make decisions on the basis of nonpolitical expertise in the humanities, assuming that the agency would need to be able to resist pressures to award grants to favored constituencies at the expense of merit. Part II analyzes how that structure has operated in a different and wholly unanticipated context, one in which many of those who could claim the mantle of expertise have become polarized on issues such as multiculturalism and the importance of “great books.” It compares the bureaucratic structure at the NEH with the structures and practices that have evolved at other federal grant-making agencies: the National Endowment for the Arts and National Science Foundation. The analysis shows how the structure at NEH has enabled Democratic and Republican appointed chairmen to push the substance of grant-making in progressive and traditional directions, respectively, despite continuity of formal rules, procedures, and professional staff. This dissertation concludes with an assessment of what can be expected from the NEH in regard to its durability, budgetary priorities, and grant-making under Republican and Democratic administrations
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2018
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science

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